Digitized  by  the  Internet  Archive 
in  2017  with  funding  from 
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https://archive.org/details/colonizationofso01  hami 


T1' 


, 


SIR  THOMAS  WEST 


THIRD  LORD  DE  LA  WARR 

Founder  of  the  first  permanent  English  settlement  in  America.  First 
Governor  and  Captain-general  of  Virginia,  April  15,  1609. 


After  the  painting  in  the  State  Library , Richmond , Virginia. 


THE  HISTORY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 
VOLUME  THREE  THE  COLONIZATION 
OF  THE  SOUTH 


BY 

PETER  JOSEPH  HAMILTON 

Author  of : Rambles  in  Historic  Lands ; Colonial  Mobile ; Mobile,  in 
Historical  Tonvns  of  the  South  series  ; Rights  and  Duties  in  Time 
of  Brar,  contributed  to  Taylor' s International  Lanxs.  Compiler 
of : Code  of  Mobile.  Joint  compiler  of : Code  of  Alabama,  l886-, 
Brickell's  Digest  of  Alabama  Decisions,  etc.,  etc. 


PRINTED  AND  PUBLISHED  FOR  SUBSCRIBERS  ONLY  BY 

GEORGE  BARRIE  & SONS , PHILADELPHIA 


V 


Copyright,  1904,  by  George  Barrie  & Sons 

Entered  at  Stationers'  Hall,  London. 


EDITOR’S  INTRODUCTION 


This  volume  of  The  History  of  North  America 
is  the  first  of  three,  by  different  hands,  having  for  their 
subject  Colonization.  Its  scope  is  coterminous  with  that 
of  the  most  fascinating  field  of  American  history.  There 
is  in  the  story  of  the  colonization  of  the  South  a glamour 
of  romance  that  does  not  attach  to  any  other  period  in  the 
up-bringing  of  what  is  now  the  United  States. 

The  records  of  the  colonization  of  New  England,  and  of 
its  constituent  parts,  are  filled  with  pages  that  are  of  the 
most  vital  importance  in  the  study  of  the  social,  economic, 
and  constitutional  growth  of  these  United  States;  but  few 
of  them,  however,  thrill  the  modern  reader.  This  because 
the  men  and  women  of  Plymouth  and  Massachusetts,  of 
Hartford,  New  Haven,  and  the  Providence  and  Rhode  Isl- 
and Plantations  are  too  nearly  akin,  despite  their  manners 
that  jar  upon  our  modernity,  to  the  men  and  women  of  the 
present  day.  It  is  hard  to  throw  around  them  the  aureole 
of  romance.  True  is  it  that,  thanks  to  New  England’s 
second-greatest  poet,  the  drapery  of  imagination  has  en- 
folded, and  mayhap  obscured,  the  characters  of  Standish 
and  Alden  and  other  worthies  whose  names  will  ever  dwell 
in  our  memories;  yet,  nevertheless,  Romance  refuses  to 
clothe  the  stark  realism  of  New  England  with  the  mantle 
of  fancy.  It  gives  her,  ungrudgingly,  the  maximum  of  credit 
for  her  share  in  nation  building,  but  it  has  ever  denied  to 


VI 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


her  the  attractiveness  that  comes  from  mystery,  the  glamour 
that  is  the  offspring  of  myth. 

The  history  of  the  colonization  period  of  the  Middle 
States,  if  we  except  the  conflicts  between  the  Long  House 
and  the  whites,  and  the  struggle  between  the  pertinacious 
Claiborne  and  the  representatives  of  Lord  Baltimore,  has 
little  upon  which  romance  can  fasten.  In  truth,  the  im- 
portance of  the  record  of  the  colonies  and  provinces  in  that 
portion  of  America  bounded  on  the  north  by  the  St.  Law- 
rence and  on  the  south  by  the  Potomac  is  one  of  politics, 
save  for  the  Indian  troubles  and  the  struggles  between  rather 
pusillanimous  colonists  to  get  possession  of  this  or  that  bit 
of  promising  wilderness. 

Men  and  women  with  commercial  or  agricultural  train- 
ing came  to  the  Middle  colonies  on  business  bent.  They 
were  strictly  commercialists ; they  had  well-defined  plans 
of  settlement.  They  knew  something  of  the  conditions 
that  awaited  them  ; they  knew  more  of  the  methods  by 
which  success  might  be  wrested  from  adversity.  Their 
contribution,  as  colonists,  to  American  progress  is  the 
substantial  one;  nevertheless,  there  is  little  or  nothing 
about  it,  when  it  is  considered  broadly,  that  is  roseated  by 
romance. 

The  South  and  the  Southwest,  however,  amply  supply 
the  lack  which  we  note  in  the  history  of  the  colonization 
of  New  England  and  the  Middle  States.  The  territory  that 
lengthened  northward  from  the  Mexican  Gulf  and  the  Rio 
Grande  to  where  the  Potomac  and  Ohio  leashed  its  onward 
stretch  or  the  trackless  plains  of  the  Middle  West  halted  its 
earliest  pioneers  was  the  home  of  romance.  It  had  from 
the  first  years  of  westward  voyaging  been  a land  of  mystery, 
a land  where  it  was  asserted,  and  believed,  that  gold  and 
precious  stones  might  be  had  for  the  gathering,  and  where 
spices  and  perfumes  abounded.  Within  its  confines  were 
thought  to  be  wonderful  cities  with  walls  of  gold,  fountains 
that  gave  perpetual  youth  to  those  who  laved  themselves 
therein,  and  gardens  in  which  might  be  partaken  the  delights 


EDITOR'S  INTRODUCTION 


vii 

of  Eden.  Exploration,  as  we  have  seen  in  the  first  volume 
of  this  history  of  North  America,  had  done  much  to  dispel 
these  golden  dreams;  yet,  despite  the  knowledge  gained  in 
the  period  through  which  moved  the  figures  of  Cortes, 
De  Soto,  and  Coronado,  the  minds  of  men  still  invested  the 
South  with  an  unreality  that  centuries  of  knowledge  hardly 
took  from  it.  The  romance  of  the  elder  fables  was  replaced 
by  that  arising  from  the  projects  whose  phantasies  again  and 
again  influenced  the  impressionable  and  imaginative  Latin 
of  the  colonization  era. 

There  are  substantial  reasons  for  this  continuing  romance. 
The  New  England  colonies  were  of  exceedingly  limited 
area;  the  Middle  colonies  could  not  pretend  to  vast  stretches 
of  territory;  but  the  South  was,  seemingly,  limitless.  Hun- 
dreds of  miles  to  the  north  it  stretched,  and  westward  its 
bounds  were  unknown  thousands  of  miles  from  the  landing 
place  of  the  first  colonizers.  Deep  were  its  mysteries. 
Dark  forests  harbored  widespread  and  numerous  tribes  of 
strange  savages.  In  its  swamps  lurked  animals  to  Euro- 
peans unknown,  and  its  waters  held  fish  of  astonishing 
qualities.  Over  its  vast  prairies  roamed  beasts  that  excited 
terror  or  stirred  admiration.  Climate,  too,  was  not  without 
its  influence,  and  upon  the  newcomers  fell  the  spell  that 
has  universally  enthralled  those  who  dwell  beneath  Southern 
skies,  and  the  Spirit  of  the  Land  took  the  European  invaders 
captive.  Then,  too,  these  first  colonizers  were  not  as  the 
men  of  the  North.  They  did  not  come  to  plant  gardens, 
to  till  fields,  to  follow  the  kine  to  pasture.  Theirs  was  not 
the  intent  to  build  homes.  In  the  opinion  of  the  nations 
that  first  contended  for  its  possession,  the  South  was  a land 
to  be  exploited.  Their  colonists  came  upon  it  as  soldiers; 
they  established  garrisons,  they  proposed  to  get  by  trading, 
if  they  must,  but  by  force  if  they  could  not  otherwise  obtain 
it,  sufficient  of  the  products  of  the  country  to  reward  their 
enforced  sojourn  in  a wild  land.  Passages  to  Cathay  were 
objects  more  attractive  to  endeavor  than  was  the  cultivation 
of  crops.  Diamond  reefs  and  gold  mines  claimed  more 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


viii 

attention  than  mechanical  pursuits,  and  the  fur  trade  was 
ever  the  mainspring  of  frontier  activity. 

Many  of  the  first  colonists  reaped  what  the  earlier  ex- 
plorers had  sown,  a harvest  of  hate,  a terror  that  caused 
them  to  spend  more  time  in  subjugation  and  conciliation 
than  they  had  first  deemed  necessary;  and  others  brought 
upon  themselves,  by  deceit  and  misapplied  force,  the  an- 
tagonism of  the  native  tribes.  But  with  years  came  expe- 
rience, and  with  experience,  wisdom ; and  soon  we  find  the 
tribes  coming  into  subjections  called  alliances.  In  such  a 
period,  with  such  colonists,  romance  was  inevitable.  The 
history  of  Southern  colonization  is  full  of  it.  Spaniards 
and  Frenchmen,  Georgians,  Carolinians,  and  Virginians, 
all  give  their  share.  Conflicts  between  struggling  nations; 
vast  commercial  enterprises  rivalling  the  most  gigantic  of 
modern  capitalistic  aggregations  in  importance;  colonization 
projects  that  have  never  been  equalled ; expeditionary  plans 
that  have  few  compeers;  loves  that  altered  the  course  of 
colonial  history — all  these  things  are  bound  up  with  the 
record  of  Southern  colonization. 

In  the  present  volume  the  great  men  of  the  past  live 
again.  We  range  the  forests  with  soldiers  and  hunters  of 
France  and  Spain,  and  seek,  as  it  were,  to  further  the  am- 
bitious schemes  of  conflicting  commanders.  We  sail  with 
colonists  that  Raleigh  sent,  and  we  labor  under  the  rule  of 
the  Virginia  Company.  We  are  with  Oglethorpe  and  his 
associates  in  his  Georgian  enterprise.  But  the  days  of  the 
soldier  gave  way  to  the  days  of  the  planter;  the  agriculturist 
displaced  the  trapper;  the  stock  raiser,  the  hunter.  The  am- 
bitious schemes  by  which  control  of  waterways  was  of  the 
greatest  importance,  because  of  the  carriage  of  furs,  gave 
place  to  plans  for  making  the  most  of  the  lands  available 
for  the  raising  of  tobacco. 

The  struggle  for  possession  of  the  southern  territory  was 
stilled  in  the  greater  struggle  to  form  self-supporting  and 
self-governing  colonies.  With  the  supremacy  of  the  Eng- 
lish came  the  dominance  of  the  material  and  orderly.  Even 


EDITOR'S  INTRODUCTION 


IX 


in  the  South  in  the  later  period  of  colonization  we  find  the 
realities  of  life  crowding  out  romance.  Whether  in  Vir- 
ginia or  the  Carolinas,  in  Georgia  or  the  Floridas,  or  in  the 
far  country  beyond  the  Appalachians,  the  spirit  of  endeavor 
is  aroused  and  the  way  prepared,  as  is  foreshadowed  in  the 
later  pages  of  the  work  before  us,  for  the  struggle  that  is  to 
be  described  in  the  volume  devoted  to  the  Revolution. 

The  author  has  made  much  of  his  opportunities.  He 
sets  before  us  the  history  of  the  years  of  colonization  in  a 
manner  deserving  of  large  praise.  With  skill  and  judg- 
ment he  has  given  us  of  the  romance,  and  yet  he  presents 
naught  but  the  romance  of  fact,  as  he  sets  before  us  the 
activities  of  the  three  contending  nations  and  the  triple 
methods  by  which  they  pursued  their  colonial  policies.  In 
all  this  he  has,  because  of  his  use  of  source  material,  and 
of  his  wide  knowledge  of  the  subject,  been  able  to  draw  a 
picture  that  is  fresh  and  of  unusual  interest.  He  has  given 
us  a chapter  in  history  that  has  never  been  adequately  pre- 
sented. The  author  is  peculiarly  fitted  by  inclination  and 
study  for  the  task  of  preparing  this  present  volume.  His 
residence  in  the  heart  of  the  South,  his  intimate  acquaintance 
with  its  records  and  those  of  Spain,  France,  and  England, 
and  his  devotion  to  the  period  of  which  this  volume  treats, 
have  given  him  a Zeitgeist  that  enables  him  to  make  an  illu- 
minating exposition  of  the  history  of  Southern  Colonization, 
and  because  of  this  I take  pleasure  in  giving  the  present 
volume  its  place  in  The  History  of  North  America. 

Guy  Carleton  Lee. 

Johns  Hopkins  University. 


AUTHOR’S  PREFACE 


The  tension  preceding  the  Civil  War,  the  war  itself,  the 
problems  growing  out  of  it,  have  prevented  the  calm  thought 
necessary  to  the  study  of  Southern  foundations.  Southern 
men  had  other  duties,  Northern  men  had  not  the  incentive 
for  such  investigations.  It  would  seem,  however,  that  to-day 
the  times  are  propitious  and  that  the  work  whose  result  is 
contained  in  the  present  volume  is  the  task  of  the  hour. 

In  interest  this  study  will  yield  to  none.  It  begins  with 
the  first  attempts  by  the  leading  European  nations  to  plant 
themselves  in  America;  it  then  exhibits  the  conflicts  of 
these  colonies;  it  ends  with  the  success  and  growth  of  one 
race.  It  hinges,  so  to  speak,  about  Florida,  Virginia,  and 
Louisiana,  and  is  a record  of  the  evolution  harmonizing  the 
claims  which  these  names  represent, — a record  of  diplo- 
macy, intrigue,  and  war.  Only  in  connection  with  the 
Southern  colonies  can  be  understood  the  power  and  perti- 
nacity of  Spain;  for  she  looked  on  Raleigh  and  Ribault, 
Jamestown,  Charlestown,  and  Savannah  alike  as  intruding 
on  her  domain  of  Florida.  Only  so,  also,  can  be  appreciated 
the  work  of  La  Salle  and  Iberville,  in  the  teeth  of  both 
Spaniard  and  Englishman;  for  Louisiana  included  the  whole 
Mississippi  valley,  ruled  from  Mobile,  New  Orleans,  and 
Fort  Chartres,  developed  by  Law  and  his  Compagnie.  The 
problem  set  before  the  French  and  Anglo-Saxon  races  in 
America  was  : Whether  the  Mississippi  valley  should  develop 
into  a French  colony,  Louisiana,  in  touch  through  the  Great 
Lakes  with  Canada  and  ruled  from  the  Gulf;  or  whether 


xi 


Xll 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


it  should  be  a hinterland  for  British  expansion  over  the 
Alleghanies  from  the  Atlantic  colonies.  Trade  rivalry 
played  a great  part  in  the  solution,  but  war  was,  as  usual, 
the  final  arbiter.  Louisiana  was  the  prize  of  the  Seven 
Years’  War  not  less  than  were  Canada  and  India.  True, 
the  Englishman  did  only  half  of  the  work;  he  won  only  the 
territory  east  of  the  Mississippi  and  afterward  even  lost 
Florida  back  to  Spain.  But  this  advance  of  the  Latin  at 
the  expense  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  is  itself  a study  the  more 
valuable  because  almost  anomalous,  and  the  long  life  of 
Spanish  Louisiana  is  a curious  subject  too  much  ignored  as  a 
factor  in  American  development.  For  the  Latin  institutions 
were  not  less  marked  than  the  Anglo-Saxon. 

The  Southern  colonies  present  a field  of  conflict  of  civili- 
zations found  in  the  same  degree  nowhere  else.  Mr.  Free- 
man once  said  that  the  history  of  the  panhandle  by  which 
Alabama  and  Mississippi  reach  the  Gulf  had  perplexed  him 
more  than  any  other  district  on  the  earth’s  surface.  The 
whole  Northwest  and  Southwest  are  thus  within  the  scope 
of  our  investigation,  for  they  were  Virginian,  Carolinian,  or 
Georgian.  Under  its  charter  of  1606  Virginia  extended 
from  thirty-four  to  forty-five  degrees  of  latitude.  The 
curious  overlapping  of  the  Plymouth  and  London  sub- 
companies had  no  practical  result,  on  account  of  the  col- 
lapse of  the  former  enterprise.  The  gradual  carving  of 
other  colonies  out  of  Virginia  left  a large  residuum  to  her  in 
the  northwest,  but  to  the  south  Carolina  was  not  so  much 
carved  out  as  cut  off  from  Virginia,  carrying  the  southwest 
along  with  her.  Even  more  than  the  valleys  west  of  the 
Alleghanies,  the  colonies  between  the  mountains  and  the  sea 
deserve  attention,  for  there  grew  up  Americans  out  of  the 
■ English,  Scotch,  Irish,  French,  and  Germans  who  came  in 
successive  waves,  to  take  root  in  different  spots.  It  was 
the  Englishman,  that  wonderful  colonizer,  who  gave  the 
speech  and  form  to  the  civilization;  but  it  was  a civiliza- 
tion modified  by  absorbing  other  elements  and  by  the  new 
ground  upon  which  it  was  worked  out.  The  intermingling 


AUTHOR'S  PREFACE 


xiii 

of  races  of  different  stages  of  culture  produces  a mongrel, 
slow,  or  unfruitful  growth : to  some  extent  the  intermar- 
riage of  Latin  and  Indian  in  Central  and  South  America 
illustrates  both  the  possibility  and  slowness  of  such  an  ad- 
vance. In  North  America  we  shall  find  the  form  assumed 
to  be  a leadership  of  the  natives  by  the  French,  contrasting 
with  the  antipathy  of  the  English  toward  them.  On  the 
other  hand,  from  Babylon  and  Egypt  down,  the  clashing  and 
intermixture  of  races  at  the  same  degree  of  advance  has 
produced  a higher  result,  has  pushed  on  human  progress. 
We  usually  think  of  the  Atlantic  settlers  as  homogeneous, 
and  so  indeed  they  became;  but  in  the  days  of  coloniza- 
tion Scotchmen  and  Englishmen  were  not  the  same,  the 
Scotch-Irish  different  yet,  while  all  these  long  regarded 
the  Huguenots  and  Germans  as  foreigners.  The  English- 
man in  the  South  assimilated  them  all,  but  became  himself 
modified  in  the  assimilation.  In  the  process  the  presence 
of  Latin  and  Indian  foes  kept  him  at  a tension  and  produced 
a special  form  of  that  adaptability  to  environment  which 
marks  all  life,  and  differentiated  the  American  even  from 
his  own  ancestral  English. 

Not  only  was  this  race  change  going  on  during  our  period, 
but  in  time  the  natural  tendency  of  Anglo-Saxons  to  self- 
government  became  accentuated  by  the  different  interests 
of  the  colonies  and  the  mother  country.  At  first  it  was  the 
great  struggle  of  the  liberal  Virginia  Company  with  the  Stuart 
kings,  then  the  natural  friction  between  an  English  proprie- 
tor or  governor  and  the  local  assembly,  all  important,  for  all 
beginnings  are,  and  important  too  in  the  political  training 
thus  given.  In  course  of  time,  colonial  interests  prevailed 
over  ancestral  attachment,  an  American  or  continental  feel- 
ing superseded  old  traditions — and  the  Revolution  came. 

The  plan  of  the  series  forbade  the  division  of  this  volume 
into  books,  but  informally  the  material  falls  naturally  into 
five  parts.  The  first  would  relate  to  the  Spanish,  French, 
and  English  Beginnings,  and  embrace  the  first  three  chap- 
ters. A second  part  would  cover  British  Colonization  in 


XIV 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


the  Seventeenth  Century,  particularly  Virginia  and  Caro- 
lina, and  their  institutions.  A third  part  would  concern 
itself  with  Louisiana  in  all  its  extent,  from  La  Salle  to  the 
royal  governors,  as  found  in  Chapters  IX  to  XIII.  The 
fourth  would  cover  the  time  of  Conflict  of  Latin  and 
Teuton,  in  trade  and  war,  with  a view  of  Georgia  founded 
at  this  period.  The  concluding  part,  from  Chapter  XIX  on, 
would  have  to  do  with  the  Growth  of  the  Anglo-Saxons 
after  the  Peace  of  Paris,  not  neglecting  to  look  also  at  the 
Latin  expansion  and  at  the  Americanization  which  prepared 
the  way  for  the  Revolution. 

Such  is  the  varied  story  here  portrayed,  marked  chrono- 
logically by  the  settlement,  conflict,  and  development  of 
races;  at  any  given  epoch  showing  within  each  race,  in 
cross  section  as  it  were,  the  interplay  and  growth  of  its 
institutions — of  politics,  religion,  social  and  industrial  life. 

Instead  of  limiting  our  view  to  Jamestown  and  Plymouth, 
therefore,  we  can  see  that  over  against  Jamestown  should 
be  set  St.  Augustine  and  Mobile,  the  cradles  of  Spanish 
Florida  and  French  Louisiana,  which  also  were  to  help  to 
make  up  America,  and  that,  even  among  the  British,  second 
only  to  Virginia  in  influence  was  Carolina.  Indeed,  while 
in  breadth  the  Southern  character  may  owe  more  to  Vir- 
ginia, in  intensity  it  looks  to  Carolina.  The  later  common- 
wealth of  Georgia  had  an  independent  English  origin,  while 
Kentucky  and  Tennessee  were  the  second  growth,  the  new 
start  beyond  the  mountains,  of  the  new  Americans,  and  all 
three  are  needed  to  round  out  colonization  and  colonial  life. 

It  is  true  that  when  we  roll  up  our  map  America  is  but 
half  won.  The  Indians  hold  much  of  the  valley  east  of 
the  Mississippi,  the  Latins  claim  all  beyond,  as  well  as  all 
on  the  Gulf.  But  the  Indian  lived  on  sufferance,  and  the 
Spaniard  was  not  yet  felt  to  be  in  the  way.  Latin  and 
Teuton  have  been  hereditary  foes,  but  Louisiana  and  Flor- 
ida were  not  yet  coveted  by  the  Anglo-Saxon ; the  era 
of  colonization  must  first  give  place  to  one  of  revolt  from 
England. 


AUTHOR'S  PREFACE 


xv 


In  writing  this  book  original  sources  have,  as  far  as  pos- 
sible, been  consulted  and  liberal  use  has  been  made  of  the 
accumulation  of  colonial  documents  which  has  for  years 
been  going  on.  If  it  is  possible  to  write  a more  satisfactory 
history  now  than  a quarter-century  ago,  much  is  due  to  the 
labors  of  Alexander  Brown, — whose  incapacitation  is  a blow 
to  American  research, — of  Bruce,  of  Courtenay,  and  of  the 
lamented  McCrady,  of  C.  C.  Jones,  Waddell,  Garrison,  of 
Brymner,  Margry,  Gayarre,  and  others,  and  of  historical 
societies  and  students.  And  Heaven  bless  the  local  anti- 
quaries, laboring  for  love  of  their  work  and  getting  no  other 
reward!  But  for  them  little  history  could  be  written,  for 
little  material  would  be  preserved  from  which  to  write  it. 
The  historian,  coming  after,  sifts  their  work,  gives  it  the 
proper  perspective, — and  enters  into  their  rest.  All  honor 
to  a too  little  appreciated  kind  of  patriotism ! I have  met 
many  of  these  men  and  women  in  my  explorations  and 
travels,  as  well  as  known  them  by  their  works,  and  I have 
found  them  as  instructive  as  the  sites  they  guard  from  James- 
town to  New  Orleans.  Indeed,  I may  add,  quorum  pars  sum , 
and  I have  found  that  the  detailed  study  of  one  field  has 
proved  the  best  possible  preparation  for  understanding  the 
others  and  their  relation  to  each  other. 

For  Spanish  and  French  times  I have  acquired  much  new 
material,  in  maps  and  documents,  from  Spain  and  France; 
and  the  study  of  British  Florida,  that  interesting  if  abortive 
British  colony,  is  almost  original,  based  on  the  Haldimand 
Papers  and  much  manuscript  material  in  England.  It  may 
not  be  amiss  to  add  that  John  Fiske  urged  the  author  to 
take  up  this  as  a valuable  and  neglected  field.  It  is  hoped, 
therefore,  that  the  present  volume  will  tend  to  unify  the 
beginnings  of  Southern  history  and  institutions,  to  show,  at 
least  in  outline,  what  a great  part  was  played  upon  this  stage, 
and  how  much  of  American  history  finds  here  its  genesis-  or 
explanation. 

Peter  Joseph  Hamilton. 

Mobile , Alabama. 


CONTENTS 

CHAPTER  PAGES 

Editor’s  Introduction v-ix 

Author’s  Preface xi— xv 

I The  Spanish  Settlement  of  Florida.  . . 3—25 

Effect  of  Crusades  on  western  discovery.  Old  World  colo- 
nization. Spanish  acquisitions  in  America.  Limits  of  the 
Florida  of  Ponce  de  Leon.  Early  Spanish  explorers.  The 
first  settlement  on  the  mainland.  Menendez  commissioned 
to  conquer  and  colonize  Florida  ; establishes  forts  and  settle- 
ments at  St.  Augustine  and  Santa  Helena  ; sends  Juan  Pardo 
to  explore  the  interior;  boundaries  of  Florida  extended  to  New 
Spain.  Mission  work.  Treatment  of  the  natives. 

II  French  Florida 27-41 

Religious  dissension  in  France  promotes  founding  of  colony 
in  Brazil.  Huguenot  colony  under  Ribault  enters  St.  John’s 
River,  Florida  ; settlement  made  at  Port  Royal,  Carolina  ; 
abandonment  of  the  colony.  Laudonniere’s  colony;  Fort 
Caroline  built ; Hawkins  relieves  the  distressed  Huguenots  ; 
Menendez  massacres  the  French  colonists  and  the  relieving 
force  under  Ribault.  De  Gourges  avenges  the  death  of  the 
Huguenots  and  slaughters  the  Spanish  garrison  at  San  Mateo. 

End  of  French  Florida. 

III  Raleigh  Founds  Virginia 43-54 

Spanish  activity  in  the  New  World.  English  buccaneers 
menace  Spain’s  interests.  First  English  efforts  at  coloniza- 
tion of  America  under  the  Gilberts.  Raleigh’s  expeditions 
to  Roanoke  ; his  colony  there  ; exploration  of  the  mainland  ; 
abandonment  of  Roanoke ; its  resettlement  and  disappearance. 

xvii 


xviii  THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 

CHAPTER  PAGES 

IV  Virginia  under  the  Company  ....  55-87 

Commercial  activity  and  the  English  guilds.  Colonization 
schemes.  Charter  granted  to  Gates  and  his  associates  for 
colonizing  Virginia.  The  London  and  Plymouth  enterprises. 
Newport  and  Gosnold’s  expedition.  The  colony  at  James- 
town. Relations  with  the  Powhatans.  Quarrels  of  the 
colonists.  Captain  John  Smith’s  explorations.  Burning  of 
Jamestown.  Disappointment  of  the  grantees.  The  charter 
of  the  Virginia  Company.  Cooperation  of  the  London  guilds. 

An  expedition  sent  out  in  charge  of  Newport.  The  colony 
under  Lord  De  la  Warr.  Extension  of  the  Company’s  powers 
and  the  inclusion  of  the  Bermudas.  Tobacco  culture  estab- 
lished. Drawbacks  to  the  settlements.  The  Great  Charter. 
Beginnings  of  negro  slavery.  The  first  legislature. 

V The  End  of  the  Company 89-106 

Disintegrating  effects  of  European  policies.  Sale  of  the  Ber- 
mudas. The  Company  at  odds  with  King  James.  Restric- 
tions on  the  tobacco  trade.  Growth  of  the  settlements. 
Massacre  by  the  Powhatans.  The  charter  annulled.  Prog- 
ress made  under  the  Company. 

VI  The  Old  Dominion 107-132 

Land  holdings.  Slave  labor.  The  position  of  the  negro. 
Regulations  as  to  the  trade  in  tobacco.  Cattle  raising  an 
important  industry.  Virginia  loyal  to  Charles  II.  Cromwell 
demands  the  surrender  of  Jamestown.  Surrender  on  terms 
to  the  Commonwealth.  Disabilities  of  lawyers.  Growth  of 
communities.  The  Navigation  Acts.  Attacks  by  the  Dutch. 
Troubles  with  the  Indians.  Bacon’s  rebellion.  Home  life, 
the  Church,  and  education. 

VII  Carolina  under  the  Proprietors  . . 1 33 — 1 55 

Carolina  granted  to  Sir  Robert  Heath.  First  settlement  by 
Virginia  Dissenters.  Proprietary  charter  granted  to  the  Earl 
of  Clarendon  and  others  by  Charles  II.  Quakers  established. 
Barbadian  colony  settled  on  Cape  Fear  River.  Locke’s 
constitutions.  Founding  of  Old  Charles  Town  and  New 
Charles  Town.  Huguenots’  settlements.  Scotch  colony  at 
Stuarttown.  The  introduction  of  rice.  Growth  of  com- 
merce. Conflict  in  government.  Church  regulations.  In- 
dian troubles.  Piracy  uprooted.  The  downfall  of  the 
proprietors.  Carolina  a royal  province. 


CONTENTS 


xix 


CHAPTER  PAGES 

VIII  British  Institutions 157-178 

Advance  of  British  colonization.  The  various  forms  of 
colonial  government  considered.  The  developing  tendency 
toward  royal  colonies.  Representative  assemblies  and  their 
powers.  Land  tenures.  Village  communities.  English 
nomenclature  and  dialects.  State  of  religion  and  education 
in  the  Southern  colonies.  Economic  conditions.  The  colo- 
nists’ homes.  Intercolonial  relations. 

IX  La  Salle  Founds  Louisiana  ....  179-196 

Colbert’s  colonial  policy.  French  ambition  and  enterprise 
in  the  New  World.  The  Jesuits.  French  government  of 
Canada.  The  voyageurs.  Saint-Lusson’ s territorial  claim. 
Trade  routes.  The  discoveries  of  Marquette  and  Joliet. 

Henri  de  Tonty  joins  La  Salle.  La  Salle  descends  the  Ohio. 

La  Salle’s  losses.  Hennepin  sent  to  explore  the  upper  Mis- 
sissippi. The  final  expedition.  Exploration  of  the  passes 
of  the  Mississippi.  The  Gulf  of  Mexico  reached.  The 
French  possessory  claim  recorded.  Return  to  the  North. 

Fort  St.  Louis  established.  La  Salle’s  return  to  France. 
Expedition  to  Mexico  by  way  of  the  Gulf.  La  Salle  lands 
at  Matagorda  Bay.  Overland  attempt  to  reach  the  Illinois. 
Mutiny  of  some  of  La  Salle’s  party.  Murder  of  La  Salle. 
Failure  of  the  French  settlements. 

X Iberville  and  Mobile 197—223 

The  colonial  policy  of  Louis  XIV.  Conflicts  between  French 
and  English  colonists.  An  interval  of  rest  through  the  Peace 

of  Ryswick.  Renewed  activity  of  France  in  the  Mississippi 
region.  Iberville’s  plan  of  occupation  of  the  Gulf  coast  and 
the  valley  of  the  Mississippi.  Canadian  jealousy.  Mission 
stations  founded.  The  Spaniards  on  the  Gulf.  Iberville  at 
Mobile.  Settlement  made  at  Biloxi.  Removal  to  Mobile 
River.  Friendly  relations  with  the  Chickasaws  and  Choctaws. 
Iberville  plans  to  resettle  the  great  tribes  and  destroy  the  Eng- 
lish colonies.  Growth  of  the  French  colony.  Death  of  Henri 
de  Tonty.  Death  of  Iberville.  Abandonment  of  the  plan  to 
resettle  the  Indians.  Bienville’s  policy.  The  colonial  govern- 
ment. Indian  troubles.  Site  of  the  colony  removed  to  mouth 
of  river,  or  Mobile.  Louisiana  during  Crozat’s  control. 

XI  The  Mississippi  Bubble 225-246 

France  under  the  regent.  Law’s  banking  scheme  adopted. 
Establishment  of  the  Compagnie  d’  Occident  to  acquire  Loui- 
siana, or  Mississippi.  The  new  government  of  the  colony. 


XX 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


Settlements  and  concessions.  Negro  slavery  established.  At- 
tack. on  the  Spaniards  at  Pensacola.  Difficulties  of  the  Com- 
pagnie  des  Indes.  Development  of  agriculture  and  growth  of 
the  colony.  The  capital  removed  to  New  Orleans.  The  new 
city.  The  Black  Code.  Administration  difficulties.  Bienville 
deposed.  Religious  establishments  in  New  Orleans.  The  other 
settlements.  War  with  the  Natches.  The  “ cassette  girls.” 
Marriages  with  Indian  women.  Withdrawal  of  the  Compagnie. 

XII  The  Illinois  Country 247-259 

Its  extent.  French  forts  established  by  La  Salle.  The  coun- 
try claimed  by  Canada  and  Louisiana.  The  portages  of  the 
coureurs  de  bois  and  the  missionaries.  The  explorations  of 
Le  Sueur.  French  jealousy  of  English  traders.  The  settle- 
ment of  the  territory,  and  military  and  civil  rule.  The  impor- 
tance of  the  Wabash.  The  Missouri  region  and  its  minerals. 
Exploration  of  the  Missouri.  Charlevoix’s  expedition  to  dis- 
cover the  Pacific  by  way  of  the  Missouri.  The  importance 
of  the  Illinois. 

XIII  Louisiana  under  Royal  Governors  . 261-275 

Bienville’s  third  administration.  Distress  of  the  colonists. 
Operations  against  the  Indians.  Financial  embarrassment  of 
the  colony.  Vaudreuil’s  governorship.  Military  force  aug- 
mented. Census  of  1745.  New  Orleans.  Agriculture  and 
commerce.  The  intellectual  and  moral  status  of  the  colony. 
Louisiana  writers  and  their  books.  Clerical  dissensions. 
Rivalry  with  English  traders. 

XIV  Franco-Spanish  Relations  ....  277-289 

France  and  Spain  in  friendly  rivalry  in  the  New  World. 

The  possessions  of  the  two  powers.  The  Spanish  occupation 
extended  to  the  Sabine  River  valley.  Spanish  jealousy  of 
French  trading.  Pensacola  captured  by  the  French.  Aban- 
donment of  T exan  frontier  by  the  Spaniards.  Conflict  as  to 
coast  boundaries.  The  Florida-Louisiana  boundary.  The 
history  of  Pensacola.  Methods  of  French  and  Spanish  colo- 
nization. 

XV  The  Anglo-Spanish  Border  ....  291-298 

The  expansion  of  the  British  settlements.  Boundary  troubles. 
Armed  conflicts  between  the  Spanish  and  English  colonists. 
Expedition  by  Carolinians  against  St.  Augustine.  Charles- 
town attacked  by  a Spanish  and  French  fleet.  Advance  of 
British  outposts. 


CONTENTS 


xxi 


CHAPTER  PAGES 

XVI  Georgia,  the  Buffer  Colony  . . . 299-316 

The  projected  “ Margravate  of  Azilia”  in  South  Carolina. 
Oglethorpe’s  charter  of  Georgia.  The  settlement  of  colo- 
nists at  Yamacraw  Bluff.  Territory  acquired  from  the  Creeks. 

The  colony  a philanthropic  venture.  Lutheran  and  Mora- 
vian settlers.  Defence  works  against  the  Spaniards.  The 
Wesleys  arrive.  Oglethorpe’s  policy  toward  the  Indians. 
Unsuccessful  invasion  of  Florida  by  Georgian  and  Carolinian 
forces.  The  Spaniards  attack  Frederica.  The  domestic  con- 
dition of  the  colony.  Whitefield’s  mission  labors.  The  first 
Assembly.  Georgia  becomes  a crown  colony. 

XVII  Anglo-French  Rivalry  in  the  Val- 
ley   3 1 7-334 

The  American  possessions  of  England  and  France  after  the 
Treaty  of  Utrecht.  The  problem  of  domination.  The  passes 
of  the  Alleghanies  broken  through  by  Virginian  and  Caro- 
linian traders.  The  Indian  policies  of  England  and  France 
compared.  The  influence  of  the  priests  in  French  aggran- 
dizement. Sir  William  Johnson  superintendent  of  Indian 
affairs.  James  Adair  and  the  trade  with  the  Indians.  The 
coureurs  de  bois  and  the  French  trading  stations.  The  prin- 
ciples of  French  and  English  colonization.  French  conflicts 
with  the  Chickasaws.  English  relations  with  the  Indians. 

The  English  claim  to  the  Ohio  valley.  The  Indians  of  the 
valley  region.  The  position  of  the  rivals  in  the  Missis- 
sippi valley. 

XVIII  Open  War 335 — 348 

The  danger  of  the  British  colonies.  French  ambition  to 
develop  Canada  and  Louisiana  and  confine  the  British  to  the 
seaboard.  The  power  of  the  Iroquois  in  checking  the  French. 
Celoron  takes  formal  possession  of  the  Ohio  valley  for  the 
French  king.  The  erection  of  Fort  Du  Quesne.  Operations 
in  the  valley  and  in  Canada.  British  Southern  defences.  The 
condition  of  Louisiana  during  the  war.  The  surrender  of 
Canada.  The  British  advance  along  the  Ohio  valley.  War 
with  the  Cherokees.  English  and  French  possessions  in 
America  after  the  Treaty  of  Paris. 

XIX  Colonial  Life  on  the  Atlantic  . . 349-384 

Virginia  : The  right  of  habeas  corpus  granted.  Peaceful  rela- 
tions with  the  Indians.  Activity  against  the  buccaneers.  Dif- 
ferences as  to  Church  government.  Spotswood’s  post-office 


XXII 


T HE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


CHAPTER  PAGES 

system.  The  Scotch-Irish  immigrants.  Opening  of  the  way 
to  the  west  by  the  Shenandoah  valley.  The  towns  of  the  tide- 
water country.  William  Byrd.  North  Carolina : The  rebel- 
lions of  Culpepper  and  Carey.  Massacre  by  the  Tuscaroras. 
Progress  of  the  colony.  South  Carolina  : Government  and 
Church.  Peace  established  with  the  Indians.  Negro  troubles. 

The  Acadian  exiles.  Increase  of  settlements.  Judicial  sys- 
tem. Civil  divisions.  Education,  culture,  and  customs. 
Commerce.  Georgia : Large  immigration  from  older  colo- 
nies. The  Congregationalists.  The  advance  of  the  colony 
to  the  northwest.  Indian  relations  peaceful.  A royal  prov- 
ince. Commerce. — The  civil  institutions  of  the  Southern 
colonies.  Immigration — the  influence  of  the  Scotch-Irish. 
Whitefield’s  contribution  to  religious  freedom.  The  era  of 
colonial  development. 

XX  The  Floridas 385-408 

The  passing  of  Spanish  sovereignty.  France  gives  way  to 
England  east  of  the  Mississippi.  The  early  English  governors 
of  West  Florida.  Troubles  between  the  military  and  the 
civil  authorities.  The  reconstruction  of  Pensacola.  English 
policy  toward  the  Indians.  The  influence  of  the  creoles. 
Inducements  to  immigrants.  Development  of  commerce  and 
extension  of  settlements.  The  settlements  in  East  Florida. 

St.  Augustine.  Departure  of  the  Spaniards.  Industrial 
enterprise.  The  effects  of  British  rule-  The  Floridas  loyal 
to  Great  Britain. 

XXI  Across  the  Alleghanies 409-422 

Pontiac’s  war.  Submission  of  the  western  tribes.  British 
possession  of  the  Illinois.  Settlements  in  the  Ohio  valley. 
Frontier  policy  of  the  English.  The  treaties  of  Fort  Stanwix 
and  Hard  Labor.  The  Watauga  settlement  the  nucleus  of 
Tennessee.  The  beginnings  of  Kentucky.  Cumberland  Gap 
the  great  immigrant  route.  The  Transylvania  Company’s 
colony.  Effect  of  the  Revolutionary  struggle  in  the  new  settle- 
ments. Western  products  shipped  by  way  of  the  Mississippi. 

XXII  The  Latin  Remnant 423-445 

Secret  cession  of  Louisiana  to  Spain.  French  and  Indians 
abandon  the  territory  east  of  the  Mississippi.  Acadian  exiles 
in  Louisiana.  Evil  plight  of  the  colony.  The  colonists 
oppose  the  transfer  to  Spain.  Difficulties  under  the  Spanish 
government.  New  Orleans  in  insurrection.  The  Spaniards 


CONTENTS  xxiii 

CHAPTER  PAGES 

repossess  the  city.  Commercial  regulations.  Contests  be- 
tween the  French  and  the  Spanish  clergy.  Progress  of 
colonization  in  the  outlying  settlements.  The  development 
of  upper  Louisiana.  The  founding  of  St.  Louis.  The  fur 
trade.  The  British  plan  to  drive  the  Spaniards  from  Louisiana. 

The  American  power  in  the  Illinois. 

XXIII  Widening  the  Spanish  Boundaries  . 447-456 

Spanish  attitude  toward  the  American  insurgents.  The  part 
taken  by  the  Spanish  colonies  in  the  war  between  Spain  and 
Great  Britain.  Fort  Bute,  Baton  Rouge,  Fort  Panmure, 
Mobile,  and  Pensacola  taken.  The  Floridas  once  more 
under  Spanish  control.  The  question  of  Spanish-American 
boundaries. 

XXIV  American  Tendencies 457-476 

The  status  of  the  Southern  colonies  at  the  close  of  the  colonial 
period.  The  processes  of  colonization.  Development  of  the 
colonies  considered.  Distinguishing  features  among  the  colo- 
nies. The  beginnings  of  an  American  sentiment.  Conditions 
that  tended  to  unity.  Relations  of  the  colonists  with  their  Latin 
neighbors.  Home  rights  become  a crystallized  principle.  The 
“Continental”  idea.  The  Stamp  Act  arouses  the  colo- 
nies. The  Virginia  resolutions.  The  congress  at  New  York. 
General  resistance  to  the  execution  of  the  Stamp  Act.  North 
Carolina  and  Georgia’s  opposition.  Repeal  of  the  Stamp 


Act.  The  shadow  of  revolution  past.  The  future  of  the 
American  colonies. 

Chronological  Table 477-488 

List  of  Illustrations 489—494 


■ 


■ 


1 


■ 


. 


THE 

COLONIZATION  OF  THE 
SOUTH 


HAMILTON 


Barrie  & Sons. 


I in  the  Minist'ere  des  Affaires  fctrang'eres,  Paris. 


CHAPTER  I 

THE  SPANISH  SETTLEMENT  OF  FLORIDA 

The  restless  energy  of  the  Crusades,  whether  toward  the 
Orient,  the  south  of  France,  or  the  south  of  Spain,  led  to 
the  adventurous  voyages  which  resulted  in  the  discovery 
of  America,  and  the  gradual  exploration  of  that  continent 
caused  hopes  of  further  developments.  The  energy  of  dis- 
covery was  to  be  transmuted  into  the  energy  of  colonization. 
What  had  been  found  must  be  held.  From  the  first,  in  the 
more  valuable  lands  of  the  west  there  had  been  settlements. 
Despite  all  the  endeavors  of  Spain  and  Portugal  to  keep 
their  knowledge  to  themselves,  other  countries  had  learned 
something.  Mediterranean  sailors  flocked  to  other  ports  and 
carried  information  with  them. 

Colonization  was  no  new  thing.  Every  country  of 
Europe  was  a mixture  of  old  and  new  races ; for  the  fall 
of  the  Roman  Empire  had  been  but  the  colonization  of  bar- 
barians in  the  southern  countries  and  on  a vast  scale.  And 
history  was  full  of  it  in  the  past.  In  prehistoric  times,  the 
Phoenicians  had  created  Greece  by  colonizing  her  harbors. 
In  classic  times,  Greece  had  colonized  the  south  of  Italy, 
and,  later,  Roman  settlements  were  a recognized  means  of 
spreading  and  perpetuating  Roman  influence  and  civilization. 
More  than  one  city  in  Europe  even  derived  its  name  from 
such  colonies.  The  Teutonic  Knights  founded  Prussia  in 
the  same  manner.  It  was  the  love  of  novelty,  reinforced 
often  by  the  pressure  of  overpopulation,  compelling  overflow 
into  new  fields.  But  colonization  had,  prior  to  the  fifteenth 

3 


4 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


century,  almost  always  been  forcible  and  had  assumed  the 
form  of  conquest.  It  was  due  to  coveting  the  property  of 
some  race  that  was  thought  to  be  better  off,  and  was  made 
easier  by  the  fact  that  civilization  either  enervates,  and  so 
renders  its  possessors  subject  to  invasion  by  ruder  races,  or 
puts  into  their  hands  arms  and  science  which  enable  them  to 
conquer  races  lower  in  the  scale.  When  love  of  adventure 
is  joined  with  need  of  new  possessions  and  with  superiority 
in  arms  to  the  possessors,  vee  victis ! Such  things  make  up 
the  staple  of  history,  and  America  was  to  be  no  exception. 

But  America,  at  least,  contained  no  races  fit  to  cope  with 
Europeans  of  the  sixteenth  century;  and  while  at  first  there 
were  wars  of  conquest,  full  of  cruelty,  they  were  in  South 
and  Central  America  soon  to  be  terminated  in  favor  of  the 
Spaniards,  and  in  North  America  to  play  a subordinate  part 
to  commerce.  Ancient  colonization  was  a form  of  con- 
quest; modern,  while  nominally  religious  and  guided  often 
by  crusading  zeal,  was  to  be  at  heart  commercial  and  finally 
to  assume  the  form  of  mercantile  enterprise.  Columbus 
had  hoped  to  open  up  the  way  to  the  Indies  for  Span- 
ish commerce,  but  an  important,  if  secondary,  object  in  his 
mind  was  the  conversion  of  the  heathen  to  the  true  faith. 
The  same  spirit  prevailed  throughout  the  Spanish  explora- 
tion of  the  West  Indies  and  continental  America.  The 
monks  were  no  less  active  than  the  soldiers  in  the  voyages 
which  subdued  Hispaniola  and  Cuba,  as  well  as  in  those 
later  on  the  continent.  The  presence  of  the  precious 
metals  in  large  quantity  soon  made  Mexico  and  Peru  the 
principal  objective  points  of  Spanish  effort,  although  the 
West  Indian  islands  remained  always  important  as  ports 
of  call  and  as  commanding  the  Gulf  of  Mexico  and  adja- 
cent seas,  as  well  as  for  their  own  products.  Cuba  had 
early  succeeded  Hispaniola  as  the  principal  island  settlement 
of  Spain,  and  Havana  was  the  most  important  of  the  Gulf 
ports.  From  Cuba  had  been  conquered  Mexico  in  1519, 
and  Mexico  in  turn  became  the  leading  Spanish  colony  in 
the  New  World.  It  was  even  called  New  Spain.  Brazil 


THE  SPANISH  SETTLEMENT  OF  FLORIDA 


5 


was  Portuguese,  and  Peru  could  be  reached  better  from  the 
Pacific;  so  that  while  the  treasure  galleons  of  Spain  came 
to  the  Isthmus  of  Panama  for  their  freight  of  precious  bars 
and  ingots,  these  were  brought  to  Nombre  de  Dios  by  mule 
trains  overland  from  Panama,  where  they  had  been  col- 
lected by  fleet  from  Peru  and  elsewhere  on  the  Pacific.  The 
result  was  that  on  the  eastern  coast  of  America  Mexico 
was  the  leading  country,  and  its  harbor  of  Vera  Cruz,  at 
first  called  San  Juan  de  Ulloa,  a port  of  greater  importance 
even  than  Cartagena  and  all  other  ports  after  Havana.  The 
importance  of  Vera  Cruz,  however,  was  due  to  the  fact  that 
it  was  the  nearest  port  to  the  City  of  Mexico,  for  in  the 
early  explorations  Panuco,  the  Tampico  of  to-day,  was 
even  better  known.  Following  the  Gulf  Stream,  the  home- 
ward route  of  the  Spanish  vessels,  whether  from  Panama 
or  Mexico,  was  by  Cuba  and  not  far  from  the  east  coast 
of  Florida. 

The  country  named  Florida  by  Ponce  de  Leon  embraced 
all  the  territory  from  Chesapeake  Bay  to  beyond  Missis- 
sippi  River,  as  well  as  the  peninsula  of  Florida,  but  it  is  a 
strange  as  well  as  an  interesting  fact  that  the  Spanish  explo- 
rations produced  few  good  maps,  while  the  accounts  of  the 
voyages  are  so  stilted  and  confused  as  to  make  it  difficult  to 
identify  the  peoples  or  places  visited.  It  would  seem  to  be 
true,  however,  that  from  the  earliest  explorations  the  tribal 
arrangements  of  the  natives  were  but  little  unchanged. 
The  Muskhogees  occupied  the  territory  from  what  we  call 
Alabama  River  almost  or  quite  to  the  Atlantic  Ocean, 
with  an  offshoot  called  the  Seminoles  extending  down  into 
Florida,  at  whose  southern  extremity  were  also  the  Carlos 
and  Tequestas.  West  of  the  Muskhogees  were  the  Choc- 
taws, extending  to  the  Mississippi  on  the  west  and  to  the 
Gulf  at  Mobile  and  Pensacola  at  the  south.  There  were 
numberless  other  small  tribes,  however,  especially  near  the 
coasts,  whose  affinities  are  difficult  to  establish,  and  who  for 
all  practical  purposes  may  be  regarded  as  independent.  Such 
were  the  Apalaches,  the  Timuquas,  and  the  Yamasis  and 


6 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


Yamacraws  further  north  on  the  Atlantic.  It  was  perhaps 
fortunate  that  the  larger  tribes  lived  in  the  interior  and  that 
the  newcomers,  until  they  became  powerful  themselves,  had 
to  do  mainly  with  the  smaller  ones  on  the  coast.  For  the 
chiefs  of  the  Choctaws,  Creeks,  Cherokees,  Catawbas,  and 
other  great  nationalities  exercised  much  more  power  than  the 
chiefs  in  the  northern  part  of  what  has  become  the  United 
States,  and  hostility  on  their  part  would  have  made  coloni- 
zation even  more  difficult  than  it  was. 

The  Europeans  found  a degree  of  barbarism  to  their 
advantage,  for  it  is  a mistake  to  think  of  native  America  as 
a wilderness.  Although  the  southern  Indians  were  hunters 
and  required  much  territory  for  that  purpose,  their  women 
were  agriculturists  and  raised  vegetables  that  have  ever 
since  remained  staples  of  the  country.  Maize,  peas,  squash, 
and  the  like  were  found  in  abundance.  Each  of  the  great 
tribes  had  several  groups  or  towns,  of  scattered  wigwams 
to  be  sure,  but  fairly  well  fixed.  If  a particular  locality 
became  exhausted,  they  moved  to  an  adjacent  spot,  retain- 
ing the  same  name  and  institutions.  Cosa,  or  Coosa,  for 
instance,  on  the  upper  Coosa  River,  had  been  established 
for  centuries,  and  many  other  towns  can  also  be  mentioned. 
Hunting  and  warring  expeditions  made  some  kind  of  com- 
munication necessary,  and  between  neighboring  villages 
were  trails  and  roads,  mere  bridle  paths  perhaps,  but  pass- 
able and  well  known.  Such  there  were  also  between  neigh- 
boring tribes,  and,  taking  the  country  as  a whole,  there  was 
no  great  difficulty  for  the  natives  to  travel  by  these  routes 
' to  and  from  any  quarter.  These  paths  or  trails  were  often 
circuitous ; for,  as  a rule,  they  followed  watersheds,  that 
travellers  might  be  spared  the  toilsome  passage  of  swamps 
and  the  danger  of  swimming  unfordable  rivers.  The  early 
explorers  generally  used  these  roads  and  trails,  and  their 
routes  may  yet  be  discovered  by  making  a closer  study  of  the 
Indian  highway  system. 

In  course  of  time,  the  Spaniards  turned  their  attention  to 
the  mainland  of  America  washed  by  the  Gulf  of  Mexico 


THE  SPANISH  SETTLEMENT  OF  FLORIDA 


7 


and  the  Atlantic  Ocean.  They  had  made  their  own  the 
West  Indies,  Central  and  South  America,  and  were  now  to 
explore  and  in  a measure  settle  the  vast  country  to  the  north 
before  the  other  nations  of  Europe  awakened  to  the  impor- 
tance of  Columbus’s  landfall.  They  sought  gold  and  in 
so  doing  they  ran  roughshod  over  the  natives,  but  it  is  a 
mistake  to  think  all  of  them  ruthless  and  cruel.  Most  of 
the  accounts  which  have  come  down  to  us  of  the  Spanish 
conquest  were  written  by  enemies,  and  inspired  often  by 
religious  as  well  as  national  hatred,  although  even  the  Span- 
iard Las  Casas  draws  a black  enough  picture  of  the  havoc 
wrought.  By  a study  of  the  reports  of  the  explorers  and 
those  who  were  with  them  we  may  get  a truer  picture  of 
what  they  did.  It  will  be  a scene  often  harsh  enough  to 
modern  eyes,  but  its  actors  were  not  modern  men.  They 
were  Spaniards  fresh  from  the  creation  of  their  own  country 
by  expulsion  of  Moors  and  Jews,  proud  of  their  king  and 
looking  down  on  all  other  countries,  and  especially  filled 
with  zeal  for  converting  to  the  true  Catholic  faith  the  idola- 
ters of  the  New  World.  They  were  determined  that  within 
the  limits  claimed  by  their  monarch  there  should  settle  no 
heretics  to  disturb  the  orthodoxy  of  themselves  and  ruin  the 
simple-minded  natives.  This  is  the  keynote  of  the  Spanish 
rule  in  North  America. 

Exploration  fades  so  imperceptibly  into  colonization  that 
we  must  recall  the  names  of  some  Spanish  explorers.  Of 
those  prominent  in  the  beginning  of  Florida  after  the  unfor- 
tunate Ponce  de  Leon,  who  named  it,  six  stand  out  preemi- 
nent. The  first  is  Pineda,  sent  out  by  the  Spanish  governor 
of  Jamaica,  who  sought  the  strait  supposed  to  connect  the 
Gulf  with  the  Pacific  and  thus,  after  all,  provide  a water  route 
to  China  and  the  other  Indies.  Instead,  he  found  a bay 
which  he  named  Espiritu  Santo,  with  a neighborhood  thickly 
populated,  for  there  were  no  less  than  forty  native  settlements 
within  a short  compass.  Then  came  De  Ayllon,  who  was 
more  than  an  explorer.  He  was  granted  the  government  of 
all  the  lands  he  should  discover,  and  discovered  and  named 


8 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


more  than  he  lived  to  govern.  The  first  who  definitely 
planned  the  colonization  of  Florida  was  Panfilo  de  Narvaez, 
the  first  who  bore  the  title  adelantado  of  the  country  from  the 
river  Palmas  to  the  southern  cape  of  the  peninsula,  and  this 
under  an  asiento  of  1526.  So  far  successful  was  he  thought 
to  be  at  home  that  the  next  year  King  Philip  II.  named  a 
governor,  or  regidor , for  the  first  pueblo  established  by  Nar- 
vaez. We  know  his  sad  story.  So  far  from  settling  Florida, 
he  was  to  take  to  the  sea  again  at  Appalachee,  and  on  it  to 
meet  his  fate;  while  his  follower,  Cabeza  de  Vaca,  almost 
found  his  on  the  island  of  Malhado,  and  yet,  after  fleeing 
from  the  Charruas  to  the  Abaraes  and  other  Indian  tribes, 
lived  to  enter  Mexico  with  a few  men  at  last.  The  next 
year  came  the  asiento  with  De  Soto  for  the  conquest  and 
colonization  of  the  same  province,  followed  by  the  appoint- 
ment of  at  least  one  regidor  for  a pueblo  established  by 
him.  His  explorations  do  not  now  concern  us  except  that 
they  were  intended  as  a basis  for  colonization.  He  designed 
a city  on  or  near  the  Mississippi  as  a capital  or  centre  of 
influence  for  the  Spaniards,  but  before  it  was  built  he  ended 
his  life  in  the  charmed  limits  of  Florida. 

Here  we  may  pause  a moment  to  remember  that  while 
these  barren  attempts  were  being  made  to  the  north,  the 
mining  districts  of  Central  and  South  America  were  still 
pouring  their  treasures  into  Spain  and  building  up  a lucra- 
tive trade  with  each  other.  If  the  other  nations  of  the 
world  had  not  been  active  enough  to  discover  the  wealth 
of  the  west,  at  least  individuals  from  them  made  efforts 
to  share  in  the  commerce  of  the  Spanish  Main.  English 
and  French  ships  brought  and  carried  away  goods  from 
the  West  Indian  islands,  and  from  the  cattle  trade  and 
smoked  beef  of  Santo  Domingo  acquired  the  name  buccaneers , 
soon  to  be  of  a more  sinister  meaning.  Shut  out  by  law, 
they  entered  by  force,  and  received  no  little  encourage- 
ment from  the  Spanish  colonists  and  sometimes  from  the 
officials  themselves.  This  trade  of  freebooting  gradually 
drew  to  it  the  most  daring  spirits  of  Protestant  Europe. 


THE  SPANISH  SETTLEMENT  OF  FLORIDA 


9 


The  Calvinists  of  France,  the  Reformed  of  Holland,  and 
the  Protestant  English  forgot  their  own  quarrels  in  a chance 
to  unite  against  the  hated  Spaniard,  break  his  rules,  and 
seize  his  treasure.  In  an  era  when  war  was  almost  inces- 
sant, the  buccaneers  became  important  and  occupied  a 
different  position  from  that  of  pirates  now.  There  was 
a species  of  honor  among  them,  and  even  the  Spaniards 
learned  to  speak  of  them  with  respect.  On  their  side,  the 
Spaniards  made  no  scruple  of  capturing,  imprisoning,  and 
even  killing  them,  thinking  thereby  to  do  God  service  while 
striking  a blow  for  their  monarch.  Even  in  1549  an  English 
ambassador  was  able  to  make  out  a long  list  of  vessels,  car- 
goes, and  sailors  captured  and  still  detained  in  Spain  in  this 
manner;  and  as  time  went  on,  the  business  was  more  and 
more  profitable  and  popular.  The  French  at  first  seemed 
to  have  taken  the  lead,  and  in  a capture  of  Havana  not 
long  afterward  put  men,  women,  and  children  to  the  sword 
with  such  cruelty  as  to  furnish  an  excuse,  but  not  a reason, 
for  one  of  the  most  hateful  events  in  Florida’s  story. 

A Spanish  treasure  fleet  was  wrecked  by  a tropical  storm 
off  the  mainland,  and  the  viceroy  of  New  Spain,  Velasco 
of  good  memory,  sent  Villafane  to  investigate.  He  did  not 
find  the  treasure,  but  he  became  acquainted  with  the  Florida 
coast  and  this  led  directly  or  indirectly  to  another  plan  for 
colonizing  the  mainland  of  North  America.  The  details 
of  De  Soto’s  expedition  were  well  known,  and  the  efforts 
now  made  were  not  so  much  with  the  view  of  finding  gold 
as  of  preempting  the  land  from  foreign  occupation  and  of 
securing  harbors  which  would  protect  the  plate  fleets  and 
afford  a basis  for  operations  against  the  buccaneers. 

In  1555  came  the  retirement  of  Charles  V.;  and  he  was 
succeeded  by  Philip  II.,  who  was  equally  painstaking,  if  less 
brilliant.  The  Council  of  the  Indies  won  his  assent  to 
appointing  Don  Luis  de  Velasco,  viceroy  of  New  Spain, 
to  carry  out  definitely  the  conquest  and  colonization  of 
Florida.  Velasco  prepared  three  ships,  supplied  everything 
necessary,  and  for  destination  he  selected  the  land  of  Cosa 


10 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


as  that  most  praised  by  the  survivors  of  the  expeditions  of 
Narvaez  and  De  Soto.  Thus  we  find  that  these  explorers 
had  not  lived  in  vain,  for  they  determined  where  was  to  be 
the  first  definite  attempt  at  colonization ; for  although  at 
some  point  De  Soto  had  established  a pueblo  with  regidores , 
and  at  Cosa  had  left  at  least  two  men,  nothing  had  lasted 
but  a memory.  And  now,  in  1559,  Velasco  made  Tristan 
de  Luna  captain-general  of  his  armada  and  of  Florida,  and 
sent  with  him  Juan  Ceron  as  master  of  camp,  and  fifteen 
hundred  soldiers,  besides  women  and  children.  Of  the 
twelve  captains,  we  are  told  that  half  had  been  in  Cosa 
in  the  previous  expeditions.  The  army  marched  to  Vera 
Cruz,  where  final  instructions  were  given  and  the  fleet  set 
sail.  On  August  14th  they  landed  at  a port  which  they 
called  Santa  Maria,  with  a good  bay,  and  Tristan  sent  back 
glowing  despatches.  He  explored  along  the  coast  and  up 
the  river,  when  a terrible  hurricane  dispersed  and  wrecked 
the  entire  fleet,  with  loss  of  everyone  aboard  ; but,  undis- 
mayed, he  sent  his  sargento  maior  with  four  companies  to 
penetrate  further,  for  with  no  means  of  retreat  he  must 
press  forward  to  reach  the  fertile  land  of  Cosa.  They 
proceeded  forty  days  through  uninhabited  land  to  Gran 
Rio,  probably  Alabama  River,  which  they  followed,  and 
found  a pueblo  abounding  in  maize.  By  an  interpreter 
they  learned  that  it  was  called  Nanipacna,  and  had  formerly 
been  larger  until  destroyed  by  men  resembling  themselves. 
Thus  by  poetic  justice  the  Spaniards  had  reached  a solitude 
created  by  Spaniards!  Tristan,  on  receiving  word,  came 
with  all  his  forces  by  river  and  land,  and  on  his  arrival  named 
the  place  Santa  Cruz  de  Nanipacna.  So  large  a party  soon 
ate  up  all  the  supplies.  The  men  had  to  live  on  bitter 
acorns,  mashed  first  in  salt  and  then  in  fresh  water,  while 
their  women  and  children  could  eat  only  leaves  and  shoots 
of  trees. 

Where  Nanipacna  was  situated  is  perhaps  uncertain,  but 
the  indications  point  to  the  Mauvila  of  De  Soto,  and,  at 
all  events,  Tristan  determined  to  leave  its  desolation  and 


THE  SPANISH  SETTLEMENT  OF  FLORIDA  n 

seek  for  Cosa.  To  blaze  the  way,  he  sent  his  sargento  maior 
and  two  hundred  soldiers,  and  with  them  went  two  priests. 
The  accounts  of  the  distance  vary,  but  may  be  reconciled 
by  supposing  that  they  wandered  around  for  two  hundred 
leagues  before  reaching  the  river  Olibahali,  with  huts  and 
villages  of  the  Indians  on  its  banks.  Then  they  came  to  the 
principal  pueblo  of  the  province  of  Cosa,  with  its  twenty 
houses;  and  the  Spaniards,  acting  for  once  with  modera- 
tion, were  well  received.  They  learned  that  De  Soto’s 
deserters  were  long  since  dead,  and,  alas ! the  priests  could 
make  little  progress  in  converting  the  natives.  Instead  of 
going  back  to  Tristan,  however,  the  sargento  ?naior  was 
persuaded  to  assist  the  warriors  of  Cosa  against  a tribe 
called  Napochies,  who  had  recently  revolted.  Invading 
the  country  about  the  Gran  Rio,  the  allies  found  it  deserted 
and  that  the  Napochies  had  taken  refuge  near  the  river 
called  Ochechiton.  This  the  invaders  forded  waist  deep, 
and  the  firearms  of  the  Spaniards  brought  the  rebels  to 
terms,  so  that  tribute  of  fruits  and  the  like  was  again 
arranged.  Meantime,  Tristan  had  deemed  his  advance  party 
dead,  and  with  his  eight  hundred  people  returned  to  port, 
leaving  directions  buried  in  a pot.  The  distress  was  so  great 
that  Feria,  one  of  his  priests,  obtained  permission  to  seek  aid 
in  Cuba,  and  receiving  none  there  went  on  to  Vera  Cruz. 
On  the  other  hand,  the  sargento  maior  finally  reached  the 
coast ; but  his  men  so  exaggerated  the  hardships  of  the 
journey  that  no  one  thought  further  of  going  to  Cosa. 
Tristan  seems  to  have  occupied  his  time  largely  in  trying  to 
enforce  discipline,  and  the  records  are  filled  with  accounts  of 
his  severity.  At  least  one  soldier  was  punished  with  death, 
and  many  others  were  condemned,  although  they  were  so 
numerous  that  it  was  impossible  to  carry  out  the  sentence. 
Ceron  was  the  leader  of  the  opposition,  and  it  was  only  after 
five  months  that,  taking  advantage  of  Palm  Sunday,  Father 
Anunciacion  managed  to  secure  concord.  A dramatic  scene 
it  must  have  been  when  upon  the  elevation  of  the  Host  the 
general  softened  and  asked  pardon  of  those  whom  he  had 


12 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


offended;  for  Ceron  and  the  others  were  also  on  their  knees, 
and  a thorough  reconciliation  was  effected. 

Their  encampment  was  in  effect  the  first  Spanish  colo- 
nization of  Florida,  and  its  exact  location  would  be  a 
matter  of  considerable  interest.  It  is  generally  thought  of 
as  the  origin  of  Pensacola,  but  if  so  the  settlement  was  cer- 
tainly much  nearer  the  Gulf  than  the  present  city.  Pensacola 
Bay  was  always  afterward  known  to  the  Spaniards  as  Santa 
Maria,  and  there  is  little  reason  to  doubt  that  this  colony 
was  located  somewhere  between  the  bays  now  known  as 
Mobile  and  Pensacola.  No  mention  is  made  in  the  sources 
of  any  permanent  works,  although  it  was  characteristic  of 
the  Spaniards  to  build  of  solid  materials;  and  it  is  quite  pos- 
sible that  some  rude  remains,  and  in  particular  a canal  afford- 
ing an  easier  outlet  from  Mobile  Bay  to  the  Gulf,  may  date 
from  this  time.  It  is  indeed  probable  that  in  addition  to 
the  port  first  occupied  the  colony  had  another  site,  for  we 
read  that  they  finally  proceeded  overland  on  horses  to  a 
different  harbor;  but,  at  all  events,  the  two  were  not  far 
apart,  and  the  rude  peninsula  between  the  two  bays  named 
probably  embraced  the  scene  of  Tristan’s  colonization. 

The  result  of  Father  Feria’s  mission  was  that  Villafane 
came  as  Governor  of  Florida,  with  special  instructions  to 
explore  the  eastern  coast,  and  upon  his  arrival  there  were 
long  and  earnest  discussions  as  to  carrying  out  the  old  enter- 
prise. Some  desired  to  make  a road  to  New  Spain,  but  the 
upshot  was  that  Villafane  took  off  most  of  the  colonists, 
famished  and  discouraged,  and  landed  them  at  Havana. 
Only  Tristan  and  some  personal  adherents  remained,  sending 
word  to  the  viceroy  how  to  make  the  colony  effective,  and 
finally  even  Tristan  received  command  to  return.  This  he 
did  with  great  reluctance  and  embarked  for  Havana,  whence 
he  passed  to  Mexico.  And  when  he  sailed  came  the  end 
of  the  first  definite  colonization  of  the  mainland  of  Florida. 
It  had  not  resulted  in  a permanent  settlement,  nor  in  secur- 
ing a port  effectual  for  the  protection  of  the  coast  and  plate 
fleets  against  foreigners  and  buccaneers.  Its  three  years’ 


THE  SPANISH  SETTLEMENT  OF  FLORIDA 


*3 


duration  had  only  thrown  a little  light  upon  geography  and 
natural  history  and  named  one  or  more  harbors  on  the 
north  coast  of  the  Gulf. 

Passing  around  to  the  Atlantic  coast,  however,  Villafane, 
in  the  name  of  the  king,  took  possession  of  the  coast  and 
point  of  Santa  Helena,  already  named  by  De  Ayllon  and  to 
become  famous  in  after  days.  But  there  was  for  the  present 
no  thought  of  further  settling  Florida.  The  Spaniards  came 
to  think  of  it  as  haunted  by  evil  spirits,  and  a decree  of  the 
king  seemed  to  sanction  their  dread  by  prohibiting  every 
form  of  expedition  to  the  country.  The  only  improvement 
Tristan  had  made  on  the  ill  success  of  his  predecessors  was 
in  escaping  with  his  own  life. 

In  the  meantime  there  was  preparing  in  France  an  expe- 
dition to  contest  Spain’s  right  to  this  very  country  of  Santa 
Helena,  now  Port  Royal  in  South  Carolina;  and  with  an  easy 
identification  of  the  Protestant  French  with  the  freebooting 
corsairs,  Spain  was  to  attempt  their  extermination.  The 
expedition  of  Ribault  can  better  be  told  in  another  chapter, 
but  here  must  be  noted  the  work  of  his  opponent  in  other 
and  more  creditable  lines. 

The  year  that  Pineda  was  discovering  the  bay  of  Espiritu 
Santo  there  was  born  at  Aviles,  near  the  north  coast  of 
Spain,  Pedro  Menendez,  called  De  Aviles  to  distinguish  him 
from  others  of  the  name.  He  served  as  a cabin  boy,  and 
early  acquired  that  love  of  the  ocean  which  has  made  him 
one  of  the  heroic  figures  of  Spanish  history.  To  him,  says 
an  admirer,  Spain  owes  a monument,  history  a volume, 
and  the  Muses  an  epic.  Early  employed  at  sea,  he  once 
saved  Charles  V.,  went  to  England  with  Philip  II.  at  his 
marriage,  and  became  a great  sailor  in  the  Atlantic  service 
of  his  country.  The  business  of  the  buccaneers  had  grown 
so  much  and  become  so  well  organized  that  about  this  time  it 
was  usual  for  treasure  ships  coming  from  America  to  set  out 
only  at  certain  seasons  of  the  year  and  under  the  guard  of 
men-of-war.  Of  this  armada  Menendez  was  made  captain- 
general,  and  won  the  hearty  approval  of  Velasco  in  America 


H 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


and  of  King  Philip  in  Spain  in  his  efforts  against  the  bucca- 
neers. He  was  not  so  acceptable  to  the  Casa  de  Contra- 
tacion  at  Seville.  This  institution  was  founded  in  1503  to 
handle  matters  pertaining  to  the  growing  trade  with  America, 
and  gradually  it  obtained  or  assumed  extensive  powers  con- 
nected with  navigation.  There  is  no  doubt  that  it  facilitated 
the  upbuilding  of  the  Spanish  marine,  and  it  was  the  envy 
of  other  countries.  Its  selection  of  admirals,  or  of  generals, 
as  they  were  still  called,  had  lately  been  somewhat  unfortu- 
nate, however,  and  this  was  in  part  the  reason  for  the  king’s 
taking  this  appointment  to  himself.  The  Casa  hampered 
Menendez  all  that  it  could,  but  in  the  end  he  was  successful. 

From  the  fateful  year  1565  date  not  only  the  capitula- 
tion and  asiento  for  Menendez’s  colonization  and  conquest 
of  Florida,  and  an  inventory  of  the  formidable  armada 
prepared  for  that  purpose,  but  a number  of  decrees  and 
regulations  affecting  the  subject.  The  settlers  were  to 
import  and  export  for  ten  years  without  duties  what  was 
necessary  for  their  well-being,  while  Menendez  received 
several  benefits  himself.  Thus  he  was  granted  twenty-five 
leagues  square  in  Florida  forever,  a license  to  transport 
thither  free  of  duty  five  hundred  slaves,  a cedula  gave  him 
the  right  of  two  pesquerias  [fisheries] , one  of  pearls  and  the 
other  of  fishes,  and  he  was  to  participate  in  all  the  profits, 
mines,  and  quarries.  Thus  rewarded  in  advance,  and  yet 
in  such  a way  that  his  reward  would  be  valueless  unless  he 
was  successful,  he  set  sail,  and,  touching  at  Porto  Rico, 
on  August  28th,  St.  Augustine’s  day,  he  saw  the  land  of 
Florida. 

In  the  early  days  of  September  he  landed  soldiers  and  colo- 
nists while  manoeuvring  in  stormy  weather  before  attacking 
the  Huguenots  at  Fort  Caroline;  and  while  he  was  fighting 
there,  his  representatives  were  building  a fort.  Padre  Men- 
doza remained,  and  says  that  they  were  well  received  by  the 
Indians,  who  gave  them  a large  house,  belonging  to  a cacique, 
situated  near  the  river,  and  that  the  Spaniards  built  an 
intrenchment  around  it,  in  which  they  mounted  bronze 


THE  SPANISH  SETTLEMENT  OF  FLORIDA 


15 


guns.  Gradually,  a palisaded  fort,  triangular  in  shape,  arose 
nearly  opposite  the  inlet  by  which  he  entered,  and  a short 
distance  below  was  the  beginning  of  the  town,  named  St. 
Augustine,  from  the  day  of  arrival  in  Florida.  Bayous 
bounded  the  settlement  to  the  north  and  south,  but  the  site 
was  sufficiently  high  to  secure  the  place  from  inundation, 
while  opposite  it  the  long,  low  island  of  Anastasia,  sandy 
and  covered  with  a short  growth  of  oaks  and  underbrush, 
protected  it  from  the  force  of  ocean  storms. 

After  his  sanguinary  success  over  the  French  and  the 
settlement  of  St.  Augustine,  Menendez  departed  for  Cuba 
to  obtain  supplies.  Here  he  found  himself  hampered  by 
Osorio,  the  governor,  and  only  by  pledging  his  jewels  and 
decorations  could  he  obtain  the  means  he  needed.  The 
next  year  he  explored  the  coast  further  to  the  north  and 
south.  De  Ayllon  had  gone  over  somewhat  the  same  route 
forty  odd  years  before,  enslaving  the  natives  and  naming 
places;  and  now  Menendez  acted  in  a more  statesmanlike 
manner,  and  founded  several  settlements.  His  activity 
extended  from  far  up  the  Atlantic  coast,  possibly  Chesa- 
peake Bay,  which  was  known  even  to  De  Ayllon  as  Santa 
Maria,  to  the  extreme  southern  coast  of  Florida,  whose 
islands  were  already  called  Martires  from  the  number  of 
explorers  whose  lives  were  sacrificed  by  the  natives.  Me- 
nendez discovered  a safe  harbor,  which  he  considered  of 
great  importance  for  shipping  and  especially  for  the  plate 
fleet  from  Mexico,  and  entered  into  a treaty  with  the  In- 
dians, who  called  themselves  Carlos;  but  he  does  not  seem  to 
have  made  a permanent  settlement  among  them,  unless  the 
fort  of  San  Anton  is  to  be  regarded  as  such.  It  is  recorded 
that  this  fort  had  one  hundred  soldiers  and  guarded  the 
Cape  of  Martires  and  the  Bahama  channel.  The  Indians 
were  warlike,  friendly  rather  to  the  French,  which  must 
have  been  due  to  the  buccaneers,  or  to  the  French  in  the 
neighboring  island  of  Santo  Domingo,  where  they  were  in- 
creasing in  number.  The  furthest  settlement  to  the  north 
seems  to  have  been  Santa  Helena,  where  Menendez  built 


i6 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


the  fort  of  San  Felipe,  with  one  hundred  soldiers.  This 
was  a favorite  colony  of  the  Spaniards,  both  on  account  of 
the  beautiful  location  of  the  port  and  of  the  friendliness 
of  the  Indians. 

These  were  outlying  posts,  and  after  the  destruction  of 
San  Mateo  by  Gourgues  the  others  lay  principally  in  the 
immediate  neighborhood  of  St.  Augustine.  The  fort  at 
the  town  itself  was  then  also  called  San  Agustin,  the  prin- 
cipal post  of  Florida,  designed  especially  to  guard  the 
Bahama  passage.  Somewhat  below  was  a block  house,  or 
similar  structure,  with  fifty  soldiers,  at  the  inlet  of  Matanzas, 
so  named  from  the  slaughter  of  the  Huguenots,  and  further 
yet  was  Nocoroco,  between  the  waters  leading  to  Matanzas 
and  those  to  Mosquito  Inlet.  The  remaining  fort  named 
in  the  archives  was  San  Pedro  on  the  island  of  Tacatacoru, 
some  twenty  leagues  from  St.  Augustine,  guarding  San 
Mateo  and  the  Bay  of  Ballenas,  both  good  ports. 

All  these  forts  were  in  the  shape  of  triangles  and  were 
made  of  wood  and  earth,  supplied  with  the  necessary  artil- 
lery and  soldiers.  They  were  the  origin  and  the  defence 
of  the  Spanish  settlements.  From  them  went  out  an  in- 
fluence among  the  Indians,  and  gradually  other  colonies, 
which  in  the  palmy  times  of  Spain  amounted  to  a very  real 
colonization  of  Florida. 

For  our  present  purposes  what  we  now  know  as  Pensa- 
cola and  Appalachee  may  be  left  out  of  account,  for  the  one 
had  been  abandoned  and  the  other  was  less  a Spanish  post 
than  the  seat  of  a flourishing  tribe  of  Indians,  whose  influence 
was  rather  upon  nomenclature  than  on  colonization.  Among 
the  smaller  settlements  may  be  mentioned  Santa  Lucia,  or 
Ais,  peopled  and  fortified  by  Menendez  in  the  same  year  as 
St.  Augustine,  and  San  Juan  de  Pinos  somewhat  nearer,  of 
about  the  same  date,  both  dependencies  of  the  capital.  All 
told,  the  Spaniards  were  to  count  the  province  or  colony  of 
Carlos  in  the  south;  St.  Augustine,  in  the  east;  Guale,  in 
what  we  call  Georgia,  which  was  somewhat  later  to  have 
as  a capital  St.  Simon ; Orysta,  about  Santa  Helena ; and 


THE  SPANISH  SETTLEMENT  OF  FLORIDA 


I7 


Chicora,  extending  indefinitely  to  the  north.  Their  claim 
was  not  only  that  De  Ayllon  discovered  Chicora,  but  that  in 
1521  he  had  commenced  to  colonize  it  under  his  patents. 
Certain  it  seems  that  at  some  time,  more  likely  in  that  of 
Menendez,  there  was  a Spanish  settlement  near  the  Bay 
of  Santa  Maria  at  what  was  afterward  called  Jamestown 
Island,  where  lived  Spaniards  and  their  slaves. 

Next  to  St.  Augustine  the  principal  settlement  was  that 
at  Santa  Helena,  whose  history  also  goes  back  to  De  Ayllon, 
who  named  it.  Menendez  fortified  it  and  was  often  there. 
A plan  shows  that  Fort  San  Felipe  lay  on  the  river  and  was 
shaped  something  like  a boat.  In  the  rear,  connected  by 
gates,  was  a building  comprising  sleeping  apartments,  pro- 
tected of  course,  while  in  front  was  a triangular  platform, 
with  cannon  mounted  on  carriages,  and  outside  are  build- 
ings, one  for  women  and  having  two  stories.  The  drawing 
is  rude  and  somewhat  symbolic,  but  the  size  of  the  houses 
and  the  presence  of  women  indicate  a permanent  settlement. 
From  the  fort  of  San  Felipe,  Menendez  wrote  at  least  one 
lengthy  and  important  letter  to  the  Spanish  monarch,  and  it 
was  from  there  in  1566  were  undertaken  the  two  expedi- 
tions of  Juan  Pardo  for  the  better  knowledge  of  the  country. 
He  left  Santa  Helena  with  two  hundred  and  forty-eight  sol- 
diers, and  after  great  hardships  arrived  at  a place  called 
Guatari,  on  Savannah  River,  but  was  recalled  by  a letter 
stating  that  the  fort  was  in  danger  of  attack  by  the  French. 
His  relations  with  the  natives  were  more  kindly  than  usual 
with  the  Spaniards,  and  they  showed  some  disposition  to 
embrace  the  Catholic  faith  and  acknowledge  the  sovereignty 
of  Spain.  Therefore,  Menendez  sent  him  out  a second 
time,  with  instructions  to  convert  the  natives  and  build 
necessary  forts.  On  this  occasion  he  proceeded  two  hun- 
dred and  sixty  leagues  and  lacked  a few  days’  journey  of 
reaching  the  frontier  of  New  Spain,  being  well  received  by 
the  chiefs.  He  mentions  Cossa,  Tasquiqui,  and  Trasca- 
luza, — the  last  the  westernmost  place  in  Florida, — so  he  must 
have  crossed  the  paths  of  De  Soto  and  Tristan.  To  secure 


i8 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


what  he  had  gained  he  built  at  the  request  of  the  natives 
the  forts  of  Joado,  Guiomae,  Lameco,  Cauchi,  and  Guatari, 
returning  successfully  to  Santa  Helena,  where  he  made  full 
written  reports.  Unfortunately,  subsequent  events  blotted 
out  the  remembrance  of  his  discoveries,  and  we  cannot  now 
locate  many  of  the  places  he  mentions,  but  he  was  in  the 
Tennessee  mountains  and  traversed  what  is  now  called 
Georgia,  Florida,  Alabama,  and  Mississippi.  The  expedi- 
tion impressed  Menendez,  for  almost  his  last  plan  was  to 
build  a palace  in  Guatari,  or  at  Canos,  near  Santa  Helena 
and  equally  praised  by  Pardo. 

Menendez  himself  explored  St.John’s  or  San  Mateo  River 
for  fifty  leagues,  to  such  purpose  that  on  future  occasions 
the  Spaniards  became  the  arbiters  in  the  Indian  disputes 
despite  the  old  leaning  of  the  natives  toward  the  French. 
It  is  remarkable  that  they  had  such  defective  conceptions 
of  that  river.  It  rises  far  to  the  south,  runs  northwardly  a 
few  miles  west  of  St.  Augustine,  some  of  its  waters  almost 
interlacing  with  those  of  the  Suwanee  leading  to  the  west 
coast,  and  thus  forms  a means  of  communication  with  much 
of  the  peninsula.  The  early  maps  give  no  indication  of  its 
course;  they  sustain  the  impression  that  with  the  exception 
of  Pardo,  and  possibly  of  Menendez  himself,  the  Spaniards 
explored  only  a short  distance  from  the  coast. 

Menendez  was  indefatigable  in  his  efforts  for  Florida.  In 
1568  he  had  been  made  Governor  of  Cuba,  and  in  Havana 
he  effected  reforms  and  improvements,  among  them  insti- 
tuting a college  where  Florida  and  other  Indians  were  edu- 
cated. He  appreciated  the  necessity  for  obtaining  laborers 
instead  of  gentlemen,  but  in  1573  the  need  for  colonists 
forced  the  government  to  send  also  from  Mexico  and  other 
colonies  those  who  had  been  condemned  to  banishment, 
deserters,  and  even  galley  convicts.  We  read,  however, 
even  in  this  same  year  of  fifty  men  with  their  families  who 
were  to  come  from  Asturia  in  Spain,  one  hundred  from 
the  Azores,  fifty  from  Seville,  and  one  hundred  Portuguese 
laborers,  marking  a gradual  and  steady  inflow  of  population 


THE  SPANISH  SETTLEMENT  OF  FLORIDA 


into  the  new  colony.  The  expenses  were  paid  by  money 
sent  from  New  Spain,  thus  avoiding  the  dangers  of  carrying 
the  bullion  to  Spain  and  back  again;  at  one  time  four 
thousand  ducats  were  ordered;  at  another,  Vera  Cruz  was 
to  remit  Menendez  annually  a certain  sum. 

In  this  year  the  boundaries  of  Florida  were  extended 
westwardly  to  Panuco  River,  and  among  the  last-recorded 
wishes  of  Menendez  was  that  he  might  go  back  to  Florida 
to  spend  his  days  in  saving  souls.  He  never  quite  gave  up 
the  idea  impressed  on  him  by  the  learned  Urdaneta  that 
there  extended  from  the  Bay  of  Santa  Maria  to  the  waters 
of  China  a strait  through  Florida.  Many  tales  were  told  of 
this  passage,  and  Menendez  never  ceased  to  impress  upon 
his  king  the  necessity  of  seizing  and  fortifying  it  before 
some  other  nation  found  it  out.  But  there  is  a limit  to  the 
activity  of  even  a Menendez;  and  while  at  the  head  of 
the  greatest  armada  Spain  had  assembled  up  to  that  time, 
destined  possibly  for  England,  he  died  at  Santander,  Sep- 
tember 17,  1574. 

Despite  this  event,  the  colony  of  Florida,  gradually  devel- 
oping into  several  districts,  became  more  and  more  firmly 
established.  None  of  Menendez’s  successors  equalled  him, 
and  in  the  several  forts  from  time  to  time  we  find  distrust  if 
not  dissension.  Francis  Drake  in  1586  was  even  able  through 
the  treachery  of  deserters  to  attack  and  destroy  St.  Augus- 
tine, and  the  garrison  with  the  inhabitants  took  refuge  in 
the  old  fort  of  San  Mateo.  But  Drake  gained  little  spoil,1' 
and  the  Spaniards  immediately  rebuilt  and  reoccupied  the 
place.  We  have  plans  of  what  it  looked  like  a few  years 
later.  Thus,  there  is  one  of  a square  fort,  with  platform, 
embrasures,  and  mounted  cannon,  and  to  the  rear  is  a sepa- 
rate division  for  munitions,  also  fortified.  A striking  feature 
of  this  rather  crude  drawing  is  the  representation  of  the  sen- 
tinels, all  pacing  away  from  the  sea.  Those  to  the  north 
are  called  day  guards,  and  those  toward  the  town,  night. 
They  look  as  if  they  are  on  dress  parade,  each  with  hand 
on  sword,  and  a heavy  arquebus  on  the  right  shoulder.  The 


20 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


uniform  seems  to  be  a jaunty  one  of  shoes  and  hose,  doublet 
and  coat,  while  a hat  with  feathers  completes  the  attire. 
Spears  are  seen  leaning  against  the  walls  or  in  a crotch,  and 
arquebuses  stand  to  one  side  in  a rack,  indicating  the  arque- 
busiers  and  lancers  of  that  day.  The  boats,  too,  are  char- 
acteristic, if  more  symbolical  than  correct  in  details.  Each 
is  three-masted,  with  ratlines,  and  carries  one  cannon  in  front 
and  three  at  the  side.  Their  pennants  are  two-pointed,  and 
the  masts,  like  the  houses,  show  crosses  at  the  top. 

From  the  same  year,  1595,  dates  a large  plat,  differing  in 
some  details  and  showing  more  of  the  surrounding  country. 
Thus,  the  fort  is  triangular,  but  with  bastions  at  the  angles, 
while  five  hundred  paces  away  is  the  little  town,  with  boats 
tied  to  a rude  plank  wharf.  We  find  a fortified  cuerpo  de 
guardia , the  house  of  the  general,  a church  with  four  or 
more  bells  in  a detached  belfry,  and  to  the  rear,  not  far  from 
San  Sebastian  Creek,  we  see  where  live  the  Augustinians. 
There  seems  to  be  a palisade  along  the  beach,  and  much  of 
the  land  back  of  the  buildings  is  taken  up  with  gardens. 
Behind  the  fort  a thousand  paces  is  the  Indian  pueblo  of 
Nombre  de  Dios,  of  huts,  some  with  roofs  and  some 
rounded,  and  across  the  San  Sebastian,  near  the  Augus- 
tinians, is  another  Indian  settlement,  bearing  the  name  of 
Sebastian.  Beyond  we  find  only  bayous,  marshes,  and 
woods,  indicated  by  symbolic  marks  for  trees  and  grass. 

It  is  interesting  to  study  the  Spanish  method  of  coloniza- 
tion. It  is  natural,  in  taking  possession  of  a new  country, 
for  the  occupation  to  be  at  first  military  and  then  gradually 
to  change  into  civil.  We  see  this  in  the  old  division  of  the 
Roman  provinces.  When  first  conquered  they  were  under 
military  rule  and  known  as  imperial  provinces;  while  after 
the  country  had  become  quiet  and  civilized,  they  were  turned 
over  to  proconsuls  and  called  senatorial.  The  American 
conquest  of  the  Philippines  presents  the  same  picture. 
With  the  Spaniards,  however,  the  procedure  hardly  got  so 
far,  for  the  occupation  cannot  fairly  be  said  ever  to  have 
progressed  beyond  the  military  condition.  It  is  true  that  a 


THE  SPANISH  SETTLEMENT  OF  FLORIDA 


21 


distinction  between  the  military  and  political  departments 
was  known.  The  military  occupancy  was  called  a presidio , 
governed  by  a commandant  of  varying  titles,  while  a civil 
or  political  settlement  was  called  a ciudad.  But  even  where 
there  was  no  real  danger  of  warfare  the  soldiers  predomi- 
nated, and  the  same  man  was  often  both  civil  and  military 
governor.  Particularly  was  this  true  of  the  widely  scattered 
settlements  in  Florida.  The  government  may  be  said  to 
have  been  practically  military  throughout,  and  military  in 
the  sense  and  under  the  regulations  of  Charles  V.;  for 
Spain  never  progressed  beyond  his  standard,  and  subsequent 
kings  sought  merely  to  adapt  this  rather  than  make  new 
rules  to  suit  the  time.  Add  to  this  the  fact  that  the  age 
of  Charles  V.  was  the  Golden  Age  of  Spain.  It  seemed 
unpatriotic  to  attempt  to  improve  on  it. 

There  was  one  aspect  of  Spanish  civilization  which  was 
not  military.  No  people  in  Europe  were  more  religious 
and  none  were  more  devoted  to  Catholic  rites  and  doctrines. 
The  country  had  practically  been  created  by  the  crusade 
against  the  Moors,  and  as  a consequence  the  priesthood 
acquired  power  unexampled  in  the  rest  of  Europe.  Heresy 
of  all  kinds,  Jewish  or  Protestant,  was  relentlessly  crushed 
out.  A type  of  character  was  formed  which  considered 
purity  of  belief  the  greatest  thing  in  the  world.  To  modern 
eyes  it  created  a zeal  which  was  not  only  one-sided,  but 
cruel;  and  yet  therein  was  the  secret  of  its  success.  Its 
rulers  sought  to  merit  heaven  by  making  earth  a hell.  With 
the  soldier  went  the  priest,  and  no  expedition  in  search  of 
American  gold  departed  without  instructions  and  means  for 
the  conversion  of  the  savages.  If  they  did  not  conform, 
they  were  to  be  killed  or  enslaved,  for  to  the  Spanish  mind 
this  was  a lesser  evil.  To  this  effect  was  the  proclamation 
of  Narvaez.  For  if  slain  they  would  at  least  not  contami- 
nate others.  And  yet  it  may  well  be  that  history  has  laid 
more  stress  on  the  harsh  side  of  the  Spanish  conquests  than 
is  deserved.  It  is  impossible  to  read  the  story  of  the  fathers 
who  accompanied  the  colonists  and  devoted  their  lives  to 


22 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


the  conversion  of  the  natives,  without  a feeling  of  admira- 
tion. They  abandoned  everything  that  was  dear  to  man, 
with  the  aim  and  hope  of  doing  good  to  the  ignorant  and 
often  cruel  natives  of  the  New  World.  While  priests 
always  accompanied  the  soldiers,  soldiers  did  not  always  go 
along  with  the  priests.  In  the  outlying  districts  near  every 
fort  there  would  gradually  be  built  chapels  for  the  natives, 
and  these  were  centres  not  of  religious  work  alone.  The 
fathers  would  teach  the  Indians  whom  they  could  influence 
how  to  cultivate  the  soil  and  the  simpler  forms  of  handi- 
work and  manufacture,  for  their  method  with  the  Indians 
was  the  same  in  Florida  as  it  was  in  Texas  and  California. 
The  defect  was  that  they  did  not  teach  them  self-reliance. 
If  left  to  themselves,  these  converts  generally  starved  or 
relapsed  into  barbarism.  And  yet  at  least  one  whole  tribe 
became  thoroughly  Christianized,  a tribe  of  importance  in 
many  ways.  The  Apalaches  had  suffered  from  De  Soto 
and  had  seen  Narvaez  build  his  craft  on  their  shores,  and 
later  they  had  enjoyed  the  ministrations  of  the  devoted 
Spanish  priescs.  Their  greatness  is  attested  by  the  fact  that 
they  have  given  their  name  to  a bay  and  several  rivers,  and 
even  to  the  eastern  continental  range  of  America,  whence 
they  obtained  gold.  They  were  to  be  the  chief  fruits  of 
Spanish  efforts  to  civilize  the  natives. 

At  the  beginning  there  were  three  missions  of  more  or 
less  importance.  The  first  was  in  1566,  when  the  Fran- 
ciscans began  their  work.  Of  them  Father  Martinez,  who 
was  one  of  the  best  known,  was  killed  by  the  Indians  near 
the  river  St.  John’s  while  exploring  the  coast  in  a small  boat. 
Two  years  later  others  divided  themselves  among  the  mis- 
sions of  Carlos,  Tocolaga,  Tequesta,  Orysta,  and  Guale, 
but  they  were  to  attain  little  success.  In  1570  there  was 
a third  expedition,  and  then  we  have  a long  letter  from  one 
of  the  padres  who  had  been  in  Orysta,  almost  giving  up 
hope  of  converting  the  savages;  for  they  were  too  migratory 
and  resented  anything  said  against  the  Devil.  The  next 
year  a renegade  neophyte  named  Luis  led  his  savage  kinsmen 


THE  SPANISH  SETTLEMENT  OF  FLORIDA 


23 


and  killed  eight  or  more  padres,  some  dying  in  the  celebra- 
tion of  the  Mass,  some  while  blessing  their  murderers.  Of 
course,  Menendez  severely  punished  the  offenders,  but  the 
cause  of  religion  almost  stood  still.  A short  time  before, 
the  Theatines  had  begun  to  labor  in  Guale  and  Santa  Helena, 
and  were  able  to  report  much  pleasure  at  the  progress  of 
Christianity  in  that  direction.  Dominicans  and  Franciscans 
also  worked  at  different  points  on  the  coast  and  in  the  inte- 
rior, and  the  Franciscans  built  the  convent  in  St.  Augustine, 
which  lasted  throughout  the  Spanish  rule.  And  yet,  despite 
the  large  number  of  converts  in  Guale,  true  savages  still, 
they,  near  the  end  of  the  century,  revolted  and  slaughtered 
all  the  good  padres.  It  would  be  a sad  pleasure  to  detail 
the  perseverance  of  the  missionaries  under  such  sufferings — 
sufferings  unsurpassed  anywhere.  Ultimately  they  won  the 
hearts  and,  we  may  trust,  the  souls  of  many;  but  at 
the  beginning  the  Indians  seem  to  have  visited  on  them, 
fearlessly  going  about  unarmed  on  their  sacred  missions 
and  doing  only  good,  the  hatred  which  men  of  the  Stone 
Age  had  learned  for  those  who  wielded  weapons  of  iron. 
And  yet,  we  must  remember  that  the  cruelty  and  cunning 
which  we  find  and  detest  among  the  Indians  was  but  that 
generally  found  among  savages  of  their  grade  of  culture. 
With  the  improvement  of  weapons  and  customs  comes  the 
improvement  of  morals,  and  it  is  always  difficult  for  the  civ- 
ilized man  to  judge  fairly  those  lower  in  the  scale.  The 
Spanish  soldiers  made  no  such  attempt,  but  some  of  their 
leaders  did,  and  the  priests  were  beyond  praise. 

The  Spanish  relations  with  the  natives  about  them  dif- 
fered entirely  from  that  of  the  English  when  they  later 
settled  further  north.  It  has  been  suggested  that  the  In- 
dians influenced  the  English  more  by  being  their  constant 
enemies,  and  thus  enforcing  vigilance  and  energy,  than  in 
any  other  way.  To  the  south,  we  have  the  anomalous  fact 
that  the  Spaniards  treated  the  natives  with  more  harsh- 
ness and  yet  ultimately  secured  the  greater  influence  over 
them. 


24 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


Slavery  was  not  unknown  among  the  Indians  themselves, 
and  when  the  Spaniards  made  servants  of  natives  captured 
in  war  it  was  not  felt  to  be  unusual  or  oppressive.  The 
same  thing  is  done  to  this  day  in  Africa,  and  has  been 
practised  in  the  beginnings  of  all  history.  In  Florida  the 
system  had  few  of  the  cruel  features  seen  in  the  Spanish 
islands.  The  worst  the  foreigners  did  with  the  natives  was 
to  make  them  bear  burdens  and  cultivate  the  soil,  while  in 
the  West  Indies  they  were  divided  up  by  repartimientos  and 
forced  to  work  in  the  mines,  where  their  spirits  drooped  and 
they  died  like  sheep.  There  it  was  that  the  humane  bishop 
Las  Casas  conceived  the  plan  of  importing  from  Guinea 
negroes  to  do  the  work  which  the  native  Indians  were 
unable  to  endure.  Thus  it  was  that  negroes  were  brought 
to  the  Western  Hemisphere.  The  seed  planted  produced  a 
much  larger  tree  than  the  bishop  intended,  and  he  lived  to 
regret  giving  the  advice;  but  at  least  it  did  some  good  to  the 
Indians,  and,  despite  Isabella,  was  ultimately  adopted  by  the 
government  for  the  development  of  its  American  colonies. 
Although  it  started  in  the  West  Indies,  the  system  ulti- 
mately spread  to  the  continent,  and  in  Florida  as  elsewhere 
we  early  find  negro  slaves. 

The  industries  of  the  colonists  were  governed  by  the 
circumstances  surrounding  them.  Agriculture  was  a neces- 
sity. The  vegetables  and  fruits  most  favored  were  those 
native  to  the  soil,  and  adopted  from  the  Indians;  but 
oranges  and  figs  the  Spaniards  brought  with  them,  by  way 
of  the  West  Indies.  Carpenters  and  masons  were  equally 
necessary;  but  few  other  industries  existed.  As  might  be 
expected,  therefore,  the  government  and  church  buildings 
were  substantial,  while  there  were  few  or  none  of  any 
pretensions  in  private  hands.  It  is  the  forts,  the  cabildos , 
and  churches  which  have  survived  and  are  representative  of 
the  Spanish  times. 

Thus  Florida  had  been  firmly  won  and  the  Spanish  power 
was  supreme,  not  only  around  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  but  in 
the  islands  and  passes  which  guarded  its  entrance,  and  this 


THE  SPANISH  SETTLEMENT  OF  FLORIDA 


25 


was  ever  the  aim  of  Spanish  policy.  It  was  not  so  much 
greed  of  territory,  although  that  is  human  and  not  less 
Anglo-Saxon  than  Latin,  but  it  was  the  patent  necessity  of 
protecting  what  for  the  time  being  were  the  most  valuable 
countries  of  the  w’orld  and  of  keeping  possession  of  so 
much  of  the  mainland  as  might  make  them  secure.  No 
passage  to  China  had  yet  been  discovered,  but  neither  the 
Spaniards  of  this  age  nor  other  nations  for  almost  a century 
to  come  could  be  certain  that  the  great  bays  of  the  Atlantic 
coast,  like  the  Chesapeake,  did  not,  after  all,  run  through  to 
what  was  called  the  South  Sea.  The  first  conflict  was  with 
the  French  while  St.  Augustine  was  being  founded,  and 
then  came  a longer  struggle  with  England.  The  country 
had  been  won  by  Spain  in  her  prime,  and  was  to  be  de- 
fended step  by  step  with  tenacity  as  long  as  any  of  it  should 
remain  to  her. 


CHAPTER  II 


FRENCH  FLORIDA 

France  has  played  a great  part  in  the  history  of  Europe 
for  so  many  centuries  that  it  seems  strange  to  think  of  her 
as  not  taking  the  lead  in  colonization.  During  the  time  of 
formation  of  nationalities  through  the  growth  of  the  kingly 
power  at  the  expense  of  the  nobles,  she  enjoyed  the  advan- 
tage of  having  such  kings  as  Louis  XI.  and  his  successors. 
The  trade  from  the  East  had  never  ceased,  even  during  the 
Middle  Ages,  passing  mainly  through  Venice,  Genoa,  Ger- 
many, and  the  Rhine  country  to  the  north,  while  some  came 
through  Marseilles  and  the  Rhone  region,  developing  Pro- 
vence and  the  east  of  France.  The  growth  of  Paris — the 
nucleus  of  modern  France — was  due  largely  to  its  nearness 
to  Flanders,  with  which  the  Seine,  and  thus  indirectly  the 
Rhone,  readily  communicated  by  portages, — a system  of 
transportation  which  the  French  were  so  largely  to  make 
use  of  in  a new  world.  The  Low  Countries,  next  after  the 
mines  of  America,  made  Charles  V.  The  prominence  of 
France  in  the  Crusades  and  her  nearness  to  the  Moors 
permeated  her  with  the  new  learning  and  new  science;  and 
when  the  religious  ferment  began,  nowhere  was  it  more 
gladly  received  and  more  consistently  thought  out.  Marot 
translated  the  Psalms  in  a version  which  immediately  be- 
came popular,  and  Lefevre  made  the  Gospels  familiar  in  the 
French  tongue.  It  would  seem  as  if  everything  was  ripe 
for  France  to  assume  the  leading  role  in  the  changes  taking 

27 


28 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


place  in  religion  and  discovery.  But  French  civilization 
was  fundamentally  Latin,  and  commercial  ties  through  Mar- 
seilles and  the  south  were  strong  with  the  Mediterranean 
countries.  It  was  not  unnatural,  therefore,  for  the  French 
awakening  to  show  itself  internationally  interested  in  Italy, 
the  seat  of  the  old  religion  and  civilization,  whose  mediaeval 
development  had  been  into  numerous  republics,  which  in 
their  old  age  had  become  rich  but  warring  principalities. 
The  invasion  of  Italy  by  Charles  VIII.  in  1494,  marked 
not  by  blood,  but  by  chalk,  had  concentrated  French  enthu- 
siasm on  conquest  in  that  direction  rather  than  in  discoveries 
of  as  yet  doubtful  utility  in  the  western  seas.  And  yet,  as 
Charles  V.  of  Germany  and  Spain  had  interests  in  the  same 
quarter,  Francis  I.  became  involved  in  a death  struggle  with 
the  emperor,  who  used  the  products  of  his  American  mines 
to  deprive  France  of  her  new  influence  in  Italy  as  well  as  to 
keep  her  out  of  the  west.  The  reign  of  Francis  was  a great 
one  for  his  country  in  intellectual  and  religious  respects,  de- 
spite the  defeats  abroad,  and  the  reign  of  his  son  Henry  II. 
continued  its  traditions.  War  with  Spain  lasted  almost  in- 
cessantly, but  the  line  began  to  be  drawn  at  home  against  the 
adherents  of  what  was  called  the  Reformed  religion.  They 
began  to  be  called  Huguenots,  and  met  with  discourage- 
ment and  disfavor  in  every  way  that  the  Church  and  State 
could  show.  Religious  persecution  commenced,  and  the 
cruelties  in  Spain  were  not  left  uncopied ; and  yet,  in- 
fluenced more  especially  by  John  Calvin  at  Geneva,  the 
Reformed  grew  in  numbers,  zeal,  and  influence.  It  became 
uncertain  whether  France  would  ultimately  be  Reformed 
or  Catholic.  Great  families  were  converts  to  the  new 
faith,  and  among  them  the  Chatillons  and  Montmorencys 
were  more  or  less  openly  its  advocates. 

Of  course,  with  its  vast  influence  and  wealth  at  stake, 
the  old  religion  was  not  slow  to  do  all  possible  to  suppress 
the  new.  The  queen,  the  famous  Catherine  de’  Medici, 
with  true  Italian  zeal  for  her  church  and  unscrupulousness 
of  methods,  and  the  semiroyal  family  of  Guise,  with  its 


FRENCH  FLORIDA 


29 


able  duke  and  astute  cardinal,  came  to  the  front  on  the 
Catholic  side;  while  Gaspard  de  Coligny,  of  the  Chatillon 
family,  was  even  more  than  the  lukewarm  Bourbons  the 
leader  of  the  Reformed. 

Both  Guise  and  Coligny  filled  high  offices  of  State. 
Coligny  was  not  only  in  the  army,  but  was  made  Admiral 
of  France  and  as  such  cast  a careful  eye  abroad  over  French 
commerce.  For  years  the  sailors  of  Dieppe  had  made  voy- 
ages to  South  as  well  as  North  America.  Even  in  1504 
the  French  had  been  in  the  port  of  Bahia,  and  five  years 
later  Brazilian  savages  had  been  shown  in  Rouen ; while 
Verrazano  in  1524  and  Cartier  ten  years  later  voyaged  to 
North  America  for  Francis  I.  French  captains,  like  all 
others  of  the  day,  were  sometimes  piratical,  and  one  even 
sacked  Pernambuco.  The  policy  of  Francis  I.  had  been 
vacillating,  but  in  1543  he  declared  the  western  sea  to  be 
open  to  his  subjects.  During  the  middle  of  the  reign  of 
Henry  II.,  Coligny  thought  that,  despite  Portuguese  claims, 
it  would  be  a good  plan  for  French  commerce  and  influence 
to  settle  a colony  in  Brazil,  while  the  troubled  state  of 
France  from  religious  causes  seemed  to  make  it  easy  to 
find  recruits.  So  in  1555  he  sent  out  under  Villegagnon,  a 
monk,  an  expedition  for  that  purpose.  Disputes  and  the 
cruelty  of  their  commander  soon  completed  the  ruin  of 
the  colony,  and  despite  reinforcements  it  was  finally  aban- 
doned after  four  unhappy  years.  Villegagnon  went  home, 
but  his  successor  was  hardly  better,  and  the  Portuguese  at 
last  found  means  to  destroy  such  of  the  French  as  had  not 
returned. 

Meantime  much  had  happened  in  France.  In  1559, 
Francis  II.,  husband  of  Mary,  the  child  Queen  of  Scots, 
ascended  the  throne,  to  die  almost  immediately,  and  to  be 
succeeded  the  next  year  by  his  brother,  Charles  IX.,  under 
whom  civil  and  religious  dissensions  were  to  reach  their 
height.  The  Guises  lost  their  influence,  for  Catherine, 
powerless  and  neglected  in  the  time  of  her  husband,  was 
determined  to  rule  in  the  name  of  her  sons.  The  result, 


3° 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


however,  was  that  she  had  to  court  the  influence  now  of  the 
Catholic,  now  of  the  Reformed  party.  Looking  back  with 
the  light  of  after  history,  it  seems  clear  that  France,  from 
its  origin  and  institutions,  could  not  become  other  than 
Catholic,  and  it  appears  strange  to  us  that  such  a clear- 
headed man  as  Coligny  could  not  see  this.  The  Reformed 
religion  prevailed  in  the  west  and  south  of  France,  possibly 
one-third  of  the  country,  while  the  rest,  including  Paris, 
remained  faithful  to  the  old  teaching.  But  this  developed 
only  later.  At  first  the  ferment  was  everywhere  and  one 
could  hardly  tell  where  it  was  strongest.  To  its  adherents 
the  new  teaching  was  so  clearly  that  of  the  Bible  that  they 
could  not  believe  it  would  not  finally  prevail.  Even  among 
the  old  faith  were  many  who  recognized  abuses  and  hoped 
for  a Gallican  Church,  which,  somewhat  like  that  of  Eng- 
land, while  independent  of  Rome,  would  be  broad  enough 
to  shelter  Frenchmen  of  all  shades  of  religious  belief. 

The  Admiral  of  France  was  one  of  the  last  to  give  up 
this  hope,  and  yet  the  present  dissension  and  suffering  were 
such  that,  despite  the  failure  of  the  Brazil  experiment,  he 
sought  another  refuge  for  such  of  the  Reformed  as  would 
care  to  exile  themselves.  And  the  new  attempt  would 
have  also  another  object,  for  it  was  quite  statesmanlike  to 
make  the  parties  at  home  forget  their  differences  by  uniting 
against  a common  foe  abroad.  From  the  time  of  Francis  I. 
there  was  no  question  that  the  principal  enemy  of  France 
was  Spain,  and  Spain’s  preponderance  was  such  that  through 
family  alliance,  and  even  actual  possession,  her  king  had 
territories  on  both  sides  of  France  and  held  that  country 
almost  in  a vice.  Add  now  to  this  the  fact  that  Philip  II. 
was  anxious  to  intervene  in  the  religious  dissensions  and  was 
ready  to  pour  forty  thousand  tried  troops  into  France  to 
aid  the  Catholic  side.  It  is  true  that  the  Reformed  could 
call  on  England  and  on  German  princes,  but  the  result 
would  be  civil  war.  This  actually  happened,  but  it  was 
as  wise  as  it  was  patriotic  to  try  to  avoid  this  and  unite 
France  against  Spain.  After  differing  religionists  had  fought 


FRENCH  FLORIDA 


31 


alongside,  their  respect  for  each  other  would  surely  lead  to 
some  compromise  satisfactory  to  both.  The  admiral  had 
commanded  in  Picardy  as  well  as  in  Paris,  and  was  later  to 
urge  that  the  Spaniards  be  attacked  in  the  Low  Countries, 
their  most  valuable  possession.  Expansion  in  this  direction 
has  been  the  dream  of  France  for  ages,  and  in  a measure  it 
may  be  said  to  have  begun  with  Coligny.  But  the  time  wa9 
not  ripe,  and  his  more  definite  plan  was  to  settle  a colony 
in  what  was  known  as  Florida,  which  would  take  Spanish 
attention  and  efforts  away  from  France,  and  at  the  same 
time  unite  all  Frenchmen  against  the  common  foe. 

This  time  Coligny  selected  a Huguenot  to  command, 
Jean  Ribault  by  name,  to  whom  also  we  are  indebted  for 
an  account  of  the  expedition  in  the  shape  of  a report  to  the 
admiral.  The  party  was  made  up  of  soldiers,  gentlemen, 
and  workmen,  all  Protestants,  and  a few  of  them  survivors 
of  the  Brazil  experiment.  On  February  18,  1562,  they 
sailed  from  Havre,  and,  after  waiting  on  the  weather,  boldly 
attempted  a direct  course  instead  of  going  like  the  Spaniards 
by  way  of  the  West  Indies.  On  April  30th  they  sighted 
Cape  Canaveral,  which  they  patriotically  called  Cap  Fran- 
cois, and  sailed  on  northwardly,  charmed  with  the  perfume 
and  beauty  of  the  scene.  On  the  1st  of  May  they  discov- 
ered a magnificent  river,  increasing  in  depth  after  they  passed 
the  bar,  and  from  the  day  they  named  it  the  May.  They 
spent  some  time  in  intercourse  with  the  natives,  whom  they 
found  almost  naked,  painted  with  devices  in  blue,  red,  and 
black,  but  pleasant  and  hospitable  in  their  manner.  They 
were  armed  with  bows  and  lances,  the  strings  being  of 
leather,  and  the  arrows  of  reed  tipped  with  fishes’  teeth.  At 
an  appropriate  place  the  French  erected  a column  of  stone 
engraved  with  the  arms  of  the  King  of  France,  and  two 
days  later  sailed  to  the  north,  finding  a number  of  harbors 
and  islands,  to  which  they  gave  names.  One  of  the  rivers 
was  that  which  they  knew  of  already  as  the  Jordan,  for 
although  there  was  at  this  time  no  Spanish  settlement 
on  the  Atlantic,  much  of  the  coast  had  been  named  by 


32 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


De  Ayllon  and  others  after  him.  The  expedition  of  Ponce 
de  Leon  had,  it  is  said,  been  undertaken  to  discover  the  river 
Jordan,  wherein  he  could  bathe  and  become  young  again. 
Ribault  had  no  such  purpose,  but  took  possession  in  the 
name  of  the  king,  erecting  another  column,  engraved  like 
the  one  set  up  in  the  river  May.  He  mentions  the  prov- 
ince of  Chicora,  called  by  him  Checere,  whose  name  is  men- 
tioned by  De  Ayllon  as  of  Indian  origin.  The  Jordan,  with 
its  harbor,  which  he  named  Port  Royal,  was  that  named  by 
De  Ayllon  as  Santa  Helena,  and  in  this  very  year  taken  in 
possession  by  Villafane  for  the  King  of  Spain.  Ribault  seems 
to  have  known  or  cared  nothing  for  this,  and,  delighted  with 
the  vines  and  other  vegetation,  he  made  a settlement  there 
of  thirty  gentlemen,  soldiers,  and  mariners.  They  built  a 
fort  on  the  north  side  of  an  island  in  an  exposed  situation, 
naming  it  Charlesfort.  Then  in  June  he  sailed  northwardly, 
exploring  to  the  fortieth  degree,  when  on  account  of  stormy 
weather  he  returned  with  his  fleet  to  France. 

The  Indians  were  friendly  and  brought  the  colonists 
game,  vegetables,  and  fruits  in  abundance,  and  even  silver 
from  the  mountains,  so  that  the  summer  passed  agreeably; 
and  yet  there  was  the  same  neglect  of  the  future  that  there 
had  been  in  Brazil.  Having  sown  nothing,  there  was 
nothing  to  reap,  and  when  the  winter  came  they  almost 
starved.  Fire  destroyed  their  houses,  and  dissension  their 
peace.  Pierria,  who  was  in  command,  hanged  one  mutineer 
and  banished  another,  but  finally  the  colonists  rose  and  mur- 
dered him.  No  help  or  even  news  had  come  from  France 
in  a year,  and  they  set  to  work  to  fell  trees  and  build  a rude 
vessel  to  return  home.  For  tar  they  used  resin,  for  ropes 
vines,  for  sails  their  own  clothing,  and  with  characteristic  im- 
providence they  took  insufficient  provisions.  During  a calm 
in  the  middle  of  the  ocean  they  finished  their  last  supplies, 
and  cast  lots  who  should  die  to  furnish  a meal  to  the  survivors. 
The  one  whom  Pierria  had  banished  was  the  unfortunate 
man,  and  thus  they  subsisted  until,  in  sight  of  England,  a 
privateer  rescued  them  and  took  them  to  London. 


FRENCH  FLORIDA 


33 


They  had  not  been  forgotten,  but  the  hopes  and  plans 
of  the  admiral  for  war  against  Spain  had  been  frustrated. 
Hardly  had  the  Edict  of  January,  1562,  recognized  the  rights 
of  the  Reformed  and  allowed  them  to  worship  according  to 
their  own  belief,  when  Guise  stumbled  on  a praying  con- 
gregation at  Vassy  and  massacred  them  out  of  hand.  The 
result  was  the  civil  war  which  the  admiral  had  done  so  much 
to  avoid.  France  became  instantly  two  hostile  camps,  with 
Guise  as  leader  of  the  Catholics,  Coligny  of  the  Reformed. 
The  superior  generalship  of  Guise  prevailed  at  Dreux,  de- 
spite the  assistance  sent  by  Elizabeth  of  England,  but  the 
assassination  of  Guise  shortly  afterward  turned  the  scale 
again  in  favor  of  the  Protestants.  The  influence  of  the 
one  man  whom  all  France,  Catholic  and  Reformed,  could 
trust  restored  peace  again,  and  he  was  once  more  in  position 
to  push  his  Florida  project. 

In  May,  1564,  therefore,  Coligny  fitted  out  a larger  expe- 
dition. He  sent  three  ships  containing  gentlemen,  soldiers, 
volunteers,  and  workmen  under  Laudonniere,  who  had  been 
in  Florida  with  Ribault.  Everything  testified  to  the  ad- 
miral’s thoughtfulness.  There  was  even  an  artist  to  draw 
views  of  the  country.  Next  month  they  arrived  in  Florida 
and  this  time  landed  on  May  or  St.  John’s  River,  and  there 
on  a little  triangular  island  they  built  Fort  Caroline. 

The  first  thing  of  interest  in  the  history  of  this  new 
colony  was  their  relation  with  the  Indians.  As  usual  there 
were  native  wars,  here  between  tribes  ruled  by  the  caciques 
Outina  and  Saturiwa.  Instead  of  remaining  neutral  or 
definitely  taking  one  side  or  the  other,  Laudonniere  vacil- 
lated, and  finally  incurred  the  enmity  of  both.  But  at  least 
they  explored  the  country,  and  the  artist,  Le  Moyne,  made 
interesting  and  valuable  sketches  of  the  land  and  people. 
Many  of  these  have  been  preserved,  and  are  invaluable. 
The  history  of  Brazil  and  Charlesfort  was  repeated  in  more 
than  one  particular.  There  were  jealousies  and  mutinies ; 
the  mutineers  seized  ships  in  the  stream  and  turned  pirates, 
of  whom  one  set  were  captured  and  the  others  met  with 


34 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


such  misfortunes  that  they  were  glad  to  get  back  to  the  fort. 
But  even  then  was  much  to  be  desired.  Despite  Le  Moyne’s 
pictures  of  native  agriculture,  or  perhaps  because  the  Indians 
deemed  it  women’s  work,  again  the  French  neglected  to  till 
the  soil,  and  again  they  almost  starved.  They  lived  on 
boiled  roots  rather  than  catch  the  many  fish  swimming  be- 
fore their  eyes.  Such  disregard  of  opportunities  lying  around 
we  find  continually.  They  were  brave  and  energetic,  and 
the  only  explanation  is  that  the  trades  of  soldiers  and  work- 
men were  so  different  that  the  higher  would  not  in  any 
extremity  condescend  to  do  the  work  of  the  lower  class, 
although  they  could  unite  to  build  a boat  in  which  to  escape. 

Hatred  of  Spain,  as  we  shall  see,  was  not  confined  to 
Frenchmen.  Elizabeth  was  too  cautious  to  oppose  Philip 
openly,  but  we  shall  find  that  her  favorite  expedient  was  to 
let  loose  privateers  whose  profits  she  could  share  and  whose 
depredations  she  could  disown.  A pioneer  in  these  days 
was  John  Hawkins,  one  of  the  first  of  the  hardy  adven- 
turers from  the  southwest  of  England.  Among  his  early 
voyages  had  been  some  to  catch  slaves  on  the  west  coast 
of  Africa  and  sell  them  at  a great  profit  in  the  West  Indies. 
This  had  shown  him  the  wealth  and  weakness  of  the  Span- 
ish system,  and  as  a buccaneer  he  had  become  notable  in 
the  southern  seas.  It  was  at  this  time  of  distress  for  the 
French  colony  that  he  visited  it,  in  returning  home  from 
ofie  of  his  expeditions.  He  proffered  assistance,  and  the 
French* eagerly  embraced  the  opportunity  to  repair  to  Europe. 
Hawkins  sold  them  a ship  and  provisions  and  they  were 
almost  ready  to  start,  when  Ribault  hove  in  sight  with 
seven  vessels  and  six  hundred  soldiers,  the  tangible  proof 
of  Coligny’s  care.  Return  was  now  given  up,  and  every- 
thing was  changed  into  plans  for  permanent  occupation  and 
extension  of  the  colony. 

Picturesquely  our  story  now  turns  from  the  English  priva- 
teer and  the  French  colonists  to  the  court  of  Spain.  Philip 
seems  to  have  realized  the  trap  into  which  the  admiral  was 
drawing  him:  he  learned  of  the  Huguenot  colony,  and, 


FRENCH  FLORIDA 


35 


instead  of  treating  it  as  made  by  the  French  state,  he  deter- 
mined to  regard  it  as  a nest  of  pirates,  and  heretics  at  that, 
whom  he  would  exterminate  with  his  own  soldiers.  He 
would  then  be  ready  afterward  to  settle  scores  with  France, 
if  necessary;  but  through  his  agents  at  the  French  court, 
and  through  the  unscrupulous  queen-mother  Catherine  her- 
self, that  was  not  to  be  needed.  There  seems  little  doubt 
that  she  acquainted  the  Spanish  court  with  what  was  going 
on  in  Florida  and  was  not  at  all  reluctant  to  have  Philip 
settle  the  question  in  his  own  way.  And  his  way  was  to 
send  out  an  expedition  of  twenty-six  hundred  men  under 
Menendez  over  to  Florida. 

Now  came  the  tug  of  war.  The  fleets  had  raced  across 
the  ocean,  each  eager  to  reach  the  goal  before  the  other.  A 
French  vessel  had  captured  one  of  Menendez’s  fleet  in  the 
West  Indies,  and  from  despatches  learned  the  Spaniards’ 
plans,  of  which  word  was  sent  to  Ribault,  although  Menen- 
dez had  sailed  through  new  and  dangerous  passages  to  avoid 
detection.  On  St.  Augustine’s  day,  August  28,  1565,  Me- 
nendez sighted  Florida,  and  not  fifty  miles  away  Ribault  was 
anchored  off  the  bar  of  the  river  May.  The  conflict  was  in- 
evitable, for  Spain  claimed  by  discovery  and  settlement  all 
Florida  to  the  Chesapeake,  and  France  under  Coligny  was 
equally  committed  to  the  claim  that  the  land  was  unoccupied 
and  open  to  colonization  by  Frenchmen.  Menendez,  con- 
veniently confounded  the  Huguenots  with  the  buccaneers, 
and  a privateering  expedition  from  Charlesfort  not  only 
gave  color  to  the  position,  but  had  also  been  the  cause  of 
the  Spanish  court’s  knowledge  of  the  French  settlement 
in  America.  During  the  manoeuvring  which  now  ensued, 
Menendez  announced  to  the  French  in  the  St.  John’s  that 
he  was  captain-general  to  the  King  of  Spain  and  had  come 
to  hang  all  Lutherans  whom  he  found  there — a fact  testi- 
fied to  by  Mendoza,  the  chaplain  of  the  fleet,  and  practically 
by  Menendez  himself  in  his  report  to  the  king.  A storm 
dispersed  the  two  fleets,  and  the  Spaniards  withdrew  in  good 
order  to  the  river  Seloy. 


36 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


The  genius  of  Menendez  was  seen  in  his  appreciation  of 
the  effect  of  the  surroundings.  Convinced  that  the  storm 
would  detain  the  French  fleet  for  several  days,  if  it  did  not 
wreck  it,  he  marched  at  once  with  sufficient  force  to  attack 
Fort  Caroline  on  the  river  May.  The  shallowest  of  the 
streams  forded  reached  up  to  the  knees,  the  dense  forests 
impeded  their  advance,  and  when  they  arrived  in  sight  of 
the  fort  they  had  to  remain  all  night  in  water  up  to  their 
waists.  On  September  19th  the  Spanish  assailed  the  fort 
at  a time  when  the  sentinels  had  retired  from  their  posts  on 
account  of  the  weather,  and  the  greater  part  of  the  garrison 
were  still  in  bed.  It  was  a complete  surprise.  What  then 
ensued  is  the  subject  of  dispute.  According  to  the  French, 
but  twenty  escaped,  among  them  Laudonniere,  and  the  rest, 
including  women  and  children,  were  slaughtered  without 
mercy.  According  to  Mendoza  and  Menendez,  one  hun- 
dred and  forty  were  killed,  and  the  women  and  children 
under  fifteen  were  spared,  while  three  hundred  scaled  the 
walls  and  took  refuge  either  in  the  forests  or  on  the  six  ships 
in  the  river.  Some  certainly  escaped  to  sea.  The  capture 
of  the  fort  yielded  pikes,  helmets,  arquebuses,  and  shields, — 
for  although  gunpowder  had  come  in,  armor  had  not  gone 
out, — besides  clothing,  biscuits,  flour,  wheat,  and  other  sup- 
plies. Six  cases  of  Lutheran  books  which  were  found  were 
promptly  burned,  and,  the  nearest  saint’s  day  being  St.  Mat- 
thew’s, the  name  of  the  fort  was  changed  to  San  Mateo. 

Menendez  was,  of  course,  received  like  the  conqueror 
in  his  new  settlement  of  St.  Augustine,  but  there  was  still 
the  question  of  the  French  fleet.  Would  Ribault  outride  the 
storm  and  with  his  well-armed  vessels  and  hundreds  of 
soldiers  and  sailors  return  to  wreak  vengeance  on  the  Span- 
iards? The  question  was  soon  answered.  Some  Indians 
reported  that  a French  vessel  had  been  wrecked  to  the 
south,  and  Menendez  promptly  sent  men  in  boats  and  then 
went  himself.  From  the  top  of  a tree  he  saw  the  enemy 
on  the  other  side  of  the  inlet.  Mendoza  says  that  his 
general  was  enlightened  throughout  by  the  Holy  Spirit,  and 


FRENCH  FLORIDA 


37 


that  his  zeal  for  Christianity  was  so  great  that  all  his  troubles 
were  but  repose  for  his  mind.  At  all  events,  his  religion 
was  soon  tested.  Securing  an  interview  with  a Frenchman, 
he  found  that  the  enemy  had  not  eaten  bread  for  eight  or 
ten  days,  and,  what  is  more,  says  Mendoza,  they  were  all 
Lutherans;  whereupon  he  made  known  the  slaughter  at  Fort 
Caroline  and  sent  word  they  must  surrender  or  he  would 
put  them  to  death.  After  some  parley,  Menendez  refused 
tempting  ransoms  offered  for  a return  to  France  and  an- 
nounced that  “he  would  make  no  promises,  and  that  they 
must  surrender  unconditionally  and  lay  down  their  arms; 
because  if  he  spared  their  lives,  he  wanted  them  to  be  grate- 
ful for  it;  and  if  they  were  put  to  death,  that  there  should 
be  no  cause  for  complaint.”  The  officer  with  whom  he 
was  negotiating  thereupon  brought  all  their  arms  and  flags 
and  surrendered  the  force  unconditionally.  Finding  that 
they  were  all  Lutherans,  Menendez  ordered  them  all  to  be 
put  to  death.  The  tender  priest,  however,  had  what  he 
called  bowels  of  mercy  and  succeeded  in  persuading  Menen- 
dez to  spare  those  who  were  found  to  be  Christians.  Un- 
fortunately there  were  only  ten  or  twelve  of  these,  for  to 
Mendoza  the  word  meant  Roman  Catholics,  and  all  the 
others  had  their  throats  cut  \degollad.os~\  because  they  were 
Lutherans  and  enemies  of  the  Holy  Catholic  faith,  on 
Saturday,  St.  Michael’s  day,  September  29,  1565.  The 
French  account  was  that  they  were  bound  and  one  by  one 
marched  up  to  a line  which  Menendez  drew  in  the  sand 
with  his  cane,  and  on  reaching  it  were  stabbed  to  death. 
Thus  forty  men  massacred  almost  two  hundred. 

A day  or  so  after,  Menendez  learned  that  Ribault  and 
the  rest  of  his  men  had  been  seen,  and  so  set  out  with  one 
hundred  and  fifty  soldiers,  well  equipped,  and  from  Anastasia 
Island  he  saw  the  French  where  their  companions  had  been. 
Ribault  sent  word  that  he  had  three  hundred  and  fifty  men 
and  was  marching  for  Fort  Caroline,  and  Menendez  replied 
that  he  had  captured  that  fort  and  put  the  garrison  to  death. 
An  interview  followed,  Menendez  receiving  Ribault  and  his 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


38 

party  cordially,  offering  them  refreshments.  These  Ribault 
declined  on  account  of  the  death  of  their  companions,  but 
did  take  some  wine  and  preserves.  High  ransom  was 
offered  again,  but  declined,  and  finally  Ribault  delivered  up 
royal  standards,  weapons,  and  his  official  seal,  and  surren- 
dered at  discretion  one  hundred  and  fifty  who  were  willing 
to  surrender  on  the  terms  of  being  mercifully  treated,  but 
the  remainder  departed  in  another  direction.  The  prisoners 
were  brought  over  in  boats  ten  at  a time,  bound,  on  the  pre- 
text that  they  were  to  be  marched  to  St.  Augustine  by  a few 
guards,  and  distributed  among  the  bushes  behind  the  sand 
hills.  Ribault  and  his  officers  were  similarly  treated.  On 
being  asked  if  they  were  Lutherans,  or  Catholics,  Ribault 
replied  that  they  were  Lutherans  and  began  singing  the 
psalm  Domine  memento  mei , and  afterward,  realizing  his  fate, 
said  that,  as  they  were  of  earth  and  to  earth  must  return, 
twenty  years  more  or  less  were  of  no  consequence.  There- 
upon Menendez  gave  the  signal  and  all  were  put  to  death 
like  their  comrades,  except  the  fifers,  drummers,  trumpeters, 
and  four  men  who  were  Catholics,  making  sixteen  in  all. 

It  would  seem  unnecessary,  if  not  impossible,  to  make 
this  picture  blacker,  and  yet  defenders  of  Menendez  wax 
indignant  over  certain  touches  which  they  say  the  French 
have  added.  Thus  the  French  declare  that  the  Spaniards 
hacked  the  corpses  before  burning  them  and  that  Menendez 
put  up  the  inscription  on  trees  near  by:  “Slaughtered  not 
as  Frenchmen,  but  as  Lutherans.”  Whether  he  wrote  this 
or  not  may  be  uncertain,  but  it  was  the  professed  motive  of 
his  action.  Another  story  is  that  Menendez  had  Ribault 
flayed  and  sent  his  stuffed  skin  to  Europe  for  exhibition, 
and  that  he  gave  pieces  of  his  beard  as  presents  to  different 
friends.  The  defenders  of  Menendez  say  that  he  did  not 
conceal  the  massacre  at  Fort  Caroline,  and  held  out  no 
hopes.  A dispassionate  reading  of  the  facts  recorded  even 
by  his  brother-in-law,  Solis  de  Meris,  leaves  this  doubt- 
ful. Menendez  surely  knew  that  the  French  surrendered 
relying  upon  his  mercy,  and  even  at  St.  Augustine  he  met 


FRENCH  FLORIDA 


39 


reproaches.  To  this  day  the  name  of  the  inlet  recalls  the 
slaughter.  Those  of  the  French  who  had  not  surrendered 
prepared  to  resist  attack;  and  Menendez,  to  avoid  the  pos- 
sible losses  incident  to  a conflict,  accepted  their  surrender 
on  terms  and  sent  them  to  the  galleys. 

The  tale  thrilled  Europe  with  horror.  Even  Catherine 
was  compelled  to  demand  explanation  of  Spain,  although 
the  demand  was  evaded  and  she  was  easily  satisfied.  Not 
so  the  Huguenots.  What  would  have  been  their  course  in 
brighter  days  we  can  well  imagine;  but  for  the  present 
France  was  convulsed  again  with  civil  war.  Soon  was  to 
come  the  battle  of  St.  Denis,  where  Coligny,  outnumbered, 
effected  a famous  retreat,  then  the  hollow  Peace  of  Longju- 
meau,  and  next  the  recognition  of  the  religious  division  of 
the  country  by  the  virtual  selection  of  La  Rochelle  as  the 
Huguenot  capital.  In  1569  were  the  defeat  of  Jarnac  and 
the  death  of  Conde;  but  they  were  followed  by  the  rapid 
recuperation  of  Coligny,  for  he,  like  his  son-in-law  and 
successor  William  the  Silent,  could  make  as  much  out  of  a 
lost  battle  as  others  out  of  a victory.  So  here  he  wrested 
victory  from  defeat,  and  by  his  unexpected  march  from  the 
south  in  1570  dictated  almost  at  the  gates  of  Paris  the  Peace 
of  St.-Germain-en-Laye.  This  had  every  assurance  of  being 
lasting,  for  it  was  a full  recognition  of  the  rights  of  the 
Huguenots,  and,  better  yet,  was  secured  by  their  holding  four 
important  cities,  among  them  La  Rochelle,  whose  position 
on  the  sea  made  it  accessible  to  foreign  aid,  while  its  strength 
by  land  made  it  all  but  impregnable  against  domestic  attack. 

Revenge  for  the  Florida  massacres  could  not  be  expected 
from  the  government,  and  it  was  left  to  a private  chevalier, 
De  Gourgues,  to  effect  it.  Of  this  exploit  there  remains 
an  account,  called  La  Reprime  de  la  Floride.  His  summary 
of  the  situation  was  that  the  Spaniards  thought  the  New 
World  created  only  for  themselves.  At  his  own  expense 
and  what  he  could  obtain  from  friends  he  fitted  out  three 
small  ships,  carrying  eighty  sailors  and  one  hundred  arque- 
busiers,  and  sailed  on  August  2,  1567,  from  Bordeaux. 


4o 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


They  finally  arrived  off"  the  river  May  and  got  in  commu- 
nication with  Satirona,  as  De  Gourgues  calls  him,  and  other 
Indians  whom  they  found  hostile  to  the  new  occupants  of 
San  Mateo.  After  reconnoitring,  an  attack  was  made  upon 
two  small  forts  at  the  mouth  of  the  river,  which  were  cap- 
tured, and  then  upon  San  Mateo  itself.  It  was  a case  of 
surprise  again,  but  with  the  position  of  the  actors  reversed. 
The  French  rushed  with  the  Spaniards  into  the  latter  fort, 
while  on  the  outside  the  savages  prevented  the  escape  of 
the  garrison,  and  De  Gourgues  avenged  the  slaughter  of  his 
countrymen  by  slaying  almost  all  within  and  hanging  the 
rest.  One  of  the  victims  confessed  to  having  hanged  five 
Frenchmen.  The  fort  itself  was  injured  by  an  accidental 
explosion  due  to  Indians  firing  a train,  and  then  with  the 
other  two  wrecked  of  set  purpose,  De  Gourgues  saving 
much  of  the  artillery.  The  French  story  goes  on  to  say 
that  De  Gourgues,  imitating  Menendez,  put  up  an  inscrip- 
tion with  the  words : “ I do  not  this  as  to  Spaniards,  but  as 
to  perfidious  people,  thieves,  and  murderers.”  The  French- 
men are  inconsistent  in  relating  that  this  inscription  was 
affixed  to  the  same  tree  on  which  Menendez  had  placed 
his,  for  their  other  account  was  that  this  had  occurred  at 
the  time  of  Ribault’s  capture  on  Anastasia  Island;  but  this 
would  not  seem  to  be  material.  The  revenge  was  complete 
and  poetic  in  its  justice. 

He  considered  he  had  too  few  troops  to  march  on  St. 
Augustine,  and,  after  promising  the  Indians  that  a new 
colony  would  be  established  within  twelve  moons,  he  re- 
turned to  his  fleet  and  then  sailed  for  France.  The  Span- 
iards point  out  that  he  chose  a time  for  his  attack  when 
Menendez  was  not  in  Florida.  While  his  expedition  was 
rather  a raid  than  a Reprinse  de  la  Floride , it  was  warmly 
hailed  in  France,  and  on  his  return  to  La  Rochelle  he  was 
received  with  enthusiasm.  The  indignation  of  Menendez 
and  Spain  may  readily  be  conceived,  and  only  the  influence 
of  Coligny  kept  De  Gourgues  from  punishment  by  the 
court. 


FRENCH  FLORIDA 


41 


Such  was  the  end  of  French  Florida.  The  dream  of 
establishing  a Protestant  state  in  America,  which  might  be 
an  asylum  for  the  Huguenots  unwelcome  at  home,  was  not 
to  be  realized.  In  France  they  were  to  remain  to  work  out 
their  own  destiny  for  a century  to  come.  The  far-seeing 
Coligny  himself  died  in  the  massacre  of  St.  Bartholomew,  in 
1572,  murdered  by  Charles  IX.  goaded  on  by  the  unscrupu- 
lous Catherine,  and  civil  war  prevailed  between  the  Hugue- 
nots and  the  League  until  a new  Calvinistic  leader  thought 
Paris  well  worth  a Mass  and  became  a convert  to  Catholi- 
cism. By  that  time  the  opportunity  for  settlement  in 
Florida  had  passed,  and  Henry  IV.  had  all  he  could  do 
in  reuniting  France.  He  succeeded  in  healing  the  wounds 
of  civil  war  and  almost  brought  prosperity  to  his  people, 
but  no  colonization  toward  the  South  marked  his  reign. 
The  Huguenots  had  their  rights  and  guarantees  at  home 
from  the  Edict  of  Nantes  of  1598  until  Louis  XIV.,  but 
of  French  Florida  naught  remained  but  the  stone  with  the 
arms  of  France,  long  worshipped  by  the  Indians,  but  now 
washed  away,  and  the  name  of  Caroline,  the  origin  of  that 
of  future  colonies  and  States.  The  immediate  contribu- 
tion of  the  Huguenots  to  colonization  was  not  to  be  their 
own  settlement  in  America,  but  rather  the  universal  hatred 
against  Spain  which  their  sufferings  evoked  and  the  in- 
spiration they  gave  to  their  fellow  Protestants  beyond  the 
Channel. 


CHAPTER  III 


RALEIGH  FOUNDS  VIRGINIA 

England  had  not  shared  in  full  the  European  develop- 
ment. For  although  her  civil  wars  happily  ended  before 
Cabot’s  discovery,  and  the  religious  dissension  was  stilled  by 
Henry  VIII.  and  Edward,  there  came  a reaction  under  Mary, 
and,  against  the  wish  of  her  subjects,  England  was  drawn, 
through  the  queen’s  marriage,  into  the  sphere  of  Spanish  in- 
fluence. But  national  tendencies  were  too  strong,  and  with 
the  accession  of  Elizabeth  in  1558  began  a new  era.  The 
Spanish  discoveries  in  the  New  World,  the  Portuguese  ac- 
quisitions in  the  Orient,  came  at  the  time  when  economic 
questions  like  the  closing  of  the  monasteries  and  the  eviction 
of  small  landholders  for  the  purpose  of  raising  sheep  turned 
loose  a large  and  restless  population.  A national  navy  had 
been  begun  by  Henry  VIII.,  but  it  was  still  small,  and  yet, 
although  the  Spaniards  dominated  the  sea,  by  a happy  in- 
stinct the  newly  aroused  British  energy  turned  to  it.  The 
world  to  the  west  seemed  divided  between  Spain  and  Portu- 
gal quite  as  the  Bull  of  Alexander  VI.  designed,  and  if  the 
English  wished  to  reach  the  East  it  must  apparently  be  by 
sailing  to  the  northeast  or  to  the  northwest.  Endeavors  in 
the  former  direction  led  to  the  discovery  of  Archangel  and  the 
foundation  of  the  Muscovy  Company ; efforts  to  the  north- 
west led  to  the  voyages,  among  others,  of  Frobisher  and 
Gilbert.  The  difficulties  of  the  Arctic  route  in  both  direc- 
tions caused  the  gradual  abandonment  of  the  Russian  enter- 
prise and  the  search  for  a more  southerly  route  through 

43 


44 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


America  to  the  Indies.  At  first  the  new  continent  was  not 
valued  for  itself.  It  was  an  obstacle  in  the  way  of  com- 
merce with  the  Orient,  and,  when  it  was  found  to  be  in  the 
way  for  all  time,  the  efforts  of  other  countries  were  directed 
to  finding  deposits  of  precious  metals  to  rival  the  Spanish 
acquisitions  further  south. 

Conflict  was  inevitable.  The  Spaniards  claimed  all  the 
New  World  as  the  Indies,  explored  it  northwardly  almost  to 
what  is  now  New  York,  and  in  a measure  settled  it  even 
to  Chesapeake  Bay.  Religious  antagonism  played  its  part. 
England  became  more  intensely  Protestant  in  proportion 
as  Spain  endeavored  by  fair  means  or  foul  to  subject  her, 
although  for  a long  time  state  policy  forbade  hostilities. 
Spain  was  too  powerful,  and  England  not  yet  conscious  of 
her  own  strength.  The  most  that  could  be  done  officially 
was  quietly  to  encourage  private  enterprise.  Privateering, 
shading  into  buccaneering,  became  a recognized  trade,  and 
after  a while  even  the  queen  had  an  interest  in  the  business. 
Her  share  was  secret,  to  be  sure.  If  she  furnished  money 
to  fit  out  vessels,  this  was  not  divulged;  and  so,  if  the  Span- 
iards captured  the  fleet,  she  disclaimed  all  knowledge  of  its 
undertakings.  If,  as  generally  happened,  a cargo  of  Spanish 
goods  and  precious  metals  was  brought  into  Plymouth  or 
other  English  port,  she  received  her  full  share  of  the  pro- 
ceeds. It  was  very  convenient  for  all  concerned,  for  without 
royal  connivance  a vessel  could  hardly  be  fitted  out;  and  yet, 
internationally,  the  government  was  completely  ignorant  and 
left  the  privateers  to  their  own  fate  when  captured.  It  was 
an  odd  sort  of  morality,  but  we  are  dealing  with  the  age  of 
Elizabeth  and  not  of  Victoria  and  Edward  VII.  In  the 
new  development  thus  coming  from  the  seas,  it  was  natural 
that  the  southern  parts  of  England  should  feel  the  first 
impulse.  London  had  not  then  acquired  that  overwhelming 
preponderance  which  now  makes  it  the  centre  of  every  move- 
ment. The  southwest  counties  were  very  influential,  and 
after  Cabot’s  Bristol,  long  almost  a free  city,  Plymouth 
and  Dartmouth,  even  more  than  the  old  Cinque  Ports,  were 


RALEIGH  FOUNDS  VIRGINIA 


45 


the  leading  commercial  places  of  the  kingdom.  Devon- 
shire and  the  adjoining  counties  contributed  to  the  history 
of  that  day  great  figures,  the  product  of  mixed  English  and 
Celtic  blood  and  of  inspiring  surroundings.  Thence  came 
Drake  and  Hawkins,  the  Gilberts  and  Walter  Raleigh.  In 
no  quarter  of  England  was  there  greater  hatred  of  Spain ; 
than  these  men  there  were  none  to  assail  more  heavily 
her  supremacy.  Religious  hatred  had  its  share,  of  course. 
Where  there  was  daily  fear  of  an  uprising  of  Catholics  in 
favor  of  the  Spanish  Philip  or  the  Scottish  Mary,  Protes- 
tantism and  patriotism  became  almost  synonymous.  Event- 
ually religion  and  politics  were  dissociated,  for  Raleigh  was 
to  declare  that  it  was  Spanish  supremacy  and  not  Spanish 
religion  which  he  hated;  but  at  the  first  the  two  went 
together,  and  Drake  could  attack  Nombre  de  Dios  and  the 
Spanish  Main  in  America  with  a crusader’s  zeal,  and  deem 
in  seizing  the  Spanish  plate  ships  and  treasures  that  he  was 
rendering  God  service.  Even  earlier,  when  Hawkins,  with 
a more  commercial  instinct,  had  captured  negroes  off  the 
coast  of  Guinea  and  sold  them  to  the  Spanish  colonists,  he 
hated  Spain  as  heartily.  Francis  Drake  was  knighted  in 
1580,  on  his  return  in  the  Golden  Hind  from  his  famous 
three  years’  circumnavigation  of  the  globe;  but  it  was  less 
love  of  science  than  emulation  of  Spanish  success  in  the 
Pacific  that  urged  him  on,  and  only  seven  years  later  he  was 
at  Cadiz,  singeing  the  Spanish  king’s  beard. 

Of  somewhat  different  temper  were  the  Gilberts,  and  to 
Sir  Humphrey  is  due  the  first  effort  at  English  colonization 
in  America.  After  some  time  spent  in  exploration,  he  ob- 
tained from  Elizabeth  a patent  which,  in  consideration  of  his 
colonizing  Newfoundland,  gave  him  various  commercial  and 
other  privileges.  The  geography  of  America  was  being  only 
gradually  revealed,  for  the  English  knew  even  less  than  the 
Spanish,  and  Gilbert  looked  forward  to  large  returns  in  pre- 
cious metals  and  the  like.  The  most  important  point  about 
his  enterprise  historically  is  that  he  took  possession  and  made 
sundry  grants  of  land.  It  was  unsuccessful,  like  almost 


46 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


everything  else  he  undertook;  still  he  had  not  only  shown 
that  one  is  as  near  heaven  on  the  sea  as  on  the  land,  but  that 
Englishmen  too  could  found  homes  in  the  New  World  as 
well  as  in  the  Old.  His  lamented  loss  in  the  Squirrel  in 
1583  only  opened  the  way  for  the  broader  mind  and  greater 
resources  of  his  half-brother,  Walter  Raleigh. 

Raleigh  was  one  of  the  great  men  of  the  world’s  history. 
He  was  great  as  a soldier,  as  a sailor,  as  an  explorer,  as  a 
writer;  great  in  his  life,  and  even  greater  in  his  death.  He 
served  in  France  under  Coligny  and  then  in  Ireland  against 
a Spanish  invasion,  and  soon  became  a favorite  of  the  queen, 
herself  one  of  the  greatest  of  problems.  A woman  with 
all  the  whims  and  passions  of  her  sex,  capricious  and 
jealous,  she  yet  set  bounds  to  love,  and  usually  chose  the 
best  men  for  her  public  offices.  She  could  love  Leicester 
as  only  a woman  could,  and  yet  keep  Burleigh  at  the  head 
of  the  State.  Raleigh  she  would  never  advance  beyond 
knighthood,  despite  her  unquestionable  affection;  but  while 
she  could  not  permit  him  to  leave  England  for  long,  even 
after  the  event  which  broke  off  her  personal  relations,  she 
learned  in  time  again  to  employ  his  great  talents.  Among 
the  gifts  which  she  showered  upon  him  in  their  earlier 
days  was  her  patent  for  exploring  and  settling  America,  the 
counterpart  of  the  one  to  his  half-brother,  and  founded  on 
it.  Under  it  he  had  full  power  to  take,  fortify,  and  colonize 
any  land  not  already  possessed  by  Christians,  with  full 
rights  of  ownership  and  disposition  of  soil  within  two  hun- 
dred leagues  of  the  settlements  he  might  make  within  six 
years.  He  had  the  power  of  establishing  laws  as  near  as 
conveniently  might  be  to  the  laws  of  the  realm,  and  not 
opposed  to  the  Church  of  England.  For  herself  the  queen 
only  reserved  a royalty  of  one-fifth  of  the  precious  metals 
discovered.  It  is  true  that  the  patent  was  only  a license 
to  act,  for  she  had  no  vested  right  that  she  could  grant, 
and  Raleigh  was  to  meet  all  expenses,  but,  at  all  events, 
this  paper  gave  him  an  international  status.  The  Spaniard 
would  no  doubt  contest  the  right  to  settle  in  the  Indies  and  in 


RALEIGH  FOUNDS  VIRGINIA 


47 


undefined  Florida,  embracing  almost  all  America  in  the  tem- 
perate zone;  but  at  least  he  would  not  be  able  to  treat  the 
colonists  as  pirates,  and  would  have  to  negotiate  with  Eng- 
land rather  than  exterminate  them  as  he  had  the  Huguenots. 
It  was  not  long  before  the  queen  was  to  announce  that  she 
would  not  recognize  the  papal  gift  or  even  a claim  from 
discovery  if  not  followed  by  permanent  occupation.  Her 
growing  sea  power  and  her  aid,  even  if  capricious  and  ill- 
directed  at  times,  to  the  revolted  Dutch  made  Protestant 
England  a country  which  even  Spain  must  reckon  with 
and  respect  almost  as  much  as  France,  more  powerful  but 
more  distracted.  Their  conflict  might  come  in  the  narrow 
waters  of  Europe,  or  on  and  across  the  great  ocean  so  little 
known,  and  yet  already  the  scene  of  commercial  and  warlike 
rivalry  for  the  English  and  Spanish,  and  soon  also  to  be  a 
field  for  the  newborn  Dutch. 

In  the  early  expeditions  to  the  west  the  ships  usually  went 
first  to  the  West  Indies.  We  ordinarily  think  that  this 
was  due  to  Columbus’s  discovery  of  them  attracting  atten- 
tion in  that  direction.  This  is  partly  true,  but  Colum- 
bus did  not  discover  them  because  they  lay  in  the  latitude 
of  Spain,  from  which  he  sailed.  Lisbon  is  in  the  latitude  of 
Washington;  and,  in  point  of  fact,  if  Columbus  had  not 
met  a flock  of  parrots  flying  southwestwardly  and  followed 
them,  he  would  have  landed  somewhere  on  the  east  coast 
of  what  is  now  the  United  States.  As  geese  saved  Rome, 
so  parrots  prevented  this  country  from  becoming  Spanish.' 
The  fact  is  that  voyages  were  by  way  of  the  West  Indies 
even  after  the  east  coast  of  America  was  well  known,  and 
the  reason  must  be  sought  in  the  fact  that  the  ships  of  those 
days  were  sailing  vessels  and  had  to  follow  the  winds  and  cur- 
rents. An  examination  of  a chart  of  the  Atlantic  will  show 
that  during  much  of  the  year  there  is  a fairly  constant  wind 
and  current  from  the  latitude  of  Spain  southwardly  past  the 
Canaries  and  thence  over  to  the  West  Indies,  while  from 
there  the  Gulf  Stream  and  winds  go  northwardly  along  the 
east  coast  of  America  and  by  the  Azores  over  to  the  coast 


48 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


of  Great  Britain  again.  In  other  words,  the  winds  and 
currents  run  roughly  in  the  shape  of  a circle  or  ellipse, — 
westwardly  on  the  southern  limb  and  eastwardly  on  the 
northern,  with  the  Sargasso  sea  of  weed  in  the  neutral  centre. 
In  course  of  time,  mariners  learned  by  taking  advantage  of 
cross  winds  to  pursue  a northern  route,  as  did  the  French 
chevalier,  De  Gourgues;  but  the  usual  way  was  to  proceed 
from  England  southwardly  past  the  Canaries,  where  vessels 
might  water,  and  then  by  way  of  the  West  Indies,  where  they 
might  refit,  and  thence  on  to  America.  The  western  trip 
would  by  these  means  take  from  thirty  to  forty  days,  besides 
what  might  be  spent  in  watering  and  refitting.  It  was  wise 
to  make  a study  of  conditions  in  advance. 

Therefore,  Raleigh  prudently  sent  out  an  exploring  expe- 
dition before  he  undertook  a colony.  It  consisted  of  two 
ships  under  Arthur  Barlow  and  Philip  Amadas,  the  former 
of  whom  has  left  an  account  of  this  voyage  of  1584. 
Crossing  on  a southerly  line,  they  saw  land  in  July.  Coast- 
ing to  the  north,  admiring  semitropical  views  and  odors, 
they  entered  an  opening  and  took  possession  of  an  island 
which  was  called  Roanoke.  After  a while  they  met  the  na- 
tives of  the  country,  in  particular  Granganimeo,  the  brother 
of  the  king,  and  also  some  women.  Their  relations  with  the 
Indians  were  kindly  in  every  way,  forming  a strong  contrast 
to  later  history.  Of  natural  products  they  noticed  especially 
the  tall  red  cedars,  crops  of  maize  and  peas,  the  supply  of 
game,  and  in  September  returned  to  England,  taking  with 
them  two  Indians  named  Wanchese  and  Manteo. 

Then  Raleigh  sent  a fleet  of  seven  ships  conveying  one 
hundred  and  eight  colonists.  The  expedition  was  under 
the  command  of  Sir  Richard  Grenville,  and  the  colony 
when  established  was  to  be  governed  by  Ralph  Lane,  both 
brave  men  of  experience  and  ability.  They  stopped  first 
at  the  Spanish  island  of  St.  John,  and  then  at  Hispaniola, 
where  they  were  well  received,  in  June  ran  up  the  Ameri- 
can coast,  and,  despite  what  appears  to  be  the  treachery  of 
their  Portuguese  pilot,  landed  without  loss  near  Roanoke. 


RALEIGH  FOUNDS  VIRGINIA 


49 


Naturally  they  spent  some  time  in  exploring  the  mainland, 
going  as  far  north  as  Secotan,  but  unfortunately  getting  into 
unnecessary  conflict  with  the  natives.  In  August,  Gren- 
ville sailed  back  with  the  fleet,  and  the  colony  was  left  to 
itself.  We  have  materials  for  quite  a full  history  of  the 
experiment  in  the  diary  of  one  who  accompanied  Grenville 
forth  and  back,  letters  of  Lane  to  Raleigh  and  Richard 
Hakluyt,  the  account  of  Thomas  Hariot,  and  other  papers. 
Lane  says  that  they  were  much  pleased  with  the  country, 
which  was  healthful  and  productive,  needing  but  horses  and 
kine,  and  the  natives  he  described  as  most  courteous,  de- 
siring especially  coarse  clothing  and  red  copper.  “ All  the 
kingdoms  and  states  of  Christendom,”  he  continues,  “ their 
commodities  joined  in  one  together,  did  not  yield  more  good 
or  plentiful  whatsoever  for  public  use  is  needful  or  pleasing 
for  delight.”  He  was  not  so  satisfied  with  his  colonists 
themselves,  for  then,  as  for  so  long  after,  the  mistake  was 
made  of  thinking  that  ruffians  would  make  good  settlers. 

The  site  of  the  settlement  was  near  the  northeast  corner 
of  the  island,  where  may  still  be  traced  the  winding  ditch 
which  marked  a camp  forty  yards  square,  apparently  of 
palisades  with  bastions  at  the  corners  and  salients  between. 
It  was  a resort  rather  than  a place  of  residence,  for  it 
was  too  small  to  live  in ; and  the  colonists  devoted  their 
time  to  exploration  instead  of  agriculture,  depending  upon 
the  natives  for  supplies.  They  seem  to  have  got  to  the 
Chesepians  on  Elizabeth  River,  near  our  Hampton  Roads, 
and,  threading  the  maze  of  waters  of  this  coast,  in  the 
spring  explored  from  Albemarle  Sound  westwardly  up 
the  river  Chowan.  Following  information  derived  from 
Menatonon,  king  of  the  Chawanoks,  Lane  conducted  an 
expedition  up  the  river  Moratoc,  or  Roanoke,  to  find  a pearl 
fishery,  precious  metals,  and  a passage  to  the  Great  South 
Sea,  with  the  intention  of  moving  his  colony  over  to  that 
other  coast.  The  party  pushed  on  for  about  two  hundred 
miles  up  the  river,  subsisting  at  last  on  their  two  mastiffs 
boiled  with  sassafras  leaves,  but  they  did  not  find  the  Pacific, 


50 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


the  pearls,  or  the  precious  metals,  and  had  to  return  to 
Roanoke.  The  most  tangible  result  of  the  expedition  and 
its  incidents  was  the  fixed  hostility  of  Pemissapan,  the 
father  and  successor  of  Granganimeo.  One  would  suppose 
that  peaceful  relations  with  the  natives  were  essential  to  a 
small  band  coming  to  explore  and  settle  a new  country, 
and  would  be  cultivated,  particularly  after  the  cordial  re- 
ception given  to  Barlow  and  Amadas,  and  Lane’s  own 
opinion  of  the  neighboring  tribes;  but  war  followed,  and  it 
was  only  by  bravery  and  something  like  treachery  that  the 
English  were  victorious. 

This  was  the  time  of  Francis  Drake’s  dash  on  Santo 
Domingo  and  Cartagena,  and  it  so  chanced  that  after  cap- 
turing St.  Augustine  he  came  by  with  his  large  fleet.  After 
some  hesitation,  Lane  and  his  colonists  accepted  Drake’s 
offer  to  take  them  back  to  England.  They  went  aboard 
in  such  bad  weather  as  to  lose  most  of  their  books  and 
goods,  but  sail  they  did  and  Roanoke  was  left  deserted. 
Sir  Richard  Grenville  soon  arrived  with  supply  ships,  and 
spent  some  time  searching  for  the  settlers  and  exploring; 
and  rather  than  lose  what  had  been  done,  he  left  fifteen 
men  well  supplied  with  provisions  and  himself  returned 
with  the  fleet  to  England.  The  history  of  these  fifteen  is 
a blank.  Some  bones  were  afterward  found,  and  subsequent 
comers  heard  that  the  colonists  had  suffered  the  penalty 
of  Pemissapan’s  vengeance. 

It  was  not  in  Raleigh,  however,  to  give  up  as  long  as 
his  means  held  out,  and,  in  fact,  his  next  expedition  was  the 
most  promising  of  all,  for  in  the  following  year  he  sent  out 
one  hundred  and  fifty  settlers,  including  seventeen  women, 
under  John  White,  a man  of  experience  in  the  previous 
attempt.  Against  his  judgment  White  was  persuaded  to 
take  possession  of  the  old  fort  on  Roanoke  Island.  Ex- 
ploration was  again  undertaken,  this  time  in  a more  friendly 
manner,  and  in  it  they  were  largely  aided  by  Manteo,  who 
had  now  returned,  and  was  baptized  and  given  the  title  of 
Lord  of  Roanoke  and  Dasamonpeake.  Five  days  later  was 


RALEIGH  FOUNDS  VIRGINIA 


51 


the  more  important  event  of  the  birth  of  the  first  English 
child,  Virginia,  to  Ananias  Dare  and  his  wife  Eleanor,  the 
daughter  of  John  White.  Some  progress  had  been  made, 
and  when  it  seemed  proper  to  send  home  a report  of  the 
condition  of  affairs  it  was  determined  that  White  himself 
should  go.  On  November  8th  he  reached  Southampton, 
having  with  him  Wanchese,  who  was  in  Bideford  church 
baptized  a Christian,  but  soon  died  and  was  also  buried 
there.  The  settlers  left  at  Roanoke  to  build  up  an  English 
colony  had  the  promise  of  White’s  early  return  with  instruc- 
tions and  supplies. 

Lord  Bacon  tells  us,  looking  back  perhaps  to  this  event 
of  his  own  day,  that  the  beginnings  of  states  are  the  most 
instructive  studies,  because  then  is  determined  the  whole 
course  of  future  development.  Interesting  indeed  would 
it  be  could  we  trace  in  detail  the  government  and  institu- 
tions of  this  first  real  English  colony  in  America.  It  pre- 
sented many  features  differing  from  the  later  enterprises. 
It  came  at  a time  when  the  final  forms  of  English  institu- 
tions were  themselves  uncertain.  Indeed,  in  this  time  of 
conflict  with  Spain  abroad  and  Catholicism  at  home  it  was 
doubtful  whether  there  would  be  any  England  remaining 
as  an  independent  State.  Everything  was  in  flux,  and  yet, 
although  they  came  out  under  a private  patent  more  as 
tenantry  on  the  land  of  their  overlord,  Walter  Raleigh,  and 
for  the  purpose  of  finding  gold  or  other  treasure  and  making 
homes,  these  men  under  Lane  and  White  were  Englishmen 
through  and  through,  Englishmen  of  the  age  of  Elizabeth. 
The  very  fact  that  they  came  without  fixed  laws  would 
make  those  they  established  the  more  characteristic  of  the 
age.  It  is  true  that  the  settlement  under  White  was  of  a 
civil  nature,  for  he  and  twelve  others  were  incorporated  as 
the  governor  and  assistants  of  the  city  of  Raleigh,  and  met 
in  council  and  directed  the  government.  But  the  colony 
was  small  and  all  in  one  place,  so  that  there  was  no  oppor- 
tunity for  the  development  of  the  distinguishing  feature 
of  Anglo-Saxon  institutions, — local  self-government.  And 


52 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


the  Indian  hostilities  afforded  little  opportunity  to  develop 
more  than  military  law.  The  colonists  were  almost  all 
soldiers,  and  this  gave  the  tone  even  to  those  who  were  not. 
Precisely  what  did  happen,  however,  is  not  known.  The 
final  loss  of  the  colony  has  made  everything  obscure. 

For  the  time  was  not  auspicious.  Spain  had  suffered  so 
much  at  the  hand  of  England  that  she  was  preparing  retri- 
bution. Elizabeth  had  assisted  revolt  in  the  Netherlands 
with  men  and  money.  Drake  had  captured  plate  ships 
from  America  and  scourged  the  Spanish  Main  and  the 
South  Sea.  The  Pacific,  hitherto  Spanish  alone,  was  now 
through  the  capture  of  maps  and  information  laid  open  to 
the  English.  English  buccaneers  swarmed  everywhere. 
Florida,  claimed  and  colonized  at  such  cost,  was  actually 
invaded  by  Raleigh.  And  the  insult  at  Cadiz  made  the 
situation  unendurable.  The  Invincible  Armada  followed. 

It  is  almost  impossible  at  this  day  to  realize  the  situation. 
While  such  seamen  as  Hawkins  and  Drake  had  lost  their 
fear  of  the  Spaniard,  to  the  nation  at  large,  as  to  Europe 
generally,  Spain  represented  everything  that  was  powerful, 
cruel,  and  hateful.  There  was  almost  universal  panic,  as 
there  always  has  been  in  England  at  the  idea  of  invasion, 
and  the  fear  of  Jesuits  and  civil  war  was  added  to  that  of 
the  Spaniard  himself.  The  famous  action  in  which  Lord 
Howard  of  Effingham,  assisted  by  Drake  and  other  English 
sailors,  drove  off  the  Armada,  and  the  next  succeeding  event 
when,  as  the  English  firmly  believed,  the  Lord  arose  and 
scattered  His  and  their  enemies,  are  not  for  us  to  tell.  But 
that  time  of  trial  directly  affected  the  colony  in  America. 
Raleigh  sent  out  Grenville  with  a fleet,  and  then  White 
with  two  small  vessels,  which  were  turned  back  by  this  in- 
vasion, the  latter  after  some  privateering.  Neither  men 
nor  ships  could  be  spared  from  home.  Looking  back  now, 
we  can  see  that  the  Spanish  power  was  crushed  by  this 
defeat;  but  of  this,  Englishmen  of  the  day  could  not  be 
certain  for  years  to  come.  It  was  no  time  for  colonizing, 
and  the  settlers  were  left  to  themselves. 


RALEIGH  FOUNDS  VIRGINIA 


53 


Exactly  what  became  of  them  no  one  ever  knew.  When 
White  finally  arrived,  a year  after  the  Armada,  he  found 
Roanoke  deserted.  Whether  they  were  massacred,  and 
among  them  Virginia  Dare,  like  the  earlier  settlers,  we  do 
not  certainly  know.  Subsequent  tradition  so  declared  and 
that  only  two  boys  were  spared  to  grow  up  with  the  natives. 
At  all  events,  it  was  afterward  fancied  that  some  of  the 
Indians  in  that  vicinity  were  of  a lighter  complexion  than 
the  rest,  lending  probability  to  the  report  that  these  two  had 
intermarried  and  become  the  ancestors  of  a fairer  race. 

Standing  on  a hilltop  a landscape  will  spread  like  a map 
before  us.  We  can  see  the  prominent  points,  the  heads 
of  streams,  the  rocks,  the  coast — everything  lies  in  proper 
perspective.  Thus  looking  back  upon  history,  we  can  see 
the  importance  of  events  which  are  hid  from  participants 
and  onlookers.  We  can  hail  the  Roanoke  settlement  as 
the  beginning  of  English  colonization  in  America.  To  the 
Englishman  of  that  day  this  was  not  so  clear.  Except  so 
far  as  he  was  interested  in  Raleigh’s  fortunes  or  connected 
with  the  lost  colonists  themselves,  the  event  made  no  great 
impression.  For  the  moment  all  were  too  busy  with  the 
thought  of  the  Spanish  repulse  at  home  to  care  much  about 
what  happened  in  America.  But  while  the  public  were 
perhaps  not  interested,  the  matter  was  vastly  important  to 
Raleigh  himself.  He  had  spent  ,£40,000,  much  of  his 
fortune,  without  result.  In  1589  he  found  it  expedient 
to  assign  to  John  White,  Sir  Thomas  Smythe, — a name  to 
become  familiar, — and  others  the  privilege  of  the  Virginia 
trade,  and  thus  joined  with  his  past  colonizing  the  name  of 
one  who  was  later,  under  different  circumstances,  to  take 
up  his  work.  Had  he  wished  to  continue  his  schemes, 
two  events  in  the  near  future  made  it  almost  impossible. 
In  1591  came  the  daring  battle  in  the  Azores  of  his  trusted 
lieutenant,  Sir  Richard  Grenville,  with  an  overwhelming 
Spanish  fleet.  While  the  Spaniard  conquered,  he  did  not 
triumph.  Grenville  was  killed  and  his  vessel  destroyed,  but 
no  braver  and  hardly  a more  famous  combat  is  recorded  in 


54 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


England’s  long  naval  story.  Then,  only  a year  after,  came 
that  marriage  of  Raleigh  with  Elizabeth  Throckmorton, 
which  banished  him  from  court.  Queen  Elizabeth  was 
past  fifty,  and  this  maid  of  honor  twenty-two.  The  queen 
would  not  wed  a subject  like  Raleigh,  but,  if  he  was  to 
retain  her  favor,  neither  must  he  marry  a subject,  and  must 
keep  himself  a bachelor  for  her  sake.  The  exact  relations 
between  the  knight  and  the  maid  of  honor  are  doubtful,  if 
not  dubious;  but  at  least  Sir  Walter  made  the  best  amends 
he  could  and  married  the  young  woman,  even  though  he 
must  have  felt  it  would  cost  him  the  favor  of  the  queen. 
At  all  events,  the  result  was  that  he  lost  means  and  influ- 
ence, and  for  the  next  few  years  remained  in  quiet  at 
Sherborne,  the  Dorset  place  so  closely  associated  with  his 
history.  He  remembered  America,  for  he  often  spoke  of  it ; 
but  of  his  enterprise  there  were  left  only  some  maps  bearing 
the  barren  name  Virginia.  Elizabeth  had  given  the  name, 
but  little  else,  and  the  lasting  colonization  of  America  was 
not  to  be  reckoned  among  the  glories  of  her  reign. 


CHAPTER  IV 


VIRGINIA  UNDER  THE  COMPANY 

With  Elizabeth  passed  away  the  age  of  the  sea  kings. 
With  James  began  a more  commercial  era.  It  is  true  that 
the  intellectual  and  religious  activity  of  the  earlier  reign 
continued  and  soon  concentrated  itself  on  political  subjects, 
from  which  concentration  came  a restlessness  which  reached 
its  climax  under  the  second  Stuart,  although  its  mutterings 
were  not  indistinct  under  the  first;  but  in  the  time  of 
James  I.  trade  and  commerce  absorbed  much  of  the  energy 
of  the  awakened  English. 

Napoleon  was  to  call  them  a nation  of  shopkeepers,  but 
it  was  not  ever  thus.  During  the  Middle  Ages  trade  de- 
veloped in  guilds  or  unions  of  workmen,  such  as  goldsmiths, 
mercers,  and  many  other  occupations.  In  time  these  asso- 
ciations were  to  fetter  industry,  but  at  first  they  protected 
it  from  the  violence  of  the  period.  We  have  seen  that  the 
growth  of  kingly  power  under  Henry  VII.  and  Henry  VIII. 
was  accompanied  by  great  economic  changes,  and  that  the 
surplus  population  thus  freed  from  land  was  both  a cause 
and  a means  of  England’s  suddenly  acquired  greatness  by  sea. 
We  have  now  rather  to  look  at  the  domestic  side  of  these 
changes.  The  overpopulation  due  to  the  dissolution  of  the 
monasteries  and  the  increase  of  sheep  pastures  was  to  be  an 
argument  and  an  incentive  to  colonization,  but  at  first  these 
changes  brought  about  the  movement  over  sea  for  quite 
different  objects.  Although  colonization  was  the  result,  a 

55 


56 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


reaching  out  after  new  trade  routes  came  earlier.  The 
older  centres  were  insufficient  for  the  expanding  industries 
of  England,  of  which  the  chief  were  connected  with  wool, 
for  cotton  was  as  yet  almost  unknown. 

The  use  of  woollen  clothing  is  so  common  that  we  sel- 
dom think  of  its  beginnings,  and  yet  the  raising  of  sheep, 
the  principal  source  of  wool,  is  not  universal.  The  finest 
wool  came  from  Spain,  and  England  almost  from  the  time  of 
the  Romans  produced  a great  deal.  During  the  later  Middle 
Ages,  tin,  hides,  and  wool  were  the  chief  exports  of  the 
realm,  the  last  going  for  manufacture  mainly  to  the  Nether- 
lands, that  hive  of  industry;  for  England’s  supremacy  in 
clothmaking  is  of  quite  modern  growth.  The  kings  at- 
tempted to  regulate  this  export,  sometimes  even  forbidding 
it,  on  the  notion  of  the  day  that  a nation  was  rich  in  pro- 
portion to  what  it  kept  at  home  rather  than  to  what  it  sold 
or  exchanged  abroad.  1'hey  established  markets,  or  staples, 
from  which  alone  the  business  should  be  carried  on.  In 
course  of  time,  the  merchants  engaged  in  this  export  of  wool 
became  known  as  Staplers,  and  as  long  as  the  manufacture 
of  cloth  in  England  was  unimportant  they  did  a large  business 
and  had  great  influence.  During  some  of  the  wars  on  the 
continent,  however,  Flemish  and  other  weavers  were  brought 
over,  and  then  began  a rival  commerce.  England  was  to 
be  more  than  an  agricultural  and  a pastoral  country,  with 
incidental  handicrafts;  manufacturing  was  to  be  added  to 
her  other  industries,  and  in  time  to  become  the  chief  of  all. 

Thus  arose  the  famous  corporation  known  as  the  Gov- 
ernor, Assistants,  and  Fellowship  of  the  Merchants  Adven- 
turers of  England.  Their  origin  is  mediaeval  and  their 
scene  of  activity  mainly  the  continent  of  Europe,  where 
they  from  time  to  time  had  sundry  u Marte  townes”  and 
ports.  Their  great  commodity  was  woollen  cloth,  of  whose 
export  for  a long  time  they  had  a monopoly;  and  at  fixed 
seasons  their  fleet  sailed  from  England  in  convoy  of  men- 
of-war,  somewhat  as,  later,  did  the  plate  fleet  of  Spain  from 
America.  Their  rules  were  numerous  and  strict,  and  as 


VIRGINIA  UNDER  THE  COMP  ANT 


SI 


far  back  as  the  discovery  of  America  they  had  been  recog- 
nized by  Acts  of  Parliament.  In  the  beginning,  English 
commerce  with  the  continent  was  handled  by  Italians,  the 
Hansa,  and  the  domestic  Staplers,  but  the  Fellowship  of 
Merchants  Adventurers  now  gradually  superseded  the  others 
in  the  trade  to  the  Low  Countries.  The  Fellowship  regu- 
lated prices  by  regulating  the  supply,  and  instituted  a stint 
whenever  necessary.  Were  a port  hostile,  trade  was  diverted 
elsewhere.  Ultimately  the  Fellowship  drove  out  the  Staplers, 
and  in  the  sixteenth  and  seventeenth  centuries  the  Merchants 
Adventurers  were  in  their  prime. 

Although  these  companies  took  no  part  in  the  colonization 
of  America,  yet  they  showed  the  way  in  which  commercial 
enterprises  could  be  carried  on,  and  furnished  a model  for 
their  organization ; while  their  monopoly  of  the  continent  led 
to  search  for  other  markets,  and  ultimately  the  guilds  at  least 
were  to  aid  the  cause  by  contributions.  America  had  been 
discovered  in  the  attempt  to  reach  the  Indies,  the  objective 
point  of  all  early  expeditions,  and  attempts  to  the  north- 
west and  northeast  through  the  Arctic  Ocean  were  unsuc- 
cessful. It  is  true  the  Muscovy  Company  imported  timber 
and  naval  stores  from  the  Baltic  and  Arctic  seas,  but  the 
rigor  of  the  climate  left  these  open  only  part  of  the  year, 
and  Drake’s  circumnavigation  of  the  globe  revealed  the 
feasibility  of  a new  route  to  the  East.  The  result  was 
the  adventuring  in  1599  of  ^30,000  in  that  trade  and  next 
year  the  formation  of  the  East  India  Company,  a trading 
corporation  managed  from  the  first  largely  by  London  mer- 
chants, among  whom  was  specially  prominent  Sir  Thomas 
Smythe.  He  was  the  first  governor  of  the  Company,  and 
about  a hundred  of  his  fellow  members  were  afterward 
interested  in  the  Virginia  enterprises. 

The  year  after  the  Spanish  Armada,  the  Rev.  Richard 
Hakluyt  published  a book  of  travels  by  Englishmen,  and  nine 
years  later  he  began  his  more  famous  work,  The  Principal 
Navigations , Voyages , Trajfques  & Discoveries  of  the  English 
Nation , made  by  Sea  or  Over  Land , and  these  books  soon 


58 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


had  plenty  of  company.  It  is  said  that  there  were  even 
during  the  reign  of  Elizabeth  at  least  one  hundred  and  five 
authors  of  books  or  tracts  concerning  maritime  and  coloni- 
zation affairs.  The  Azores  were  well  known,  being  the 
port  of  call  of  many  fleets  to  the  west  as  well  as  the 
scene  of  battles,  and  Newfoundland  was  regularly  visited 
for  its  fisheries  and  claimed  by  both  France  and  England. 
Among  those  sailing  to  the  west  at  different  times  were 
Bartholomew  Gosnold,  George  Somers,  Gabriel  Archer, 
and  Christopher  Newport;  and  their  patrons  were  Shake- 
speare’s patron  the  Earl  of  Southampton,  Lord  Cobham  the 
fatal  friend  of  Raleigh,  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges,  as  well  as 
Sir  Walter  Raleigh,  whose  interest  now  was  centred  more 
especially  in  Guiana.  It  seems  strange  to  us  to  think  of 
Guiana  as  a proposed  colony  for  the  English,  and  yet  we 
must  remember  that  the  whole  world  was  then  opening 
before  them.  They  did  not  know  which  part  was  better 
suited  to  their  genius,  and,  in  fact,  only  time  was  to  tell. 
At  first  they  sought  Russia  and  Newfoundland,  then  Guiana 
and  the  East  Indies,  and  only  later  were  they  to  appreciate 
the  commercial  importance  of  Virginia.  And  this  was  a 
broad  name  in  those  days.  Just  as  the  Spaniards  claimed 
all  of  temperate  America  under  the  name  of  Florida,  the 
English  were  disposed  to  claim  as  Virginia  all  from  the  penin- 
sula of  Florida  up  to  the  regions  of  Newfoundland.  In 
course  of  time,  a compromise  line  was  to  be  drawn,  but  at 
first  America  and  Virginia  were  to  the  British  almost  syn- 
onymous. Thus  a voyage  in  1605  of  Captain  George 
Weymouth  to  what  we  now  call  New  England  was  con- 
sidered an  expedition  to  Virginia;  and  when  he  returned  in 
July  he  brought  back  five  natives,  who  attracted  even  more 
attention  than  the  crocodiles  and  wild  bears  from  Hispaniola 
which  Newport  presented  to  King  James.  A treaty  of 
peace  with  Spain  was  finally  ratified  on  June  15,  1605, 
purposely  leaving  obscure  the  question  of  boundaries  in 
America,  but  rendering  it  possible  to  make  settlements 
without  armed  conflict,  and  the  Indians  brought  back  by 


VIRGINIA  UNDER  THE  COMP  ANT 


59 


Weymouth  but  whetted  the  curiosity  of  the  English.  Adven- 
turers, we  learn  from  Ben  Jonson’s  play,  Eastward.  Ho!  were 
still  ready  to  sell  away  competent  certainties  to  purchase  with 
any  danger  excellent  uncertainties,  and  in  this  same  play  we 
have  our  first  Virginia  colonel.  They  still  dreamed  of  gold, 
for  the  piece  represented  the  natives  as  using  it  for  domestic 
vessels  and  street  purposes,  while  rubies  and  diamonds  were 
gathered  by  the  seashore  and  given  to  children. 

Sir  Walter  Raleigh  had  been  received  very  coldly  by  the 
new  king,  and  a leading  man  of  the  new  colonization  was  to 
be  the  Lord  Chief  Justice,  Sir  John  Popham.  For  although 
it  seems  that  in  some  sense  Gosnold  was  the  first  mover  of 
the  plantation  and  interested  Edward  Maria  Wingfield,  John 
Smith,  and  others,  it  was  not  much  advanced  until  some 
of  the  nobility,  gentry,  and  merchants  were  enlisted  also. 
There  had  been  already  in  the  time  of  Henry  VIII.  “The 
Mysterie  and  Companie  of  the  Merchant  Adventurers  for 
Discoverie  of  Regions,  Dominions,  Islands,  and  Places  un- 
known,” different  from  the  Adventurers  in  wool;  but  they 
had  not  much  success,  and  the  new  company  to  be  formed 
was  for  more  strictly  commercial  purposes.  Its  beginning 
was  an  agreement  between  Weymouth  and  Sir  John  Zouch 
for  a “marchante  voyage”  to  Virginia,  but  it  was  at  last 
realized  that  such  an  enterprise  as  colonization  should  be 
undertaken  by  public  authority.  A paper  giving  reasons 
for  raising  a fund  for  the  support  of  the  colony  in  Virginia 
justly  says  “that  private  purses  are  cold  comfort  to  ad- 
venturers and  have  ever  been  found  fatal  to  all  enterprises 
hitherto  undertaken  by  the  English  by  reason  of  delays, 
jealousies,  and  unwillingness  to  back  that  project  which 
succeeded  not  at  the  first  attempt.”  There  was  reason  for 
haste,  because  Henry  IV.  had  already  found  France  pacified 
sufficiently  to  begin  looking  to  America  again,  and  had 
granted  to  De  Monts  a patent  to  inhabit  Acadia,  described 
as  Virginia  north  of  forty  degrees.  In  England  the  Gun- 
powder Plot  no  doubt  delayed  matters,  and  only  recently 
have  we  learned  the  keenness  with  which  Pedro  de  Zuniga, 


6o 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


the  Spanish  ambassador  at  London,  watched  and  reported 
on  the  plans  for  new  attempts  at  colonization. 

Finally  in  April,  1 606,  a charter,  drawn  by  Popham 
and  revised  by  Coke,  passed  the  seals,  naming  as  grantees 
Thomas  Gates,  George  Somers,  Richard  Hakluyt,  Edward 
Maria  Wingfield,  Thomas  Hanham,  Raleigh  Gilbert,  Wil- 
liam Parker,  and  George  Popham.  While  the  instrument 
is  expressly  spoken  of  as  a license  and  patent,  it  was  char- 
acteristic of  the  new  king  that  it  should  be  very  different 
from  patents  granted  by  Elizabeth.  That  sovereign  had 
confided  extensive  powers  to  the  undertakers  in  each  in- 
stance, reserving  to  herself  only  certain  rights  of  sover- 
eignty and  an  interest  in  the  products,  while  the  learned  and 
pedantic  James  preferred  to  regulate  all  details  himself.  It 
was  evident  that  he  did  not  embrace  colonies  abroad  within 
the  humble  plan  which  he  afterward  said  he  conceived  on 
coming  to  England  of  sitting  still  seven  years  in  order  to 
learn  the  laws  of  this  kingdom  before  venturing  to  make 
new  ones.  He  divided  the  adventurers  into  two  colonies, 
the  first  being  composed  of  the  London  petitioners,  who 
should  operate  between  the  thirty-fourth  and  forty-first  de- 
grees of  latitude;  and  the  second  comprising  the  men  of 
Plymouth,  Bristol,  and  Exeter,  whose  field  lay  between  the 
thirty-eighth  and  forty-fifth  degrees.  These  respective  colo- 
nies should  have  dominion  for  fifty  miles  north  and  south 
from  their  settlements,  as  well  as  a hundred  miles  to  sea 
and  a hundred  miles  inland,  but  were  not  to  build  within 
one  hundred  miles  of  each  other.  Each  should  have  a 
council  with  a seal  showing  the  king’s  arms  and  portraiture, 
while  in  England  there  should  be  a superior  council  to  con- 
trol them  both,  also  with  a seal,  all  nominated  by  James. 
Power  was  given  to  build  settlements,  defend  themselves, 
coin  money,  control  trade,  import  goods  without  duty  for 
seven  years,  and  the  king  agreed  to  patent  to  their  nominees 
lands  colonized,  to  be  held  as  of  the  manor  of  East  Green- 
wich in  the  county  of  Kent,  in  free  and  common  socage 
and  not  in  capite,  thus  in  effect  preventing  military  tenures 


VIRGINIA  UNDER  THE  COMPANY  6 1 

in  the  colonies.  There  was  also  a wise  provision  forbid- 
ding piracy,  and,  possibly  by  inadvertence  on  the  part  of 
the  king,  possibly  by  wisdom  on  the  part  of  the  adventurers 
or  Coke  or  Popham,  there  was  inserted  the  famous  pro- 
vision which  is  the  foundation  of  American  liberty  and  in- 
stitutions. It  is  the  paragraph  numbered  fifteen,  reading  as 
follows:  “Also  we  do,  for  Us,  our  Heirs,  and  Successors, 
Declare,  by  these  Presents,  that  all  and  every  the  Persons, 
being  our  Subjects,  which  shall  dwell  and  inhabit  within 
every  or  any  of  the  said  several  Colonies  and  Plantations, 
and  every  of  their  children,  which  shall  happen  to  be  born 
within  any  of  the  Limits  and  Precincts  of  the  said  several 
Colonies  and  Plantations,  shall  have  and  enjoy  all  Liberties, 
Franchises,  and  Immunities,  within  any  of  our  other  Domin- 
ions, to  all  Intents  and  Purposes,  as  if  they  had  been  abiding 
and  born,  within  this  our  Realm  of  England  or  any  other  of 
our  said  Dominions.” 

The  councils  might  order  all  matters  according  to  such 
laws,  ordinances,  and  instructions  as  should  be  in  that  behalf 
given  and  signed  with  the  king’s  hand  or  sign  manual  and 
pass  under  the  privy  seal.  Had  this  patent  continued  in 
full  operation,  therefore,  it  might  have  played  a great  part 
in  favor  of  royalty  in  the  civil  wars  which  were  to  come; 
but  modifications  will  concern  us  at  a later  period.  For 
the  present,  the  king  drew  elaborate  instructions  in  Novem- 
ber for  the  government  of  his  loving  subjects  in  Virginia. 
He  did  permit  the  councils  to  fill  vacancies  and  to  select 
their  own  presidents,  but  this  latter  provision,  putting  the 
presidency  at  the  will  of  the  actual  majority,  was  to  work 
badly.  He  directed  that  Christianity  was  to  be  preached 
among  the  colonists  and  the  natives.  Jury  trial  was  pre- 
served, offences  defined,  and  the  local  councils  constituted 
into  courts  for  trying  and  punishing  all  cases.  Judicial  pro- 
ceedings were  to  be  summary,  without  writing,  with  the  ex- 
ception of  the  judgment,  which  was  to  be  signed  by  the 
president  and  the  members  of  the  council  acting.  Trade 
was  to  be  regulated  by  keeping  everything  in  joint  stock, 


62 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


and  there  should  be  a “cape  merchant”  to  take  charge  of  all 
commodities,  and  it  was  the  royal  “ will  and  pleasure  that 
all  subjects  in  said  colonies  and  plantations  should  well 
entreat  the  savages  and  use  all  good  means  to  draw  them 
to  the  true  service  and  knowledge  of  God,  and  that  all  just, 
kind,  and  charitable  courses  should  be  holden  with  such 
of  them  as  would  conform  themselves  to  any  good  and 
sociable  traffique  dealing”  with  British  subjects,  all  under 
such  severe  pains  and  punishments  for  infringements  as 
should  be  inflicted  by  the  president  and  council. 

The  initiative  for  the  northern  enterprise  was  thus  to 
come  from  the  southwest  of  England,  and  to  be  under  the 
patronage  of  the  lord  chief  justice.  The  other  was  to  have 
its  headquarters  at  London,  the  patron  being  no  less  a person 
than  Robert  Cecil,  Earl  of  Salisbury,  the  principal  secretary 
of  state.  The  basis  of  this  division  is  not  clear,  but  it  would 
seem  likely  that  the  neighborhood  of  the  fisheries  of  New- 
foundland, which  were  well  known  and  visited  by  the  west 
of  England  mariners,  may  have  been  the  attraction  in  the  first 
case.  Whoever  the  patron  and  whoever  the  originators  of 
the  plan,  the  active  man  in  the  former  colony  was  Sir  Ferdi- 
nando  Gorges,  the  governor  of  Plymouth,  and  on  August 
22,  1606,  the  Richard  sailed  from  there  under  M.  Henry 
Challons  to  go  to  the  North  Plantation  of  Virginia.  Two 
months  later  a second  ship  was  sent  out,  under  Thomas 
Hanham  as  commander  and  Martin  Prynne  of  Bristol  as 
master,  to  second  Challons  and  his  people.  Hanham  and 
Prynne  returned  the  next  spring  with  valuable  reports  as  to 
the  coast  of  North  Virginia,  but  Challons  was  less  fortunate, 
for  in  November  his  vessel  was  captured  by  the  Spaniards 
in  the  West  Indies.  The  western  adventurers  were  not 
discouraged,  and  soon  sent  out  another  expedition,  but,  with 
the  death  of  the  chief  justice  not  long  afterward,  the  enter- 
prise languished,  and  it  was  left  for  the  London  people  to 
make  the  first  real  settlement  in  America. 

London  at  this  time  had  a population  of  nearly  three 
hundred  thousand,  although  from  1603  to  1611  it  was 


VIRGINIA  UNDER  THE  COMP  ANT 


63 


suffering  from  a visitation  of  the  plague,  of  which,  particu- 
larly in  the  earlier  days,  thousands  died.  This  was  to  be  a 
factor  in  colonization,  as  it  reinforced  the  distress  caused  by 
the  stringent  poor  laws  and  the  dread  due  to  the  administra- 
tion of  criminal  laws  naming  three  hundred  capital  crimes, 
and  caused  many  people  to  leave  England.  The  disorgani- 
zation of  labor  in  the  country  drove  multitudes  to  London, 
and,  now  that  peace  was  succeeding  the  troublous  times  of 
Elizabeth,  trade  and  commerce  were  waxing  important  and 
building  up  the  capital.  Although  beginning  their  opera- 
tions later,  the  promoters  of  the  first  colony,  or  the  London 
Company,  as  they  were  generally  called,  were  much  more 
successful  than  their  brethren  of  Plymouth. 

Of  the  many  expeditions  to  America,  none  after  Columbus 
was  more  important  than  that  of  the  Sarah  Constant  under 
Captain  Christopher  Newport,  the  Goodspeed  under  Captain 
Bartholomew  Gosnold,  and  the  Discovery  under  Captain  John 
RatclifFe,  Newport  being  in  general  charge.  Drayton  marked 
the  occasion  by  penning  an  ode  tou  Virginia, earth’s  only  para- 
dise,” and  on  December  30,  1606  (N.  S.),  the  vessels  sailed 
from  London.  There  was  no  dearth  of  instructions.  There 
were  orders  and  directions  by  the  Council  for  Virginia,  among 
them  prescribing  that  Newport  should  have  sole  charge  and 
command  at  sea  and  that  the  names  of  the  local  council 
would  be  found  in  secret  instructions  to  be  opened  on  arrival. 
Exploration  was  to  be  carried  on  for  at  least  two  months  and 
such  place  selected  for  a site  as  would  be  a safe  port  at 
the  entrance  of  the  navigable  river  running  furthest  into  the 
land.  In  fact,  if  the  river  had  two  branches,  the  one  should  be 
selected  which  bent  more  toward  the  northwest,  for  that  way 
they  would  sooner  find  the  other  sea,  which  was  not  supposed 
to  be  far  from  the  Atlantic.  Before  it  was  reached  they  were 
specially  instructed  to  examine  any  high  lands  or  hills,  and 
with  pickaxes  try  if  they  could  find  minerals,  for  the  South 
Sea  and  precious  metals  were  still  special  objects  of  desire. 

Detained  off  the  Downs  and  south  coast  of  England  by 
adverse  winds  until  the  18th  of  February,  they  reached  the 


64 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


Canaries  in  March,  and  the  island  of  Dominica  early  in 
April.  They  then  saw  in  succession  Guadeloupe,  Nevis 
and  Mona,  taking  water  more  than  once.  After  a severe 
storm  which  providentially  drove  them  past  the  fatal  Roanoke 
they  sought,  the  little  fleet  at  four  o’clock  in  the  morning 
of  May  6th  entered  Chesapeake  Bay,  and  were  soon  rav- 
ished with  the  sight  of  fair  meadows,  goodly  tall  trees,  and 
fresh  water  running  through  the  woods.  They  landed, 
and  named  the  cape  after  Henry,  Prince  of  Wales.  That 
night  they  opened  their  sealed  orders  and  found  the  local 
council  to  consist  of  Gosnold,  Wingfield,  Newport,  John 
Smith,  RatclifFe,  John  Martin,  and  George  Kendall.  As 
directed,  they  began  exploring  the  bay  and  tributary  rivers, 
naming  the  largest  for  King  James,  although  it  was  already 
called  Powhatan  by  the  Indians,  and  were  much  disappointed 
at  the  shallow  water  until,  rowing  over  to  a point  of  land, 
they  found  a deep  channel,  which  put  them  in  such  good 
comfort  that  they  named  it  Cape  Comfort.  May  14th  they 
finally  selected  their  u seating  place,”  where  the  ships  could 
lie  so  near  the  shore  that  they  were  moored  to  the  trees  in 
six  fathoms.  The  spot  chosen  was  a peninsula,  and  there 
the  trumpets  sounded,  the  admiral  struck  sail,  and  the  rest 
of  the  fleet  came  to  an  anchor.  The  colony  disembarked, 
and  every  man  brought  ashore  his  particular  store  and  furni- 
ture, together  with  the  general  provision,  to  protect  which 
they  measured  off  a fortification  and  began  in  the  name  of 
God  to  raise  a fortress.  When  finished  it  was  a triangle, 
having  three  bulwarks  at  the  corners  like  a half-moon,  with 
three  or  four  pieces  of  artillery  mounted  in  them.  Toward 
the  river  and  landing,  the  fort  was  four  hundred  and  twenty 
feet  long,  and  on  the  other  sides  three  hundred  feet  each;  in 
the  centre  a corps  de  garde , chapel,  and  storehouse.  The 
houses  faced  the  palisades,  with  a street  between.  The  Rev. 
Mr.  Hunt  was  the  minister,  and  there  were  regular  religious 
services  held,  with  a sermon  every  Sunday  when  practicable. 
Unfortunately,  possibly  as  a result  of  Roanoke,  the  Indians 
from  the  first  were  not  friendly,  and  the  fort  was  built  none 


Ancient  mace  of  the  borough  of  Norfolk,  and  seals  of  Sir  Walter 
Raleigh  as  Governor,  Warden  of  the  Stanneries,  and  personal.  From 
the  originals  in  possession  of  the  Virginia  Historical  Society. 


VIRGINIA  UNDER  THE  COMPANY 


65 


too  soon.  The  English,  sooner  or  later,  in  all  parts  of  the 
world  have  proved  themselves  superior  to  the  natives,  but 
they  often  begin  in  a blundering  sort  of  way.  Their  colonists 
have  seldom  been  numerous  enough  to  conquer  the  savages 
into  submission  at  once,  like  the  Spaniards,  while  their 
manners  have  always  lacked  the  conciliatory  tone  which 
has  made  the  French  so  welcome,  particularly  in  America. 

It  seems  strange  that  every  expedition  heretofore  sent  to 
the  New  World  by  other  than  the  Spaniards  should  have 
selected  an  island  for  settlement.  The  French  had  done  so 
in  Brazil,  at  Charlesfort,  and  Fort  Caroline;  the  English, 
three  times  at  Roanoke.  All  these  settlements  had  been 
unsuccessful,  and  largely  so  because  they  condemned  the 
colony  to  an  insulated  existence,  out  of  touch  with  the  main- 
land, its  people  and  its  advantages,  and  Jamestown  was  to 
be  only  partially  an  exception.  The  real  reason,  of  course, 
was  a feeling  of  dependence  upon  the  sea  and  a fear  of  the 
savages.  Even  the  Spaniards  knew  more  about  the  coast 
than  they  did  of  the  interior,  but  there  were  no  English 
explorers  who  like  De  Soto  and  Tristan  plunged  resolutely 
into  the  forest  and  left  the  coast  far  behind. 

Wheat  was  sown  at  Jamestown,  and  not  long  afterward 
potatoes,  “pumpions,”  melons,  garden  seed,  and  West  In- 
dian oranges  and  “cotton  trees”  were  planted,  while  mul- 
berries, cherries,  vines,  gooseberries,  strawberries,  raspberries, 
groundnuts,  and  other  plants  were  found  native  to  the  soil. 
Of  course,  they  sought  for  gold,  and  curiously  enough  they 
found  a real  piece.  Captain  John  Martin  even  got  together 
a whole  barrel  of  “ fool’s  gold.”  He  was  a practical  man 
and  one  of  experience  in  American  voyages,  although  mis- 
taken in  this  instance.  Exploring  was  not  neglected,  and 
the  natives  were  a constant  source  of  surprise  and  interest — 
if  also  fear. 

Newport  left  in  the  Sarah  Constant  July  2d,  with  Vir- 
ginia’s first  exports,  the  supposed  gold  and  real  clapboards. 
He  took  the  Goodspeed  along,  leaving  the  Discovery , a pinnace 
of  twenty  tons,  for  colonial  use.  The  colony,  consisting 


66 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


of  one  hundred  and  four  persons,  was  face  to  face  with  its 
future.  Hardly  had  he  left  when  a messenger  came,  offer- 
ing peace  from  the  Great  Powhatan.  Early  accounts  all 
call  him  thus,  but  it  would  seem  that  his  name  was  Wahun- 
sonacock,  and  he  was  chief  of  the  Powhatan  tribe  of 
Indians,  living  ten  miles  from  Jamestown  on  the  Putin 
Bay  of  York  River — itself  an  abbreviation  of  “ Powhatan.” 
The  Indians  remained  friendly  for  a while,  supplying  corn 
and  meat;  and  it  was  fortunate,  for  with  the  summer  began 
the  sickness  which  for  years  to  come  was  so  fatal  to  the 
English.  It  is  generally  spoken  of  as  “ the  seasoning 
period,”  but  the  proportion  that  survived  was  hardly  forty 
per  cent,  especially  at  the  beginning.  This  summer  they 
lost  forty  men,  including  Gosnold  on  September  1st.  From 
that  time  on,  to  illness  was  added  dissension.  Kendall  was 
put  in  prison,  and  after  the  death  of  the  “cape  merchant,” 
Studley,  Captain  John  Smith  acted  in  his  place.  Septem- 
ber 20th,  RatclifFe,  Smith,  and  Martin  deposed  Wingfield 
and  made  Ratcliffe  president,  and  not  long  afterward  in 
some  quarrel  a man  named  Read  struck  Ratcliffe  and  was 
condemned  to  be  hanged.  It  seems  this  did  not  take  place, 
because  he  revealed  a proposed  mutiny  of  Kendall,  who 
was  shot  instead. 

Captain  John  Smith  almost  ranks  with  Mary  Queen  of 
Scots  as  a historical  question  and  has  been  able  to  im- 
mortalize a prosaic  name.  On  the  voyage  over  under  New- 
port he  was  a prisoner  much  of  the  time  for  some  alleged 
insubordination,  and  as  to  his  share  in  the  movement  after- 
ward there  is  difference  of  opinion.  Smith  has  left  several 
accounts,  which  unfortunately  differ  somewhat  from  each 
other,  but  there  was  probably  a basis  of  truth  in  even  his 
wildest  narratives.  He  was  chosen  by  lot  to  command  an 
exploring  expedition,  and  with  it  proceeded  up  Chicka- 
hominy  River,  through  the  domains  of  Opechancanough,  the 
unfriendly  brother  of  Powhatan.  Where  the  water  became 
too  low,  Smith  left  his  vessel  and  crew  and  went  ahead  in  a 
canoe  with  Indian  guides  and  two  Englishmen.  The  crew 


VIRGINIA  UNDER  THE  CO  MEANT 


67 


were  attacked  and  Smith  lost  his  two  companions,  but  saved 
himself,  as  he  always  did  in  personal  encounters,  by  superior 
skill.  He  tied  the  Indian  guide  before  him  as  a kind  of 
shield,  and  but  for  a swamp  would  not  have  been  captured. 
In  his  early  history  he  tells  us  he  had  slain  three  Turkish 
champions  in  Hungary  in  single  combat,  and  had  more  than 
once  in  captivity  been  befriended  by  beautiful  women,  and 
so  we  could  not  expect  him  to  succumb  finally  to  the 
savages  of  America.  While  he  did  not  mention  it  in  his 
first  account,  he  did  not  fail  after  the  princess  had  become 
famous  in  England  to  tell  the  interesting  story  of  how  he 
was  rescued  by  the  intervention  of  the  child  Pocahontas, 
who  threw  herself  between  him  and  the  uplifted  club  of 
her  savage  father.  He  then  beguiled  his  captors  by  show- 
ing the  use  of  the  compass,  of  his  gun,  and  his  civilized 
method  of  communicating  with  Jamestown  by  writing. 
Certain  it  is  that  he  was  released,  and  at  Jamestown  was 
in  some  way  about  to  be  called  in  question  for  the  death 
of  his  two  followers,  when  the  arrival  of  Newport  from 
England  changed  dissension  into  a measure  of  contentment. 

Newport  had  made  on  July  29, 1607,  a report  to  Salisbury, 
forwarded  from  Plymouth,  in  which  he  said  that  they  had 
explored  the  back  country  for  nearly  two  hundred  miles  and 
a river  navigable  one  hundred  and  fifty  miles.  The  land  they 
found  excellent  and  very  rich  in  gold  and  copper,  and  of  the 
gold  they  had  brought  “a  say.”  He  took  up  to  London,  in 
the  course  of  August,  a letter  from  the  council  in  Virginia  to 
the  Virginia  council  in  England,  one  from  Robert  Tindall 
to  Prince  Henry  giving  a “dearnall”  of  the  voyage  and  a 
“draughte”  of  the  river,  Newport’s  relation  of  the  discovery 
of  the  river,  a Description  of  the  new-discovered  river  and 
country  of  Virginia,  and  a Brief  Description  of  the  people, 
the  last  three  probably  written  by  Gabriel  Archer,  the 
recorder  of  the  colony.  The  letter  of  the  council  claims 
that  they  had  sown  a good  store  of  wheat,  sent  clapboards 
to  England,  built  houses,  and  spared  some  hands  for  discov- 
eries. The  richest  commodity  at  first  was  “ sasafrix  roots,” 


68 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


whose  special  value  in  that  day  seems  to  have  been  for 
making  with  anise  seed  a beverage  of  merit  for  preserving 
health  on  long  voyages.  The  river  was  full  of  sturgeon 
and  other  “ sweet  fish,”  the  soil  most  fruitful,  bearing  oak, 
ash,  walnut,  poplar,  pine,  cedar,  and  other  woods,  some 
yielding  gums  of  virtue  for  healing  wounds  and  aches. 
They  further  refer  to  the  “gold  showing  mountains,”  for 
expedition  to  which  they  asked  immediate  succors,  “least 
that  the  all  devouring  Spaniard  lay  his  hands  upon  them.” 
Naturally,  the  first  thing  those  interested  did  was  to  have 
the  gold  analyzed;  and  Sir  Walter  Cope,  in  a letter  to 
Salisbury,  expresses  the  keen  disappointment  of  all  that  after 
trial  four  times  by  the  best  experience  about  the  city  it  all 
turned  to  vapor.  The  Company  met  that  same  evening, 
and,  despite  being  thus  deprived  of  hope  of  any  extraor- 
dinary consequence,  cheerfully  determined  to  send  sup- 
plies. Newport,  for  his  part,  told  Sir  Thomas  Smythe  that 
he  was  resolved  never  to  see  Salisbury  again  before  he 
should  bring  what  he  confidently  believed  he  had  brought. 
The  new  expedition  was  set  on  foot,  and  on  October  4th 
the  ships  John  & Francis  under  Captain  Newport  and  the 
Phcenix  under  Captain  Nelson  left  London  for  Virginia, 
having  on  board  colonists,  and  also,  unknown  to  the  au- 
thorities, a spy  named  Francis  McGuire  in  the  pay  of  Spain. 
Newport  arrived  at  Jamestown  on  January  12,  1609,  but 
Nelson  did  not  reach  there  for  some  time.  Newport  found 
only  thirty-eight  or  forty  colonists  left  and  added  to  them 
nearly  one  hundred,  having  lost  some  on  the  voyage. 

His  coming  relieved  Wingfield  and  Captain  John  Smith 
from  prison,  and  we  have  a mysterious  hint  that  it  prevented 
a parliament  which  Recorder  Archer,  who  had  been  sworn  a 
councillor  by  the  president,  had  intended  to  summon.  Ex- 
actly what  this  was  we  do  not  know,  but  it  is  the  first  intima- 
tion of  a popular  assembly  in  American  history.  Hardly 
had  Newport  arrived  before  Jamestown  was  burned,  with 
nearly  all  the  buildings  in  the  fort,  church,  storehouse,  and 
magazine  included,  besides  the  first  library  which  we  know 


VIRGINIA  UNDER  THE  COMPANY 


69 


of  in  America,  that  of  the  Rev.  Mr.  Hunt,  unless  Wingfield’s 
trunk  full  of  books,  including  a Bible,  was  earlier.  The 
winter  was  a hard  one  and  bore  severely  on  all. 

While  Newport  was  in  Virginia  he  explored  somewhat  with 
Smith,  having  also  a conference  with  the  Great  Powhatan. 
Newport  sailed  for  England  on  the  20th  of  April,  taking  with 
him  Wingfield,  Archer,  McGuire,  and  others,  and  as  papers 
the  interesting  chart  made  by  Tindall  of  their  explorations, 
Percy’s  Discoveries , White’s  Description , and  the  like.  By 
Nelson,  somewhat  later,  was  sent  John  Martin  and  Smith’s 
famous  True  Relation , accompanied  by  his  chart  of  Virginia. 

Exploration  continued  under  Smith,  with  the  special  view 
of  finding  some  way  to  the  South  Sea.  The  Indians  said 
that  the  Potomac  extended  far  up  into  the  country  until  it 
met  another  river  flowing  to  that  ocean.  This,  of  course, 
was  not  so,  but  points  in  some  shape  to  a passage  over  to  a 
branch  of  the  Ohio  and  thus  down  to  the  Gulf  of  Mexico. 
It  is  only  poetic  justice  that  almost  two  hundred  years  later 
the  plan  of  connecting  the  headwaters  of  the  Potomac  with 
those  of  an  affluent  of  the  Ohio  by  adequate  communica- 
tion was  urged  by  the  famous  Virginian,  whose  veracity, 
unlike  his  predecessor’s,  has  never  been  attacked;  and  thus 
does  history  join  the  names  of  two  very  different  and  yet 
almost  equally  famous  Americans,  Smith  and  Washington. 
Smith’s  exploration  showed  that  there  was  no  way  of  get- 
ting to  the  South  Sea  by  water  from  Chesapeake  Bay  or  by 
the  rivers  running  into  it,  and  after  spending  the  summer 
in  this  way  he  returned  to  Jamestown.  Then,  as  the  term 
of  Ratcliffe  was  expiring,  Captain  John  Smith  became 
president. 

There  is  no  question  as  to  the  energy  of  Smith,  but  he 
seems  to  have  got  on  ill  with  his  superiors  and  his  inferiors 
alike,  and  the  colony  did  not  flourish  under  his  adminis- 
tration. He,  of  course,  lays  the  blame  on  the  Company’s 
management  in  England,  and,  no  doubt,  things  would  have 
been  worse  had  he  not  been  president.  There  were  not 
many  events  during  his  term  beyond  constant  acquisition 


7° 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


of  knowledge  of  the  country  and  its  natives,  sometimes  at 
the  expense  of  the  lives  of  colonists.  A somewhat  ludicrous 
incident  connected  with  the  Indians  was  the  solemn  crown- 
ing of  Powhatan  with  a copper  diadem  received  from  King 
James,  performed  against  Smith’s  will,  on  express  instruc- 
tions, with  the  idea  of  attaching  the  savage  more  firmly  to 
the  English  interest.  At  this  time,  out  of  some  three  hundred 
colonists  sent  from  first  to  last  there  were  hardly  more  than 
eighty  white  inhabitants  in  the  whole  bounds  of  Virginia,  a 
disproportion  due  to  the  inroads  of  disease,  partly  en  route 
at  sea,  and  more  especially  after  arrival  in  Virginia.  The 
summers  were  very  fatal,  due  largely  to  malaria,  and  this 
to  some  extent  was  to  continue  until  the  inhabitants  became 
acclimated ; for  quinine  was  unknown,  and  it  was  then  simply 
a question  of  survival  of  the  fittest.  This  was  concealed  in 
England,  but  it  was  one  of  the  greatest  difficulties  with  which 
the  founders  of  the  enterprise  had  to  contend.  It  is  only 
fair  to  remember  that  of  the  Indians  brought  to  England 
at  various  times  at  least  one  half  also  died,  showing  that 
constitutions  suited  to  one  climate  were  not  suited  to  the 
other.  And  yet,  to  some  extent  the  colony  was  already  of 
a settled  nature.  Marriages  took  place,  the  first  being  that 
of  John  Laydon  with  Anne  Burras,  although  it  is  not  cer- 
tain exactly  when  was  born  their  daughter  Virginia,  the  first 
white  child  in  Jamestown.  The  situation  as  a whole,  how- 
ever, was  certainly  not  encouraging.  In  the  summer  of 
1609  the  colony  had  actually  to  be  broken  up  by  Smith,  in 
part  dispersed  among  the  savages,  in  part  to  the  coast,  where 
they  lived  on  oysters.  This  was  not  bad  living,  but  the 
tradition  has  survived  that  it  did  not  agree  with  the  Eng- 
lish, some  of  the  men  contracting  a disorder  which  caused 
their  skin  to  peel, — but  it  would  hardly  do  to  lay  this  on  the 
innocent  bivalves.  In  the  fall  the  population  had  increased 
through  other  arrivals  from  England,  and  an  indication  of 
the  spread  of  the  colony  as  well  as  of  the  never  absent  fear 
of  Spanish  inroads  is  found  in  the  building  by  RatclifFe  of  a 
fort  at  Point  Comfort. 


VIRGINIA  UNDER  THE  COMPANY 


7l 


Sassafras  and  clapboards  were  hardly  sufficient  returns 
for  what  had  been  expended,  and  none  of  the  three  things 
which  the  Company  had  required  had  been  found, — there 
was  no  lump  of  gold,  no  South  Sea,  and  there  was  no  sur- 
vivor from  Raleigh’s  experiments.  It  would  indeed  seem 
as  if  the  Virginia  colony  was  not  remunerative,  and  yet  in 
some  way  from  1609  dates  an  enthusiasm  which  was  to 
make  the  dream  of  colonization  a reality.  Sermons  and 
pamphlets  appeared,  which  interested  the  British  public  in 
Virginia.  Nova  Britannia , for  instance,  painted  the  new 
country  in  no  neutral  colors,  for  it  was  declared  to  be  fertile 
and  rich  in  timber  and  minerals,  the  natives  loving,  and  the 
enterprise  offering  a great  means  of  building  up  English 
shipping  by  trading  thither.  The  population  of  England 
should  thus  find  a vent  and  create  a new  market  for  Eng- 
lish cloth,  and  raise  again  that  ancient  trade  of  clothing,  so 
much  decayed. 

The  principal  persons  interested  in  the  enterprise  per- 
ceived that  the  plantation  went  rather  backward  than  for- 
ward, and  held  meetings  at  the  residence  of  the  Earl  of 
Exeter  and  elsewhere  in  London.  They  concluded  that 
the  trouble  arose  from  the  form  of  government  and  from  the 
length  and  danger  of  the  passage.  The  latter  could  be  reme- 
died with  fuller  experience,  but  for  the  former  they  deter- 
mined on  a special  charter.  It  was  of  great  import  that  the 
drafting  of  this  charter  was  by  Sir  Edwin  Sandys,  a leading 
advocate  in  Parliament  of  the  popular  rights  now  almost  un- 
consciously coming  to  the  surface,  besides  being  a resolute 
opponent  of  Spain,  although  its  final  form  was  the  work  of 
Sir  Henry  Hobart,  attorney-general,  and  Sir  Francis  Bacon, 
the  solicitor-general.  The  petition  was  probably  drawn  in 
January,  1609,  and  was  promptly  granted  by  the  king,  but, 
as  all  planters  and  adventurers  were  to  be  named,  it  was  not 
finally  signed  and  sealed  until  June  2d.  We  are  told  that 
the  incorporators  of  this  charter  were  fifty-six  city  com- 
panies of  London  and  six  hundred  and  fifty-nine  persons, 
of  whom  twenty-one  were  peers,  ninety-six  knights,  eleven 


72 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


doctors,  ministers,  etc.,  fifty-three  captains,  twenty-eight 
esquires,  fifty-eight  gentlemen,  one  hundred  and  ten  mer- 
chants, and  two  hundred  and  eighty-two  citizens  and  others 
not  classified.  With  it,  as  amended  three  years  later,  we 
are  on  firm  historical  ground,  for  now,  if  not  with  the 
patent  which  preceded,  we  have  the  beginning  of  popular 
government  in  America.  The  boundaries  of  the  colony 
were  to  be  two  hundred  miles  north  and  south  from  Point 
Comfort,  extending  westwardly  from  sea  to  sea  and  east- 
wardly  to  embrace  all  islands  within  one  hundred  miles. 
This  did  not  include  all  that  was  in  the  earlier  patent,  but 
there  had  been  no  settlement  up  to  this  time  in  what  had 
been  called  the  second  colony,  and  so  what  was  now  in- 
corporated was  to  be  the  basis  of  everything  that  might 
follow.  Virginia  embraced,  and  therefore  this  Company 
might  yet  control,  the  bulk  of  what  is  now  the  United 
States,  extending  from  the  thirty-fourth  to  the  forty-fifth 
degree,  inclusive,  from  near  the  present  Atlanta  to  the 
northern  line  of  the  State  of  New  York.  Even  the  Pilgrim 
Fathers  of  later  years  settled  within  these  limits. 

An  interesting  and  little-known  fact  connected  with  the 
colonization  of  Virginia  is  that  the  first  patent  was  carried 
out  by  the  original  patentees  themselves,  while  under  the 
new  charter  the  Company  was  to  have  the  assistance  of 
the  guilds  of  London  also.  Of  these  there  were  thirteen 
great  companies,  being  the  Salters,  Vintners,  Drapers,  Gold- 
smiths, Haberdashers,  Skinners,  Mercers,  Grocers,  Fish- 
mongers, Merchant  Tailors,  Ironmongers,  Clothworkers, 
and  Stationers.  The  movement  was  started  by  a letter 
from  the  council  and  Company  to  the  lord  mayor,  aldermen, 
and  companies,  stating  the  object  of  the  enterprise  and 
asking  that  the  guilds  or  their  members  take  bills  of  adven- 
ture of  £12  1 os.  each,  with  special  privileges  to  those  ad- 
venturing large  amounts.  The  lord  mayor  thereupon  issued 
a precept  to  the  masters  and  wardens  of  the  several  com- 
panies to  consider  the  matter,  and  this  led  to  important 
results.  The  records  of  some  are  lost,  and  others  show  very 


VIRGINIA  UNDER  THE  COMPANY 


73 


little,  but,  in  one  way  or  other,  the  Grocers,  the  Mercers, 
the  Cloth  workers,  the  Merchant  Tailors,  and  the  Stationers 
adventured  from  £100  to  £200  at  least.  In  fact,  by  the 
next  year,  it  is  said  that  “ the  noble  men  and  companies  of 
London”  had  adventured  £5,000  together.  When  we 
remember  that  money  was  then  worth  five  times  what  it  is 
now,  we  can  appreciate  the  value  of  the  contributions  thus 
made  by  the  guilds.  They  were  largely  reinforced  by  sub- 
scriptions of  knights,  esquires,  citizens,  and  others,  many 
of  them  members  of  Parliament,  under  a circular  of  the 
Virginia  council  asking  subscriptions  for  three  supplies  to 
settle  “ a foundation  of  annexing  another  kingdom  to  this 
crown,”  and  from  all  these  sources  by  1610  ,£18,000  had 
been  subscribed.  It  is  not  too  much  to  say  that  but  for 
these  subscriptions  the  enterprise  would  have  fallen  through. 

Under  the  new  charter  the  Company  had  greater  powers, 
and  it  set  about  its  work  with  increased  interest.  It  de- 
termined to  have  as  governor  some  person  higher  in  the 
social  scale  than  heretofore,  and  so  selected  Thomas  West, 
Lord  de  la  Warr,  whose  name  has  been  popularized  as 
“ Delaware.”  Nominally,  he  was  to  remain  lord  governor 
and  captain-general  until  1619,  and  he  always  took  a deep 
interest  in  the  enterprise.  Practically,  he  did  not  reach 
America  immediately,  and  remained  there  but  a short  time; 
and  the  actual  government  for  most  of  the  period  was  in  the 
hands  of  his  deputies,  particularly  Gates  and  Dale. 

The  Company  sent  out  promptly  enough  in  1610  an 
expedition  of  nine  ships  and  five  hundred  people  under  Sir 
George  Somers  and  Sir  Thomas  Gates,  with  Newport  in 
charge  of  the  fleet.  Unfortunately,  this  was  dispersed  by 
the  tempest,  and  the  Sea  Adventure , bearing  the  new  rulers, 
was  wrecked  in  the  Bermudas;  and  as  none  of  those  who 
actually  arrived  in  Virginia  had  a commission  to  succeed 
Smith,  things  drifted  along  with  no  legal  head.  An  inter- 
esting, if  incidental,  result  of  the  wreck  was  the  discovery 
and  practical  annexation  of  the  Bermudas  to  the  crown  of 
England.  They  were  henceforward  long  known  as  Somers 


74 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


Islands,  and  sometimes  by  mistake  spelled  “Summer”  Isl- 
ands. The  English  found  there  hogs  running  wild,  and 
thus  subsisted  despite  the  loss  of  so  much,  and  managed 
finally  to  construct  out  of  the  wreckage  two  vessels  that 
brought  them  safely  to  Virginia.  This  storm  was  the  origin 
of  Shakespeare’s  play  The  Tempest , performed  a year  or  so 
after;  for  although  the  plot  is  Italian,  Ariel  and  Caliban  are 
fair  samples  of  what  the  mariners  of  that  day  expected  to 
find  in  unknown  islands  like  “the  still  vexed  Bermoothes.” 
In  fact,  Caliban  is  about  what  the  Caribs  were  pictured,  for 
from  that  tropical  region  the  name  was  taken,  while  the  god 
Setebos  comes  from  Patagonia. 

Captain  John  Smith  had  returned  to  England,  and  Captain 
George  Percy  was  the  president  of  the  council  and  in  gen- 
eral command  when  Gates  and  Somers  arrived  in  Virginia  on 
June  2,  1610  (N.  S.),  the  first  anniversary  of  the  signing  of 
the  charter  under  which  they  had  come  to  act.  Sir  Thomas 
Gates,  with  a copy  of  the  charter  and  his  commission,  went 
to  the  church,  and  by  ringing  the  bell  assembled  the  planters. 
The  minister,  the  Rev.  Richard  Buck,  offered  a prayer;  and 
after  service  Secretary  William  Strachey  read  the  new  com- 
mission, whereupon  Percy  surrendered  the  old  one,  the  char- 
ter, and  the  seal.  There  were  sixty  old  inhabitants  present 
and  one  hundred  and  thirty-five  new  ones,  among  them 
nonconformists  as  well  as  members  of  the  Church  of  Eng- 
land, including  Stephen  Hopkins,  afterward  one  of  the 
Pilgrim  Fathers.  The  soldiers  on  guard  were  a company 
of  veterans  trained  in  the  Netherlands,  for  Gates  had  cer- 
tainly served  under  Maurice  of  Nassau  and  may  have  done 
so  under  his  father,  William  the  Silent,  and  was  even  at 
this  time  still  in  the  service  of  the  States  General,  and 
only  lent  or  furloughed  by  them  for  this  enterprise  on 
the  special  request  of  King  James.  He  assumed  active 
charge,  erected  Forts  Henry  and  Charles,  in  honor  of  the 
two  princes,  at  the  mouth  of  the  river,  and  proceeded  to 
make  laws  suited  to  the  circumstances,  setting  them  up  on 
posts  in  the  church. 


VIRGINIA  UNDER  THE  COMP  ANT 


IS 


The  Company,  on  the  discouraging  return  of  the  first 
part  of  their  expedition  of  1609,  had  published  in  Eng- 
land the  broadside  called  A True  and  Sincere  Declaration , 
citing  the  drawbacks  to  be  overcome  as  three, — the  dangers 
of  the  ocean  passage,  the  barrenness  of  the  country,  and 
the  unhealthfulness  of  the  climate.  The  subsequent  history 
of  the  colony  was  the  amelioration  of  these  difficulties,  but 
for  the  present  they  seemed  to  Gates  insuperable.  He  re- 
stored order,  but  could  not  restore  spirits.  After  doing  his 
best  under  existing  circumstances,  on  consultation  with  the 
council  he  determined  to  abandon  the  country.  The  boats 
were  provisioned  and  freighted,  the  ordnance  buried,  and 
every  person  taken  aboard,  Gates  himself  being  the  last; 
and  they  sailed,  leaving  Jamestown  undestroyed.  At  this 
very  time,  De  la  Warr  arrived  in  the  bay  with  another  expe- 
dition, and  a message  to  Gates  by  one  of  his  boats  caused 
the  fleet  to  turn  back  to  Jamestown,  where  De  la  Warr 
himself  arrived  on  Sunday,  June  20th.  As  soon  as  he  landed, 
he  fell  upon  his  knees  and  made  a long,  silent  prayer.  After 
hearing  a sermon  in  the  chapel,  his  commission  was  read ; 
and  he  received  from  Gates  the  old  one,  the  patents,  and  the 
seal,  and  assumed  the  government. 

There  was  not  to  be  any  great  improvement  even  under 
De  la  Warr  for  some  time,  but  at  least  the  devout  char- 
acter of  the  English  showed  itself  prominently  even  here,  for 
this  was  the  time  when  the  great  translation  of  the  Bible 
was  in  progress,  and  the  Scrooby  Independents  had  not 
taken  all  religion  with  them  to  Holland.  Among  his  first 
acts  the  lord  governor  put  in  order  the  chapel,  a building 
sixty  feet  long  by  twenty-four  wide,  with  a steeple  at  the 
west  end  holding  two  bells.  The  chancel  was  of  cedar, 
with  the  font  like  a canoe,  the  communion  table  of  black 
walnut,  and  the  pews  and  pulpit  of  cedar.  De  la  Warr 
even  decorated  the  building  with  native  flowers  from  time 
to  time.  Daily  the  sexton  rang  the  bell  at  ten  o’clock, 
and  in  the  afternoon  at  four,  when  prayers  were  had,  and 
besides  two  sermons  on  Sunday  there  was  one  on  Thursday. 


76 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


When  De  la  Warr  went  to  church  on  Sundays  he  was 
accompanied  by  councillors,  officers,  and  gentlemen,  together 
with  a guard  of  fifty  halberdiers  in  his  own  livery  and  red 
cloaks.  The  lord  governor  sat  in  the  choir,  in  a green 
velvet  chair,  knelt  on  a green  velvet  cushion  before  him, 
and  so  worshipped  God  with  comfort  and  satisfaction.  The 
private  houses  did  not  exhibit  so  much  show,  although  they 
were  comfortable  and  warmed  with  big  wood  fires  in  capa- 
cious fireplaces  and  chimneys.  The  laws  instituted  by 
Gates  were  approved,  despite  the  apparent  unreasonableness 
of  some.  One  is  mentioned  forbidding  throwing  soapsuds 
into  the  street,  the  reason  being  that  it  was  said  that  every- 
body in  London  who  used  that  new  invention  or  wore 
clothes  washed  with  that  article  died  of  the  plague. 

Prompt  measures  were  taken  to  obtain  supplies  from  the 
Bermudas  and  also  fish  from  North  Virginia,  and  reports 
sent  home.  Delaware  River  and  Bay  were  named  for  the 
governor,  and  attempts  were  made  to  reach  the  mountains 
to  discover  gold  and  silver,  but  these  were  unsuccessful.  In- 
stead, a fort  was  built  at  the  falls,  although  ultimately,  on 
account  of  sickness  and  massacres,  the  colony  was  again 
concentrated  at  Jamestown  and  Algernoune  Fort  at  the 
mouth  of  the  river.  More  to  the  point,  as  then  believed, 
were  the  discoveries  by  Dr.  Bohun  of  sundry  remedies 
extracted  from  vegetables  and  minerals  of  the  country. 
They  did  not,  however,  help  the  lord  governor  very  much, 
and  in  April,  1611,  he  sailed  for  Mevis  in  order  to  benefit 
himself  and  other  colonists  with  the  warm  baths.  Un- 
propitious  winds  and  currents  carried  them  to  the  Azores 
instead,  whence  after  a short  stay  they  sailed  for  England. 

Gates  was  left  in  command,  and  maintained  the  same 
policy.  Domestic  difficulties  continued,  and  that  the  old 
fear  of  Spaniards  was  not  ill  founded  is  shown  by  the  cap- 
ture this  year  of  Molina  and  several  companions.  They 
had  more  assurance  than  Ecija,  and,  sailing  into  the  bay, 
took  on  board  and  detained  several  English,  and  were  caught 
themselves  in  a similar  trap  on  shore.  They  were  to  remain 


VIRGINIA  UNDER  THE  COMPANT 


77 


long  in  Virginia,  and  this  detention  of  prisoners  on  both 
sides  caused  interminable  negotiations  between  the  two 
governments.  Molina  got  letters  to  the  Spanish  ambassa- 
dor in  England  at  sundry  times,  one  being  sewed  up  in  the 
sole  of  a traveller’s  shoe.  While  the  Spaniards  maintained 
that  there  was  no  ground  for  the  detention,  the  facts  as 
now  known  leave  no  doubt  that  Molina  and  his  friends 
were  really  spies. 

It  was  felt  at  home  that  the  Company  should  have  further 
powers,  and,  on  a petition,  held  up  for  over  a year  on  ac- 
count of  opposition,  a new  charter,  or  an  amendment  of  the 
old  charter,  passed  the  seals  on  March  12,  1612.  The  prin- 
cipal changes  were  the  extension  of  boundaries  so  as  to 
include  the  Bermudas  and  giving  the  right  to  the  Company 
to  open  lotteries  for  its  benefit.  Recognizing  the  harm 
which  refugees  from  the  colony  had  done,  to  the  extent 
even  of  endangering  the  utter  overthrow  and  ruin  of  the 
enterprise,  which,  to  use  the  words  of  the  charter,  yet  could 
not  miscarry  without  some  dishonor  to  the  king  and  king- 
dom, the  instrument  went  on  to  confer  the  power  on  the 
treasurer  and  the  Company  to  apprehend  any  such  people 
or  send  them  back  to  Virginia  to  be  there  punished. 

Under  the  amended  charter  there  was  to  be,  to  use  the 
name  of  a pamphlet  of  that  day,  New  Life  for  Virginia.  It 
came  about  in  a very  unexpected  way,  however,  and  almost 
contemporaneously  with  two  deaths  which  threw  almost  all 
circles,  political  and  colonial,  into  confusion.  One  was 
that  of  Henry,  Prince  of  Wales,  the  other  that  of  Robert 
Cecil,  Earl  of  Salisbury.  Through  Cecil  had  been  a con- 
tinuity of  effort  in  the  direction  of  colonizing  America  from 
the  time  of  Elizabeth,  for  we  should  recollect  he  was  the 
son  and  successor  of  her  Lord  Burleigh.  Another  pam- 
phlet, publishing  of  course  only  what  the  Company  wanted 
known,  was  entitled  Good  News  from  Virginia ; but,  in  point 
of  fact,  the  really  good  news  was  not  known  until  later.  A 
definite  means  of  subsistence  for  the  colonists  and  of  profit 
for  the  Company  was  being  found  at  this  very  time,  for  it 


78 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


was  in  this  year  that  John  Rolfe,  on  some  spot  now  for- 
gotten, made  his  first  good  crop  of  tobacco,  imitated  from  the 
methods  of  the  Indians.  The  first  imported  into  England 
was  not  esteemed,  probably  from  imperfect  curing,  but  by 
1615  these  difficulties  were  overcome  and  it  was  taken  over 
in  quantity.  The  result  was  that  the  future  of  Virginia  was 
assured.  It  was  not  for  two  years  yet  that  this  same  John 
Rolfe  married  Pocahontas;  but  her  capture  in  March,  1612, 
accomplished  perhaps  by  treachery,  had  a beneficial  effect  in 
that  it  kept  Powhatan  under  more  or  less  control,  although 
he  would  not  accede  to  the  terms  which  the  English  de- 
manded for  her  ransom.  For  the  time  being  matters  were 
not  promising,  and  in  September  there  sailed  from  Virginia 
the  last  ship  that  was  to  leave  until  July  in  the  next  year. 

At  first  blush  one  is  apt  to  undervalue  these  early  strug- 
gles of  the  colony,  somewhat  as  Milton  looked  at  the  con- 
tests of  the  little  Saxon  kingdoms  when  he  compared  them 
to  the  wars  of  the  kites  and  crows.  The  frequent  change  of 
government,  both  in  the  Company’s  charter  and  the  actual 
administration  in  America;  the  apparent  inactivity  of  the 
colonists  in  useful  occupations;  the  variation  in  population, 
due  to  so  many  coming  and  so  many  dying;  the  frequent 
famines  of  those  who  survived, — all  these  make  up  a recital 
full  of  incident,  but  apparently  without  purpose  and  without 
continuity.  When  we  reach  the  period  when  tobacco  is 
cultivated,  and  particularly  when  it  becomes  a staple  crop, 
we  feel  we  are  on  firm  ground  at  last.  And  yet,  time  had 
not  been  wasted.  The  main  difficulty  was  that  at  first  the 
Company  and  its  representatives  were  seeking  some  imme- 
diate return  in  the  way  of  mines  or  precious  commodities, 
and  it  was  some  time  before  the  people  settled  down  even 
to  their  own  maintenance.  The  reason  is  not  far  to  seek. 
They  came  to  a new  country,  whose  forests  they  admired, 
but  which  had  to  be  cut  away  before  they  could  cultivate; 
for,  unfortunately,  they  did  not  settle  in  any  of  the  places 
already  cleared  by  the  natives,  possibly  because  of  the  early 
instructions  not  to  dispossess  the  Indians.  There  had  been 


VIRGINIA  UNDER  THE  COM  PA  Nr 


79 


a mistake  in  choosing  Jamestown  Island  for  the  capital  of 
the  settlement,  and  even  Henrico  was  not  to  be  permanently 
its  successor.  The  island  was  too  small  for  building  and 
agricultural  purposes  both,  and  the  mainland  at  this  point 
was  thickly  wooded.  The  frequent  hostilities  with  the 
natives  prevented  the  colonists  from  going  far  away  from 
the  fort,  and  the  matter  of  felling  and  clearing  the  primitive 
forest  was  formidable.  On  this  account  they  were  largely 
dependent  upon  the  Indians  for  a number  of  years.  Captain 
John  Smith  we  have  known  as  an  explorer,  and  this  was 
necessarily  the  first  work  to  be  done  in  a new  country;  but 
he  has  equal  claim  to  the  gratitude  of  Americans  in  that  he 
saw  the  necessity  of  agriculture  and  used  all  his  power  to 
develop  it.  He  made  the  colonists  chop  down  trees,  often 
against  their  will,  and  instituted  the  cultivation  of  seeds, 
vegetables,  and  fruits.  Of  course,  for  a while  it  was  all 
experimental  and  it  was  only  slowly  that  they  could  learn 
what  was  suitable  to  the  land  and  what  was  not.  Wheat 
did  not  appear  to  flourish,  running  largely  to  stalk  in  the 
new  and  fertile  soil,  and  thus  it  resulted  that  Indian  corn 
became  the  principal  crop,  reinforced  by  native  vegetables. 
We  must  never  forget  that  this  was  not  the  settlement  of 
freemen  on  land  owned  by  them  individually.  It  was  a 
commercial  enterprise,  managed  by  a corporation  in  Eng- 
land, which  could  not  appreciate  to  the  full  the  difficul- 
ties or  devise  the  best  means  for  overcoming  them.  We 
must  remember  also  that  the  times  were  still  semi-feudal, 
and  the  emancipation  of  tillers  of  the  soil  had  not  progressed 
far  even  at  home;  so  it  was  not  unnatural  for  the  Company 
to  carry  out  quasi-feudal  principles  on  its  own  account. 
The  community  system  and  similar  utopian  schemes  have 
been  attractive  to  man  in  all  ages,  but  the  joint  stock  system 
of  the  Company  was  carrying  out  the  principle  for  the  benefit 
rather  of  the  proprietors  in  England  than  of  the  colonists  in 
Virginia.  This  was  a device  by  which  a kind  of  Tontine 
period  of  seven  years  from  the  charter  of  1609  was  insti- 
tuted within  which  there  was  to  be  no  division  of  land  or 


8o 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


sharing  of  profits.  The  few  grants  of  land  during  this  time 
were  exceptional.  Commercially,  the  joint  stock  seemed  to 
be  the  proper  plan,  for  it  enabled  all  capital,  whether  of 
adventurers  of  the  purse  or  planters  of  the  soil,  to  be  kept 
together  until  something  could  be  realized.  But  the  disad- 
vantage was  that  it  took  away  the  incentive  of  private  owner- 
ship, which,  socialists  to  the  contrary  notwithstanding,  has 
been  the  secret  of  man’s  progress  from  the  Stone  Age 
down.  This  lesson  could  have  been  learned  by  observing 
the  natives.  These  had  only  a rudimentary  private  owner- 
ship, and  while  this  made  the  tribe  strong  for  war  it  led  the 
individual  to  be  content  with  the  bare  necessities  of  life. 

Possibly  Captain  John  Smith  was  practically  the  founder 
of  Virginia,  and  certainly  that  other  disciplinarian  Sir  Thomas 
Dale  was  the  restorer  of  the  colony.  Lieutenant  under 
Gates,  he  was  in  Gates’s  numerous  absences  practically  gov- 
ernor, and  then  governor  in  his  own  name  afterward.  He 
too  was  a soldier  and  a sailor.  His  rule  has  sometimes 
been  thought  of  as  a military  despotism,  but  something  of 
this  sort  was  needed  among  the  English  as  among  the  Latin 
colonies  further  south,  and  under  him  there  was  at  least  a 
more  energetic  policy  at  Jamestown.  There  had  always 
been  a common  garden,  where  the  colonists  labored  for  the 
benefit  of  the  Company,  as  there  was  a magazine,  where 
the  Company  bought  and  sold  at  fixed  prices,  but  Dale  now 
allowed  small  private  gardens  for  the  individual  colonists, 
with  beneficial  results.  Under  him  came  the  end  of  the 
first  joint  stock  and  the  beginning  of  private  land  owning. 
Those  who  had  been  laboring  for  the  Company  were  re- 
leased from  their  dependency  and  found  themselves  land- 
holders, while  shareholders  in  England  received  also  one 
hundred  acres  for  each  share  of  £12  iox.  The  best  part 
of  the  joint  stock  was  the  end  of  it,  for  now  more  land  was 
cleared  and  more  interest  taken  in  its  cultivation.  We  can 
hardly  imagine  any  great  impetus  to  tobacco  culture  if  it 
had  been  all  for  the  benefit  of  the  non-resident  Company. 
But  even  this  improvement  would  hardly  have  come  if  Dale 


VIRGINIA  UNDER  THE  COMPANY 


8l 


had  not  also  extended  the  settlements.  It  was  in  his  time 
that  Henrico  was  established,  and  several  pales  built,  ex- 
tending from  one  body  of  water  to  another,  particularly  at 
Henrico  and  opposite  Jamestown.  These  consisted  of 
palisades,  with  something  equivalent  to  a blockhouse  at 
intervals,  designed  as  a defence  against  animals,  but  more 
especially  against  Indians,  thus  giving  great  encouragement 
to  agriculture  and  assisting  in  the  gradual  extension  of  the 
settlements.  New  Bermuda,  for  instance,  was  founded  by 
Dale.  Thus  his  administration  was  justly  looked  upon  as 
the  turning  point  in  colonial  history,  and  by  many  enact- 
ments and  public  documents  the  term  “ancient  planters” 
is  limited  to  those  who  were  in  America  “before  the  going 
away  of  Sir  Thomas  Dale.”  The  last  ship  that  brought  over 
such  immigrants  was  the  Treasurer  in  1615. 

Samuel  Argali  succeeded  Dale  and  arrived  at  Jamestown 
in  May,  1617.  As  indicative  of  the  new  circumstances,  we 
are  told  that  so  far  had  the  importance  of  tobacco  progressed 
that  the  very  streets  of  Jamestown  were  then  given  up  to  its 
cultivation.  In  truth,  the  time  had  now  come  for  official 
cognizance  of  tobacco.  The  Company  ordained  that  it 
should  sell  in  Virginia  at  three  shillings  a pound,  a regula- 
tion which  created  much  discontent,  inasmuch  as  it  then  sold 
on  arrival  in  England  for  four  or  five  times  this  amount.  As 
the  population  gradually  increased,  not  only  were  new  lands 
taken  up  for  tobacco  culture,  but  further  settlements  were 
made  from  time  to  time,  as,  for  instance,  Martin’s  Brandon. 
Among  the  laws  ordained  by  Argali  was  one  possibly  recog- 
nizing a difference  in  the  Indian  outlook  after  the  death  of 
Powhatan,  for  it  expressly  provided  that  the  savages  should 
not  be  taught  to  use  firearms.  A very  different  regulation 
was  that  making  churchgoing  compulsory,  for  there  was  not 
yet  any  sharp  division  in  practical  piety  between  the  Puritans 
and  their  fellow  countrymen.  In  fact,  in  this  very  year  1618 
was  the  sitting  of  the  Synod  of  Dort,  whose  aim  was  greater 
unity  of  Protestant  Christianity  over  all  Europe,  although 
the  extreme  Puritans  had  already  found  their  position  in 


82 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


England  uncomfortable.  The  year  Jamestown  was  founded 
some  went  to  Holland  under  Robinson,  but  they  were  now 
looking  to  the  New  World.  They  had  already  made  sundry 
applications  for  land  in  Virginia. 

Sir  George  Yeardley  was  appointed  deputy-governor  to 
succeed  Argali,  and  a paper,  one  of  the  dearest  to  Virginians 
and  most  eventful  in  American  history,  was  now  sent  out 
by  the  Company, — the  Great  Charter.  It  really  was  an 
ordinance  by  the  Company,  but  conferred  suffrage  and  the 
right  of  representation  in  a general  assembly,  which  were 
to  survive  the  Company  itself.  For  it  is  one  of  the  many 
instances  we  find  in  the  history  of  comparative  politics  where 
a development  occurs  vastly  out  of  proportion  to  its  begin- 
ning; where  that  organism  which  we  call  a State  irresistibly 
begins  in  a collection  of  men  regardless  of  whether  they  are 
intended  as  a dependency  of  a trading  company  or  of  a mother 
country.  Paper  withes,  whether  these  be  labelled  “ charters  ” 
or  what  not,  cannot  bind  a growing  giant.  An  unwritten 
law  has  often  more  force  than  a paper  constitution. 

A contemporaneous  instance  of  the  birth  of  a new  in- 
stitution, unappreciated  for  years,  but  finally  to  prove  its 
importance  and  to  be  extinguished  only  in  the  blood  of 
generations  unborn,  is  found  in  negro  slavery.  Like  so 
many  other  things  which  have  played  a great  part  in  the 
development  of  the  human  race,  its  origin  can  be  traced, 
even  in  America,  only  with  great  difficulty.  The  usual 
account  is  that  a Dutch  man-of-war  brought  some  slaves 
captured  in  the  West  Indies  and  sold  them,  probably  at 
Jamestown.  This  may  be  true,  but  there  seems  reason  to 
connect  with  the  matter  the  ship  Treasurer , owned  by  the 
Earl  of  Warwick  and  other  members  of  the  Virginia  Com- 
pany as  a private  adventure  of  their  own.  She  was  fitted 
out  for  legitimate  purposes,  and  seems  to  have  gone  to  the 
West  Indies  on  business  which  in  the  time  of  Drake  would 
have  been  legitimate,  but  in  these  piping  times  of  peace 
was  called  piracy.  Unpublished  papers  are  said  to  indicate 
that  she  was  the  alleged  Dutch  man-of-war,  despite  the  fact 


VIRGINIA  UNDER  THE  COMP  ANT 


83 


that  the  new  governor  officially  reported  that  the  Treasurer 
was  coldly  received  and  sailed  away  from  Virginia.  In 
some  quarters  this  is  regarded  as  a ruse  designed  to  deceive 
Spain,  for  the  subject  of  this  expedition  of  the  Treasurer 
required  to  be  delicately  handled  and  led  to  long  negotia- 
tions. It  is  probable  that  the  Treasurer  had  something  to 
do  with  the  matter,  and  at  least  gave  information  to  the 
Dutch  man-of-war  which  led  to  her  calling  at  Jamestown, 
if  she  were  not  in  fact  the  Dutch  ship  herself.  So  far  as 
appears  from  the  records,  only  one  of  the  Treasurer' s negroes, 
Angela,  was  landed  in  Virginia,  and  the  rest  were  taken 
to  the  Bermudas,  where  they  were  put  ashore  for  use  on 
Warwick’s  lands. 

Looking  back,  we  can  appreciate  the  far-reaching  impor- 
tance of  the  introduction  of  tobacco  and  of  the  beginning 
of  negro  slavery.  The  two  were  to  react  upon  each  other, 
each  making  the  other  more  necessary.  But  this  came  only 
in  course  of  time,  and  for  a long  while  the  presence  of 
negroes  was  hardly  appreciable.  The  Dutch  ship  seems  to 
have  brought  nineteen  or  twenty,  the  Treasurer  one,  if  they 
were  different,  and  not  until  1623  was  there  another  im- 
ported, in  the  Swan , so  that  the  census  in  1624—1625  shows 
only  twenty-two  Africans.  Two  of  these  were  children, 
although  the  records  are  too  incomplete  for  us  to  know 
whether  they  were  born  in  America  or  in  Africa.  One 
cause  of  this  slow  increase  was  that  at  first  the  two  sexes 
were,  intentionally  or  otherwise,  kept  apart,  the  men  being 
in  some  settlements,  and  the  women  as  a rule  in  others. 

It  must  not  be  supposed  that  there  was  the  slightest 
scruple  on  the  part  of  any  Englishman  in  connection  with 
slavery.  So  far  as  they  thought  of  it  at  all,  all  endorsed 
the  reply  which  Hawkins  is  reported  to  have  made  to  the 
reproaches  of  Queen  Elizabeth,  in  which  he  averred  that 
in  bringing  the  negroes  from  their  savage  home  to  a Chris- 
tian country  he  was  doing  them  a positive  benefit.  In  their 
condition  on  arriving  in  Virginia  may  be  found  one  reason  for 
their  slow  increase.  They  came  as  savages,  not  only  ignorant 


84 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


of  English,  but  in  intelligence  and  habits  little  above  the 
cattle  whose  labor  in  part  they  took  over.  It  was  long  before 
they  were  to  be  regarded  generally  as  human  beings,  in  the 
full  sense  of  the  word.  The  first  experiments  with  them 
would  be  made  only  by  the  more  venturesome  or  progressive 
planters,  as  their  qualities  were  unknown,  while  their  savage- 
ness was  apparent.  But  the  Spaniards  had  led  the  way,  and 
negroes  brought  from  the  West  Indies  had  learned  enough 
of  agriculture  and  particularly  of  tobacco  raising  to  show 
the  value  of  such  labor.  The  climate  of  Virginia  differed 
from  that  of  the  West  Indies,  but  as  the  best  tobacco,  that 
with  which  the  Virginians  were  most  in  competition,  came 
from  those  islands,  it  would  soon  be  found  imperative  to 
employ  the  same  methods  in  order  to  get  upon  an  equality. 
Such  was  the  economic  necessity  for  negro  slavery.  At  first, 
the  negroes  were  known  as  servants,  just  as  the  indented 
whites  from  England,  the  legal  difference  being  only  in  the 
term  of  their  service.  The  word  “slave”  belongs  to  a later 
period  than  the  rule  of  the  Company,  under  which,  as  in  fact 
during  almost  all  the  remainder  of  the  century,  the  indented 
whites  formed  the  mass  of  the  laboring  population. 

The  administration  of  Yeardley  is  marked  not  only  by 
the  Great  Charter,  the  first  legislature,  and  the  introduction 
of  negro  slavery,  but  also  as  one  of  reaction  from  the  rapac- 
ity of  Argali,  and  one  of  general  quiet  and  prosperity.  The 
population  was  about  eight  hundred,  divided  into  a number 
of  settlements,  themselves  now  combined  in  four  great  cor- 
porations, or  cities.  The  first  was  the  city  of  Henricus, 
embracing  Henrico  and  thence  westwardly  on  James  River, 
bounded  south  by  Dale’s  Pale;  the  second,  Charles  City, 
extending  eastwardly  on  both  sides  of  the  James  to  the 
Chickahominy ; the  third,  James  City,  embracing  both  sides 
of  the  James  about  Jamestown  ; and  the  fourth,  Kiccowtan, 
extending  thence  to  Chesapeake  Bay.  All  were  on  the  water, 
and  more  especially  on  James  River,  and  thus  convenient  for 
trade  with  England  and  foreign  countries.  In  point  of  fact, 
vessels  came  up  to  the  wharves  of  the  plantations  to  be 


VIRGINIA  UNDER  THE  COMPANY 


85 


loaded,  which  was  a great  advantage  to  commerce,  although 
having  in  one  respect  a bad  effect  upon  the  colony.  Every 
place  being  so  readily  reached  by  water,  there  was  no 
necessity  felt  for  building  good  roads,  and,  as  a result,  the 
road  system  remained  primitive. 

The  boroughs  from  which  the  burgesses  were  to  be  chosen 
were  more  numerous  than  might  be  supposed.  It  is  true 
the  corporation  of  Henricus  made  up  one  borough,  em- 
bracing the  settlements  known  as  Arrahattock,  Coxendale, 
and  Henrico,  while,  on  the  other  hand,  Charles  City  con- 
tained five  electoral  boroughs.  One  of  these  was  made  up  of 
the  plantations  of  Bermuda  Hundred,  Shirley  Hundred,  and 
Charles  City;  the  second  was  Smith’s  Hundred;  the  third, 
Flowerdue  Hundred;  the  fourth,  Ward’s  Plantation,  the  last 
three  being  new  settlements;  and  the  fifth,  Martin’s  Bran- 
don, having  a special  patent,  and  on  that  account  not  to  be 
recognized  by  the  general  assembly.  The  corporation  of 
James  City  contained  the  four  boroughs  of  James  City, 
Argali’s  Gift,  Martin’s  Hundred,  and  Lawne’s  Plantation, 
the  last  two  being  new  settlements.  Kiccowtan  made  up 
only  one  borough. 

The  legislative  body  was  composed  of  the  council  of 
state  and  the  General  Assembly,  and  met  in  the  church  at 
Jamestown,  Friday,  August  9,  1619,  there  being  twenty 
members  of  the  assembly.  The  secretary  of  the  council 
of  state,  John  Pory,  an  ex-member  of  Parliament,  was  ap- 
pointed speaker,  the  proceedings  were  opened  by  prayer, 
and  all  took  the  oath  of  supremacy.  The  speaker  seems  to 
have  divided  up  the  business  in  a convenient  manner,  and 
committees  acted  promptly.  The  Great  Charter  was  con- 
sidered and  gave  satisfaction,  some  details  being  the  subject 
of  representations  to  the  Company,  and  was  passed  with  the 
general  assent  and  applause  of  the  whole  assembly.  Their 
laws,  as  sent  to  England  for  approval,  related  to  the  treat- 
ment of  Indians,  the  Church,  planting  corn,  mulberry  trees, 
flax,  vines,  and  tobacco,  to  patents,  tradesmen,  the  magazine, 
against  idleness,  gaming,  drunkenness,  excess  in  apparel,  and 


86 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


to  similar  subjects.  Rents  and  taxes  were  to  be  paid  in 
commodity,  there  being  no  mint  and  no  money,  and  there- 
fore the  price  of  tobacco  was  fixed  at  three  shillings  a pound 
for  the  best  and  eighteen  pence  for  the  second  grade.  All 
of  less  value  was  to  be  burned  before  the  owner’s  face, — the 
first,  and,  as  it  proved,  a temporary,  inspection  law.  On 
account  of  the  weather  and  of  the  illness  of  members,  the 
assembly  was  soon  prorogued  and  then  dissolved. 

For  sickness  still  afflicted  the  colonists,  particularly  the 
newcomers;  and  in  1620,  of  twelve  hundred  people  sent  out 
to  Virginia  no  less  than  one  thousand  died.  It  was  almost 
of  necessity  that  the  Company  turned  to  less  desirable  classes 
and  imported  some  of  the  malefactors  granted  by  the  Privy 
Council.  A lot  of  boys  were  also  sent,  called  “ Duty  boys” 
from  the  ship  in  which  they  came;  but  the  most  interesting 
of  the  colonists  were  those  due  to  the  foresight  of  the  Earl 
of  Southampton.  Many  women  had  come  before  as  wives 
and  daughters,  and  even  as  colonists,  but  now  they  were 
imported  systematically.  From  this  time  several  cargoes 
of  maids,  and  some  widows  besides,  were  sent  over  as 
wives  “in  order  to  make  the  men  feel  at  home.”  To  repay 
the  outlay  involved  in  this  commendable  enterprise,  the 
colonists  desiring  helpmeets  had  to  pay  one  hundred  and 
twenty  pounds  of  the  best  leaf  tobacco  per  wife,  and  they 
do  not  seem  to  have  been  considered  high  at  that. 

A number  of  interesting  provisions  date  from  this  time. 
For  instance,  the  Great  Charter  directed  that  the  officials 
should  be  supported  out  of  the  proceeds  of  the  lands  allotted 
to  the  several  officers  and  distributed  among  the  different 
boroughs,  thus  easing  the  inhabitants  of  taxes,  and  the  gov- 
ernor in  particular  had  the  further  advantage  of  the  house 
at  Jamestown  previously  erected  by  Gates.  The  education 
of  the  Indians  was  not  neglected,  for  lands  were  set  apart 
for  a college,  and  collections  were  made  in  England  to  such 
good  purpose  that  the  bishops  received  there  some  .£1,500. 

On  the  whole,  the  term  of  Yeardley  can  fairly  be  re- 
garded as  closing  the  experimental  period  of  the  colony. 


VIRGINIA  UNDER  THE  COMPANY 


87 


With  the  establishment  of  the  Great  Charter,  the  remunera- 
tive cultivation  of  tobacco,  the  institution  of  a general 
assembly,  the  as  yet  unappreciated  importation  of  Africans, 
and  the  provision  for  home  life  in  the  systematic  bringing 
over  of  women,  we  have  reached  a time  of  stability.  Eng- 
land had  at  last  learned  how  to  colonize;  but  the  great 
Virginia  Company  was,  like  many  a mother,  to  die  in  giving 
life  to  her  child. 


CHAPTER  V 


THE  END  OF  THE  COMPANY 

We  have  reached  a time  when  it  becomes  possible  in 
some  measure  to  dissociate  the  Virginia  Company  from 
the  history  of  Virginia.  And  yet,  it  would  be  a mistake 
to  consider  either  by  itself.  When  the  Company  began  to 
lay  more  stress  upon  its  political  powers,  it  was  doing  so 
not  only  as  a corporation  for  its  own  ends,  but  also  for  the 
country  it  was  founding  over  sea.  When  such  features  were 
added  to  commercial  functions,  it  came  in  conflict  with  the 
crown,  and  there  was  precipitated  a battle  between  liberty 
and  prerogative.  In  this  the  Company  went  down,  but  went 
down  in  a good  cause  and  one  which  was  ultimately  to  be 
victorious,  first  on  British  and  then  on  American  soil.  Let 
us  briefly  trace  the  steps  and  do  tardy  justice  to  the  Virginia 
Company. 

Toward  the  end  of  the  reign  of  Elizabeth  the  popular 
and  intellectual  agitation  of  earlier  years  was  gradually 
changing  into  political  channels.  Thanks  to  the  interne- 
cine strife  of  the  nobility  in  the  Wars  of  the  Roses  and  to 
Tudor  ability,  royalty  had  overthrown  the  worst  features 
of  aristocracy,  and  a movement  began  looking  to  the  en- 
franchisement of  the  people  as  against  the  crown  itself.  If 
they  had  the  right  of  private  judgment  in  religion,  the  same 
principle  was  sure  to  be  applied  sooner  or  later  to  politics. 
Elizabeth  had  the  good  sense  with  her  last  parliament  to 
bow  to  the  coming  storm,  although  she  could  not  tell  what 

89 


9° 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


it  meant  or  what  shape  it  would  take,  nor  could  anyone 
of  that  day.  To  her,  doubtless,  it  seemed  to  be  only  the 
opposition  of  her  people  to  monopolies  which  she  had 
granted  and  which  worked  hardship.  Historians  often  make 
the  mistake  of  thinking  that  Sandys  and  others  had  very 
definite  political  plans  in  view  under  her  successor.  The 
English  people  have  never  been  extremists.  At  different 
times  a strong  current  of  thought,  a Zeitgeist , has  carried 
them  in  one  direction  or  the  other,  but  seldom  has  it  been 
that  a satisfactory  compromise  could  not  be  reached  by  in- 
telligent statesmen.  If  unrecognized  and  goaded  beyond 
endurance,  we  shall  find  Jack  Cades,  Wat  Tylers,  Puritans, 
and  Papists,  but  generally  there  may  be  a national  church 
founded  or  a national  parliament  evolved  which,  if  prop- 
erly directed,  will  work  out  its  own  salvation  with  little 
friction.  Unfortunately,  the  Stuart  kings  were  not  such 
directors.  James  I.  had  been  so  hectored  in  Scotland  by  the 
Presbyterians  and  the  nobles  that  he  determined  to  govern 
England  with  all  the  absoluteness  of  Elizabeth  at  a time 
when  even  Elizabeth  had  perceived  that  this  method  was 
out  of  date.  His  first  parliament  was  loyal,  as  a first 
parliament  is  apt  to  be,  and  the  Gunpowder  Plot  made  it 
more  so;  and  yet  Bacon,  aided  by  Sandys  and  others,  found 
it  necessary  to  draw  up  for  the  Commons  a remonstrance 
against  the  conduct  of  the  king  toward  them  and  to  advocate 
toleration  in  Church  and  reform  in  State.  This  parliament 
did  not  last  long,  and  the  second  was  hardly  more  successful 
except  in  showing  the  rising  tide  of  public  opinion.  On 
the  17th  of  June,  1614,  the  king  dissolved  the  second,  and 
got  along  without  any  other  for  seven  years.  During  this 
time  the  Privy  Council  practically  ruled  for  the  king,  while 
the  Virginia  Company,  in  its  assemblies,  numerously  attended 
and  composed  in  part  of  men  prominent  in  public  life,  be- 
came to  a large  extent  the  rallying  place  for  advocates  of 
popular  rights.  On  the  religious  side,  such  extremists  as 
the  persecuted  Separatists  of  Scrooby  found  it  necessary  to 
withdraw  to  Holland;  and  after  years  of  negotiation,  some 


THE  END  OF  THE  COMPANY 


91 


of  them,  to  us  known  as  the  Pilgrim  Fathers,  were  to  obtain 
permission  through  Elder  Brewster  to  settle  in  Virginia. 
Among  their  number  in  the  Mayflower  were  members  of 
the  Company,  including  the  governor. 

It  was  almost  inevitable  that  in  course  of  time  the  Com- 
pany should  divide  as  to  matters  of  policy.  There  can  be 
no  progress  without  debate,  and  no  large  body  of  men  have 
ever  been  able  to  agree  perfectly.  It  would  probably  have 
been  true  under  any  form  of  organization,  but  the  charter 
of  1612  contained  a provision  relating  to  the  internal  gov- 
ernment of  the  Company  which  made  certain  the  growth 
of  parties  and  factions.  This  was  the  institution  of  four 
“ great  and  general  courts  of  the  council  and  company  of 
adventurers  for  Virginia,”  to  be  held  on  the  last  Wednes- 
day save  one  of  the  Hilary,  Easter,  Trinity,  and  Michael- 
mas terms,  for  the  election  of  members  of  the  council, 
appointing  officers,  and  ordaining  laws  not  contrary  to  the 
laws  and  statutes  of  the  realm.  These  meetings  are  indis- 
criminately called  assemblies  and  courts,  and  in  them  was 
debated  everything  relating  to  the  business  of  the  Company. 
The  names  so  given  have  become  the  titles  for  the  legisla- 
tive bodies  of  America.  Thus,  in  Massachusetts  we  have 
the  General  Court,  and  in  Virginia  the  General  Assembly, 
and  upon  these  are  modelled  the  representative  bodies  of 
most  of  the  States. 

The  cleavage  in  the  Company  at  first  seems  to  have  been 
between  the  aristocratic  and  commercial  elements,  repre- 
sented more  especially  by  Lord  King,  afterward  Earl  of 
Warwick,  on  the  one  side,  and  Sir  Thomas  Smythe  and 
Alderman  Johnson  on  the  other.  This  related  more  espe- 
cially to  the  objects  of  the  enterprise,  the  factions  being 
interested  more  in  the  governmental  and  the  commercial 
aspects  respectively.  The  beginnings  of  parties  are  always 
hard  to  trace,  and  they  are  particularly  so  in  this  instance  on 
account  of  loss  of  records  and  lack  of  memoirs  of  the  actors, 
but  we  find  that  there  followed  later  an  even  more  im- 
portant division  between  the  popular  and  royalist  elements. 


92 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


The  former  came  to  predominate,  and  ultimately  the  well- 
posted  Spanish  ambassador  Gondomar  warned  King  James 
that  the  Virginia  courts  were  a “seminary  for  a seditious 
parliament.”  On  the  popular  side  the  leader  was  Sir 
Edwin  Sandys,  and  with  him  stood  the  Earl  of  Southamp- 
ton, Shakespeare’s  friend,  Sir  Nicholas  Ferrar,  and  others. 
The  observant  Spaniard  told  James  that  the  first  was  dan- 
gerous, and  the  second  popular;  and  Sandys  was  by  others 
declared  to  have  a “ malitious  hearte  to  the  government  of  a 
monarchic.”  As  in  politics  outside,  these  were  known  as  the 
Patriots.  The  opposing  party  contained  such  men  as  Sir 
Thomas  Smythe  and  Alderman  Johnson,  although  among 
them  ranged  also  some  who  were  creatures  of  the  king. 
One  is  apt  to  take  sides  with  the  Patriots,  who  seem  to  date 
back  in  some  shape  to  the  unfortunate  Earl  of  Essex  of 
Elizabeth’s  reign,  but  it  must  not  be  forgotten  that  among 
their  opponents  were  many  who  as  patriotically  believed 
that  royal  government  was,  possibly  at  home,  and  certainly 
in  the  colonies,  the  best  form  of  administration. 

Patriotism  is  made  up  of  a number  of  elements.  Love 
of  home  and  one’s  people  enters  largely,  and  in  particular 
cases  this  will  be  accentuated  by  dislike  of  other  nations. 
In  England  at  the  time  of  Elizabeth  we  have  seen  that  re- 
ligious differences  and  fear  of  invasion  made  Spain  the  most 
hated  of  all  continental  countries  and  that,  even  after  the 
Spanish  Armada  and  its  results  had  lessened  the  fear  of  injury, 
the  aversion  increased  through  commercial  rivalry.  Lord 
Bacon,  speaking  of  Spain,  attributed  that  nation’s  great- 
ness to  four  things : to  wit,  her  long  and  admirably  trained 
army,  her  religious  unity  due  to  expulsion  of  the  Moors  and 
ruthless  suppression  of  heresy  by  means  of  the  Inquisition, 
to  the  treasure  which  she  so  constantly  drew  from  her 
American  provinces,  and  to  her  alliance  through  family  and 
other  ties  with  the  House  of  Austria,  which  controlled  the 
Holy  Roman  Empire.  In  this  hatred  England  was  all  but 
a unit,  and  one  of  the  chief  causes  of  the  gradual  estrange- 
ment between  the  people  and  the  king  was  found  in  the 


THE  END  OF  THE  COMPANY 


93 


friendliness  of  James  for  Spain.  For  a long  time  there  was 
a plan  for  the  marriage  of  his  eldest  son  Henry,  Prince  of 
Wales,  to  the  Spanish  Infanta,  and  to  this  may  be  attributed 
in  part  the  reluctance  of  the  Spanish  king  to  proceed  to  ex- 
tremities in  regard  to  the  Virginia  colony.  After  the  death 
of  Prince  Henry  came  the  marriage  of  Princess  Elizabeth  to 
the  Elector  Palatine,  one  of  the  leading  Protestant  princes 
of  Germany,  a popular  measure  to  have  important  conse- 
quences in  the  future.  And  yet,  so  long  as  the  second  son 
of  the  king,  Charles,  now  Prince  of  Wales,  was  unmarried, 
there  was  a chance,  and  in  fact  a plan,  for  him  to  marry  the 
Infanta  and  thus  connect,  after  all,  the  royal  houses.  It 
cannot  be  doubted  that  James  was  thoroughly  in  earnest 
about  this  match,  but  difficulties  supervened,  and  he  must 
have  realized  how  unpopular  it  was.  Although  after  a while 
Sir  Thomas  Smythe  and  some  of  the  merchants  seemed  to 
have  gone  over  to  the  court  side  and  favored  the  alliance, 
on  the  other  hand  Sir  Edwin  Sandys  and  his  colleagues  were 
bitterly  opposed  to  it.  Sandys  hardly  made  a secret  of  his 
belief  that  “if  God  from  heaven  did  constitute  and  direct  a 
frame  of  government  on  earth,  it  was  that  of  Geneva,”  an 
idea  equally  distasteful  to  James  and  to  the  clergy  of  England, 
and  Sandys  is  even  said  to  have  asked  the  Archbishop  of  Can- 
terbury to  give  leave  to  the  Brownists  and  Separatists  of  Eng- 
land to  go  to  Virginia.  The  dread  of  Spain  and  the  love  of 
Geneva  no  doubt  reacted  upon  each  other  in  his  mind,  and 
ultimately  he  is  said  to  have  declared  that  he  wished  to  erect 
a free  popular  state  in  Virginia,  and  he  interpreted  the  charter 
to  mean  that  the  colonists  there  should  have  “no  government 
put  upon  them  but  by  their  own  consent.” 

From  the  first,  the  correspondence  was  vigorous  between 
Zuniga  and  his  royal  master  as  to  the  colony  in  Virginia, 
which  the  ambassador  was  anxious  for  the  king  to  exter- 
minate. Like  his  father,  however,  Philip  was  anxious  and 
deliberate,  but,  unlike  him,  did  not  always  carry  his  delibera- 
tions to  a conclusion.  The  truth  was  that  Spain  had  been 
badly  crippled  by  the  rising  sea  power  of  England  and  the 


94 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


revolted  Netherlands,  with  the  latter  of  whom,  in  1609, 
Philip  was  forced  to  conclude  the  twelve-year  truce  which 
practically  recognized  their  independence.  Zuniga  suc- 
ceeded in  October,  1607,  in  having  an  interview  with  King 
James,  and  represented  to  him  how  contrary  to  good  friend- 
ship it  was  to  colonize  Virginia,  for  it  was  a part  of  the 
Spanish  Indies.  The  king  answered  that  he  had  not  par- 
ticularly known  what  was  going  on,  but  that  Virginia  was 
a very  distant  country  from  where  the  Spaniards  lived  and 
he  did  not  understand  that  the  Spanish  king  had  any  right 
to  it;  that  in  point  of  fact  it  seemed  to  him  to  be  a new 
region,  discovered  by  his  people  just  as  the  Spaniards  had 
earlier  discovered  others.  All  the  satisfaction  the  Spanish 
ambassador  could  obtain  was  that  if  the  English  went 
where  under  the  treaty  they  should  not  go,  the  Spaniards 
could  punish  them.  He  says  he  was  told  by  Salisbury  that 
it  seemed  to  him  that  the  English  should  not  go  to  Virginia, 
evidently  on  the  idea  that  it  was  part  of  the  Spanish  Indies, 
but  that  the  government  did  not  feel  at  liberty  to  prevent 
their  going  or  to  command  those  there  to  return.  Zuniga 
urged  the  Spanish  king  to  “ drive  these  villains  out  from 
there,  hanging  them  in  short  order,” — quite  as  had  been 
done  to  Ribault  and  his  interlopers.  But  if  Salisbury  ever 
assented  to  the  Spanish  claim  that  Virginia  was  part  of  the 
Indies,  he  must  have  done  it  to  gain  time,  for  the  patent 
had  been  carefully  drawn  on  the  other  theory.  The  prob- 
ability is  that  the  Spaniard’s  hope  was  father  to  the  thought 
and  that  he  mistook  evasion  for  assent.  There  was  friction 
between  the  two  countries  about  the  men  of  the  expedition 
undertaken  in  1607  by  Challons  to  settle  a colony  in  North 
Virginia,  but  who  were  captured  by  the  Spaniards.  The 
president  of  the  Contratacion  House  at  Seville  closely 
examined  them  as  to  Virginia  and  its  advantages,  and  tried 
to  get  maps  from  them,  but  apparently  without  avail.  Of 
these  Daniel  Tucker,  the  cape  merchant,  or  commissary, 
had  been  set  ashore  near  Bordeaux;  and  when  he  reached 
England,  there  was  a great  stir  in  diplomatic  circles  over 


THE  END  OF  THE  COMPANT 


95 


the  matter.  The  English  ambassador  in  Spain  wrote  fully, 
and  it  was  discussed  in  Parliament,  Bacon  and  Sir  Edwin 
Sandys  taking  part  in  the  debates.  Negotiations  lasted  for 
years  and  did  no  little  to  keep  alive  the  hostility  of  the  two 
nations.  In  the  summer  of  1609,  Ecija,  by  royal  directions, 
explored  the  coast  northwardly  from  St.  Augustine  and 
located  the  English  in  Chesapeake  Bay,  but  did  not  inter- 
fere with  them.  For  a long  time  it  was  exceedingly  doubt- 
ful what  course  Spain  would  pursue  in  the  matter,  and  the 
early  founders  of  Virginia  had  every  reason  to  expect  armed 
interference  with  their  projects,  while  on  the  other  hand 
King  James  was  inclined  to  peace.  Eyen  when  the  pro- 
posed Spanish  match  fell  through,  the  death  of  Sir  Walter 
Raleigh  on  the  block  showed  the  great  influence  still  of 
Spain,  for  even  Catherine  de’  Medici  had  not  punished 
De  Gourgues.  Raleigh  had  languished  in  the  Tower  for 
many  years,  and  his  unfortunate  expedition  to  Guiana  had 
increased  the  hatred  of  him  by  the  Spaniards,  while  it  had  les- 
sened the  interest  of  James.  Truly,  to  use  the  words  of  his 
ill-fated  brother,  Humphrey  Gilbert,  “the  wings  of  a man’s 
life  are  plumed  with  the  feathers  of  death.”  No  act  of 
James  has  injured  him  more  with  posterity,  and  it  was  uni- 
versally reprobated  in  contemporary  England;  and  yet,  it  is 
indicative  of  how  times  had  changed  that  it  could  be  per- 
mitted and  how  little,  after  all,  Raleigh  was  to  be  missed  in 
colonization.  James  so  leaned  to  Spain  that  it  was  ques- 
tionable whether  the  government  would  afford  the  colony 
adequate  protection,  and  the  Protestant  English  settled  in 
Virginia  had  the  experience  of  the  Protestant  French  mas- 
sacred in  Florida  ever  before  their  eyes;  for  Spain  claimed 
that  Virginia  was  her  province  or  district  known  as  Orysta, 
and  the  Spanish  ambassador  at  London  advised  that  the  Eng- 
lish government  would  not  interfere  if  the  colonists  were 
exterminated.  Can  one  doubt  what  would  have  occurred 
if  Menendez  had  been  alive? 

Events  in  England  affected  the  history  of  the  Company 
from  the  beginning,  and  particularly  after  the  charter  of  1612. 


96 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


Just  about  that  time  Purchas,  with  the  publication  of  his 
Pilgrimage , was  beginning  his  contributions  to  literature  and 
continuing  the  interest  begun  long  before  by  Hakluyt,  who 
was  to  die  four  years  later,  contemporaneously  with  the 
great  dramatist  who  commemorated  the  Tempest  of  Gates 
and  Somers.  The  Company  now  sold  the  Bermuda  Islands 
for  ^2,000  to  a corporation  made  up  of  some  of  its  own 
members,  thus  leaving  free  play  to  its  efforts  for  continental 
Virginia,  and  at  the  same  time  the  Privy  Council  showed 
its  interest  by  commending  the  lotteries  authorized  to  the 
different  trade  companies  of  the  kingdom.  These  were  put 
into  effect  very  soon,  one  of  the  principal  being  established 
at  the  west  end  of  St.  Paul’s  Cathedral.  The  London  guilds 
subscribed  with  many  others  throughout  England  to  this 
form  of  aid,  and  the  lotteries  so  largely  took  the  place  of 
the  bills  of  adventure  of  earlier  days  as  a source  of  revenue 
that  when  the  privilege  was  withdrawn  in  1621  the  loss  was 
severely  felt.  By  the  infrequent  parliaments  also,  Virginia 
colonization  was  favored,  and  this  in  spite  of  an  injudicious 
speech  on  one  occasion. 

In  1616  we  are  told  that  Sir  Thomas  Smythe’s  health 
was  such  that  Sandys  was  elected  to  assist  him,  although 
it  was  not  until  three  years  later  that  Sandys  was  made 
treasurer  in  fact,  and  John  Ferrar  succeeded  Alderman 
Johnson  as  deputy,  on  which  occasion  there  was  used  a 
“balletting”  box.  A few  months  later  came  the  definite 
alienation  of  Sandys  and  fohnson.  A more  serious  matter, 
however,  was  the  rupture  between  Sandys  and  King  James. 
The  king  on  several  occasions  sent  a list  of  men  from 
whom  he  desired  a choice  should  be  made,  and  in  1620  the 
Company  showed  its  independence  by  electing  Southamp- 
ton, a Patriot  member  of  the  Privy  Council,  who  had  not 
been  named  at  all.  This  was  possibly  in  the  nature  of  a 
compromise,  for  at  least  it  removed  Sandys,  whom  the  king 
declared  to  be  his  greatest  enemy,  even  telling  the  Com- 
pany to  choose  the  Devil  treasurer  if  it  would,  but  not  Sir 
Edwin  Sandys.  Southampton  and  Sandys  acted  together,  so 


THE  END  OF  THE  COMPANY 


97 


that  the  subsequent  history  of  the  Company  may  be  said  to 
be  under  the  Sandys-Southampton  administration;  for,  to  the 
rage  of  James,  in  1622  Southampton  was  reelected  over 
the  king’s  candidates  by  a vote  of  one  hundred  and  seventeen 
to  twenty. 

It  so  happened  that  the  feeling  of  the  Company’s  mana- 
gers was  intensified  by  the  action  of  the  king  in  regard  to 
tobacco,  which  had  become  the  chief  product  of  the  colony 
and  in  very  truth  saved  it  from  abandonment.  One  would 
have  supposed  that  the  government  would  have  welcomed 
this  result  and  given  the  importations  every  encouragement. 
In  fact,  under  James  it  did  somewhat  the  opposite,  and  there 
is  every  reason  to  suppose  that  this  was  due  to  fear  of 
offending  Spain,  whose  colonies,  particularly  Trinidad,  pro- 
duced tobacco  of  a high  grade  and  up  to  this  time  had  con- 
trolled the  markets  of  England  as  well  as  the  continent.  It 
was  easy  to  say  that  tobacco  was  no  necessity,  and  that 
even  as  a luxury  it  did  only  harm  by  injuring  the  health 
and  means  of  the  consumers.  With  this  abstract  question 
we  have  nothing  to  do,  nor  properly  had  the  king.  The 
fact  was  that  from  the  time  of  Sir  Walter  Raleigh  people 
in  Europe  had  learned  to  use  tobacco  and  value  it,  and  with 
King  James,  the  policy  certainly  should  have  been,  if  his 
people  must  use  it,  to  have  it  brought  from  his  own  colonies 
and  not  from  those  of  Spain.  The  charter  had  authorized 
an  impost  of  five  per  cent  upon  imports  for  twenty-one 
years,  and  this  was  bad  enough.  By  1619  the  imports  of 
tobacco  from  Virginia  and  the  Bermudas  were  twenty  thou- 
sand pounds,  in  1622  forty  thousand  pounds,  and  in  1624 
sixty  thousand.  The  king  not  only  wrote  against  the  use 
of  the  article,  but,  instigated  by  Spanish  influence,  took 
measures  to  prohibit  the  introduction  of  more  than  fifty- 
five  thousand  pounds  per  annum,  while  at  the  same  time 
he  allowed  the  introduction  of  the  Spanish  product.  He 
even  resorted  at  one  time  to  the  grant  of  a monopoly.  The 
Company  endeavored  to  meet  his  wishes  by  agreeing  to  a 
larger  impost  and  making  him  a present  of  one-third  of  the 


98 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


product  as  a bribe  besides,  but  finally  felt  compelled  to 
have  their  crop  taken  to  Holland  for  sale  so  as  to  get  it 
out  of  royal  control  altogether.  This  was  opposed  by 
the  government,  but  was  persisted  in  for  a time,  Sandys 
declaring  that  while  the  Company’s  own  cargoes  might 
be  subject  to  regulation,  this  did  not  apply  to  private 
planters,  as  they  under  the  charter  had  the  same  rights  as 
all  Englishmen. 

The  king’s  hands  were  now  strengthened  by  an  occur- 
rence which  seemed  indeed  to  show  the  necessity  for  some 
other  supervision  than  that  of  the  Company.  Ever  since 
the  capture  of  Pocahontas  there  had  been  peace  with  the 
Indians,  and  it  did  not  occur  to  the  colonial  officials  that 
it  could  ever  be  otherwise  again.  Despite  their  own  ex- 
perience and  that  of  other  colonies,  they  did  not  realize 
the  savage  character.  White  traders  and  missionaries  were 
among  the  natives,  the  natives  were  allowed  free  access  to 
the  white  settlements,  and  measures  were  taken  for  their 
education  and  civilization.  The  whites  even  permitted 
them  the  use  of  firearms,  so  that  they  might  do  the  hunting 
while  the  colonists  devoted  themselves  more  especially  to 
the  cultivation  of  tobacco.  The  influence  of  Pocahontas 
was  gone,  for  she  had  sailed  to  England,  to  be  much  no- 
ticed and  in  1617  to  die  there;  and  at  religious  ceremonies 
connected  with  the  disinterring  of  Powhatan’s  bones  there 
had  been  some  threats  of  trouble,  to  which  no  attention 
was  paid.  The  white  settlements  had  grown  until  they 
extended  from  the  bay  up  both  sides  of  James  River  to 
Henrico,  with  outlying  places  at  other  points,  and  the  num- 
ber of  boroughs  and  plantations  indicates  a settled  and 
growing  community.  Berkeley  Hundred  had  been  estab- 
lished a short  time,  and  among  the  last  settlements  we  have 
Accomac  and  Newport  News.  Pory  had  even  been  sent  to 
explore  the  river  Chowan,  and  reported  great  forests  of  pine 
and  a fruitful  country, — an  expedition  harking  back  to 
Raleigh’s  colonies  at  Roanoke  and  forward  to  the  Carolina 
movements  later  in  the  century. 


THE  END  OF  THE  COMPANY 


99 


There  seemed  to  be  the  best  feeling  between  the  races. 
The  Indians  had  been  gradually  dispossessed  of  the  land,  and 
their  title  was  not  recognized  by  the  authorities;  but  there 
had  been  no  occasion  to  define  the  limits  or  to  make  treaties 
on  this  subject.  And  yet  the  savages  instinctively  realized 
that  the  country  was  not  large  enough  for  the  two  races, 
and  they  resolved  to  cut  the  knot  in  their  own  way.  Sud- 
denly, in  March,  1622,  almost  every  settlement  was  assaulted 
at  once  in  a well-planned  massacre,  participated  in  by  many 
of  the  tribes.  Probably  four  hundred  men,  women,  and 
children  were  slaughtered,  and  the  rest  withdrew  hurriedly 
to  Jamestown  and  a few  lower  settlements.  It  was  im- 
possible for  the  fleeing  and  panic-stricken  whites  to  carry 
their  belongings  with  them;  and  although  no  negroes  were 
killed,  cattle  and  domestic  animals  of  all  kinds  were  butch- 
ered and  improvements  so  far  as  practicable  destroyed.  Out- 
side the  palisaded  forts  the  country  was  again  a wilderness. 

The  Company  minimized  the  reports  and  did  all  it  could 
to  repair  the  damage,  but  the  distress  was  too  great  not  to 
become  known,  and,  unfortunately,  just  at  this  time  Gov- 
ernor Butler  was  passing  through  Virginia  on  his  return 
from  the  Bermudas  and  soon  published  his  book  Virginia 
Unmasked , telling  the  truth — and  probably  a good  deal  more. 
Nor  was  this  all.  The  massacre  interfered  with  planting 
the  crops;  and  the  succeeding  fall  and  winter  witnessed 
famine  and  sickness  recalling  the  “Starving  Time,”  for  it  is 
said  that  more  people  died  during  this  season  than  had  per- 
ished from  the  Indians.  When  spring  came,  there  were 
only  four  or  five  hundred  people  left  in  the  whole  country, 
and  the  Indians  had  become  daring  enough  even  to  attack 
a vessel,  the  Tiger , — a thing  unheard  of  before.  But  soon 
the  whites  wreaked  vengeance.  When  the  corn  was  almost 
ripe,  armed  parties  attacked  the  Indians  and  destroyed  their 
crops  and  settlements  with  a ferocity  that  equalled  that 
of  the  savages  themselves.  The  result  was  beneficial  to 
Virginia.  The  distress  of  the  natives  almost  paralleled  that 
of  the  colonists,  and  they  retired  into  the  interior,  leaving 


IOO 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


much  of  the  James  and  York  River  regions  to  the  undisputed 
occupancy  of  the  English. 

The  king,  however,  was  not  slow  to  seize  so  good  an 
opportunity  of  balancing  scores  with  the  Patriots.  He  con- 
tended, and  some  who  valued  his  favor  also  claimed,  that 
the  colony  had  not  been  a success  under  the  Company  man- 
agement and  that  it  should  be  restored  to  the  shape  in  which 
it  was  before  the  charter  of  1609  had  been  granted.  If  the 
management  had  been  in  the  hands  of  the  court  party,  as 
James  had  endeavored  to  secure  on  the  occasion  of  several 
elections,  this  point  would  never  have  been  raised;  but 
having  failed  to  get  control  of  the  Company,  he  now  deter- 
mined to  abolish  the  corporation,  and  the  dissension  which 
broke  out  in  pamphlets  the  next  year  between  the  new  and 
the  old  officials  only  played  into  his  hands.  The  Company 
was  now  really  involved  in  trouble.  Members  hesitated 
about  attending  meetings,  and  it  was  not  long  before  we  are 
told  two-thirds  did  not  come.  Some  were  even  willing  to 
surrender  the  charter,  among  them  the  Earl  of  Warwick, 
Sir  Thomas  Smythe,  Alderman  Johnson,  John  Martin,  and 
Captain  John  Smith. 

We  have  seen  that  with  all  his  energy  Captain  Smith 
had  not  proved  acceptable  in  the  colonies,  and  during  this 
time  was  in  England.  It  is,  perhaps,  not  important  whether 
Pocahontas  saved  Smith  or  whether  a great  many  things  in 
his  history  are  true.  It  may  fairly  be  said  that  his  adven- 
tures were  hardly  more  incredible  than  many  recorded  by 
the  early  Spanish  voyagers.  If  he  exaggerated  his  own  ex- 
ploits, he  did  not  do  more  than  De  Soto  and  De  Ayllon,  and 
his  exaggerations  were  limited  to  his  own  adventures,  while 
as  an  explorer  he  is  far  more  accurate  than  his  predecessors. 
The  controversy  which  has  arisen  over  him  has  a broader 
scope.  Why  he  was  not  reemployed  we  do  not  know.  He 
does  not  seem  to  have  paid  up  the  share  of  stock  for  which 
he  subscribed,  although  one  would  think  his  sufferings  and 
his  experience  would  have  been  of  sufficient  importance  to 
entitle  him  to  recognition,  even  after  making  a considerable 


THE  END  OF  THE  COMPANY 


IOI 


discount  on  his  narrative.  The  reason  may  lie  deeper. 
Whether  he  intended  it  or  not,  his  exaltation  of  his  own 
times  was  a reflection  upon  the  succeeding  period  when  the 
Virginia  Company  was  in  charge.  This  may  have  made  him 
unacceptable  to  the  Company,  while  it  probably  made  him  a 
favorite  with  the  court  party.  The  dates  of  his  publica- 
tions point  in  this  direction.  His  Oxford  Tract  came  out 
in  1612,  one  of  the  darkest  periods  in  the  Company’s  annals ; 
and  his  Histone  appeared  in  1623,  in  time  to  do  damage  to 
the  Company  and  furnish  many  a text  for  their  opponents, 
although  it  may  be  doubted  whether  the  mere  licensing  of 
his  works  necessarily  shows  them  to  represent  the  royal 
view.  Printing  had  become  too  much  of  a public  necessity 
for  it  to  be  possible  to  publish  arguments  alone,  and  the 
system  of  censorship  exercised  could  hardly  go  further  than 
suppress  works  hostile  to  the  crown.  It  is  more  likely 
that  Smith’s  books  were  licensed  because  they  contained 
nothing  to  which  the  king  could  object  than  that  they  were 
licensed  because  they  were  intended  as  an  argument  for  the 
course  the  king  desired  to  pursue.  The  Oxford  Tract,  for 
example,  was  published  the  very  year  that  the  king  was 
signing  a charter  giving  greater  powers  to  the  Company. 

At  all  events,  it  was  in  1623  that  the  king  had  the  Privy 
Council  investigate,  and  the  Company  through  Sandys  and 
others  prepared  and  submitted  papers  in  its  own  defence. 
On  April  28th  the  king  appointed  a special  commission  in 
the  matter,  with  Sir  William  Jones,  late  chief  justice  of  the 
Irish  King’s  Bench,  as  president.  Southampton  and  Sandys 
were  confined  by  the  Privy  Council  in  their  own  houses, 
whereupon  the  Company  deferred  the  annual  election,  and 
in  the  absence  of  the  leaders  the  burden  of  management 
fell  upon  Nicholas  Ferrar.  A provisional  report  of  the 
commission  in  July  was  in  favor  of  the  earlier  method  of 
government. 

The  object  of  the  king  all  this  while  is  not  certain.  No 
doubt  he  desired  to  get  rid  of  the  Company,  but  it  is  not 
clear  what  disposition  he  would  make  of  the  colony.  The 


102 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


Patriots  always  claimed  that  James  intended  to  give  Vir- 
ginia and  the  Bermudas  over  to  Spain  as  a kind  of  dowry 
in  case  the  Spanish  match  was  arranged.  In  the  autumn  of 
1623,  however,  this  fell  through,  and  thence  on,  at  least, 
his  plan  seems  to  have  been  to  preserve  the  colony  under 
royal  government.  At  all  events,  he  required  the  Company 
to  vote  on  surrendering  its  charter,  and  on  October  30th  its 
members  declined  by  a large  majority. 

It  became  necessary  finally  for  public  reasons  for  James 
to  summon  a parliament;  and  as  Sandys  was  elected  a 
member  from  Kent,  he  was  released  and  sat  in  this  fourth 
parliament,  beginning  February  22,  1624.  The  plan  now 
approved  itself  to  the  Company  of  reserving  the  whole 
matter  for  the  parliament,  in  which  it  had  a number  of 
friends,  Nicholas  Ferrar,  for  instance,  being  a member  for 
Lymington.  On  May  6th  its  petition  was  presented, 
calling  Virginia  “ the  child  of  the  kingdom,  exposed  in  the 
wilderness  to  extreme  danger,”  and  praying  for  assistance. 
A committee  was  appointed;  but  James  wrote  to  the  House 
not  to  trouble  themselves  with  this  petition,  as  he  intended 
to  settle  the  matter  himself  in  the  Privy  Council.  Silence 
greeted  this  message,  but  the  matter  was  then  and  there 
permitted  to  drop. 

On  the  3d  of  November  the  Privy  Council  appointed 
Captain  John  Harvey  and  three  others  as  commissioners  to 
proceed  to  Virginia  and  report  on  the  situation,  while  the 
Patriots  in  Virginia  had  sent  John  Pountis  to  England  to 
support  the  Company.  He  unfortunately  died  at  sea.  The 
royal  commission  finally  reported  in  favor  of  annulling  the 
charter;  and  on  June  26,  1624,  this  was  done  by  quo 
warranto  by  Sir  James  Ley  in  the  court  of  King’s  Bench. 
The  contention  of  Attorney-general  Coventry  was  that  the 
charter  was  void  because  unlimited,  and  the  Company  could 
transfer  to  Virginia  all  the  king’s  subjects  and  give  them 
the  right  to  govern  themselves.  Then  the  king  immediately 
set  to  work  to  devise  a plan  of  government  for  Virginia, 
seeking  the  assistance  of  the  same  people  who  had  helped  him 


THE  END  OF  THE  COMPANY 


103 


to  plan  one  for  Ireland,  but  he  died  somewhat  suddenly  on 
April  6,  1625.  His  successor,  Charles  I.,  had  always  been 
on  friendly  terms  with  the  Patriot  leaders,  and  was  induced 
to  continue  practically  the  original  form  of  government;  so 
that  the  success  of  James’s  effort  was  only  partial. 

During  his  different  investigations  and  proceedings,  King 
James,  through  his  Privy  Council,  had  ordered  seized  all 
known  papers  of  the  Company.  From  the  fact  that  none 
of  these  have  survived,  the  inference  is  justifiable  that  they 
were  destroyed  and  that  this  was  done  by  royal  order.  In 
point  of  fact,  until  recently  the  history  of  the  Company  has 
been  almost  a blank.  Of  course,  the  books  and  pamphlets 
published  by  it  and  about  its  work  have  been  known. 
Before  the  charter  of  1612  it  had  itself  issued  some  twenty 
tracts  and  the  like,  and  after  that  time  an  annual  “ declara- 
tion of  the  present  state  of  the  colony”  was  read  at  the 
Hilary  term  and  afterward  for  some  years  printed;  but 
from  1623  none  of  its  printed  matter  survived,  although 
manuscript  books  were  numerous.  For  the  different  officers 
had  records,  of  which  the  most  important  were  letters  from 
the  royal  officials,  charters,  laws,  minutes,  and  acts,  and  what 
we  would  call  stock  books.  It  has  been  estimated  that  the 
original  manuscripts  would  contain  seven  million  words.  In 
the  spring  of  1623  the  Privy  Council  sequestered  the  court 
books,  and  then  the  commissioners  ordered  the  Virginia  and 
Somers  Islands  Companies  to  deliver  at  the  inquest  house 
adjoining  St.  Andrew’s  Church,  in  Holborn,  all  writings,  the 
principal  officers  of  both  being  then  under  arrest.  After 
the  charter  was  quashed,  the  king  appointed  a commission 
which  at  different  times  seized  whatever  remaining  evi- 
dences there  were  of  the  Company’s  work.  The  Company 
appreciated  the  importance  of  its  documents,  and  in  the 
spring  of  1623  was  busily  engaged  in  having  them  copied. 
Sir  John  Danvers  copied  the  “lieger  court  books,”  that  is, 
the  acts  of  the  general  courts  from  1619,  while  Ferrar 
did  the  same  for  all  the  court  books  and  writings  belonging 
to  the  Company,  both  sets  being  attested.  In  that  summer 


104 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


Danvers  and  Ferrar  delivered  the  copies  to  the  Earl  of 
Southampton;  and  when  the  commissioners  demanded  these 
from  him,  he  replied  “he  would  as  soon  part  with  the 
evidences  of  his  land  as  with  the  said  papers,  being  the  evi- 
dence of  his  honor  in  that  service,”  somewhat  as  the 
managers  of  the  Company  asked  the  Privy  Council  “ that 
howsoever  your  lordships  shall  please  for  the  future  to  dis- 
pose of  the  Company,  the  records  of  their  past  success 
may  not  be  corrupted  and  falsified.”  Before  going  to  the 
Netherlands  in  the  fall  of  1624,  Southampton  sent  the  Dan- 
vers copies  to  his  seat  at  Titchfield,  in  Hampshire,  and 
delivered  the  Ferrar  copies  to  Sir  Robert  Killigrew.  Even 
the  Ferrar  copies  have  disappeared,  but  those  made  by 
Danvers  passed  with  Titchfield  to  different  proprietors, 
until  in  1667  Colonel  William  Byrd  purchased  the  papers 
at  an  executor’s  sale  for  sixty  guineas.  He  brought  them 
to  America,  where  they  were  copied  by  Colonel  Richard 
Bland,  and  both  the  Byrd  and  Bland  papers  were  bought 
by  Thomas  Jefferson.  Finally,  they  were  purchased  by 
Congress  from  the  estate  of  Jefferson,  and  now  the  two 
volumes  are  deposited  in  the  Library  of  Congress. 

Such  was  the  end  of  the  Virginia  Company.  It  had 
found  the  infant  settlement  hardly  alive  under  the  earlier 
patent,  and  persevered  despite  all  discouragements  within 
and  without  until  the  colony  became  self-sustaining.  It  is 
true  that  during  the  struggle  with  the  king  there  had  been 
few  people  sent  over,  but  at  least  there  was  consequently 
little  sickness  in  Virginia,  and  so  the  population  was  again 
at  about  eleven  hundred.  The  cost  was  startling.  These 
were  all  that  survived  out  of  five  thousand  six  hundred 
and  forty-nine  people  landed  in  America;  and  Captain  John 
Smith  is  not  alone  in  estimating  the  money  spent  first  and 
last  at  ^200,000,  to  be  multiplied  by  five  to  reach  the 
equivalent  in  current  money.  And  yet,  Virginia  was  a suc- 
cess. The  plantations  were  to  some  extent  palisaded,  as 
was  natural  only  two  or  three  years  after  the  massacre,  but 
the  houses  were  comfortable,  originally  often  of  logs  and 


THE  END  OF  THE  COMPANY 


105 


generally  still  of  wood,  although  at  least  one  was  reported 
of  stone.  We  are  told  there  were  five  hundred  and  twenty- 
six  tame  swine,  the  woods  being  full  of  wild  ones,  and  there 
were  five  hundred  cattle  and  three  hundred  goats,  although, 
strange  to  say,  only  one  horse  and  one  mare.  In  tobacco 
had  been  found  a form  of  agriculture  which,  despite  govern- 
mental interference  and  the  fall  of  the  Company,  assured 
the  future. 

So  far  as  we  know,  the  Virginia  Company  never  rose  to 
the  dignity  of  having,  like  the  East  India  Company,  its  own 
house  or  building.  In  its  earlier  days  we  repeatedly  learn 
that  it  met  at  the  house  of  Sir  Thomas  Smythe,  in  Aldersgate 
Street,  and  after  Sir  Edwin  Sandys  succeeded  Smythe  it  met 
in  Sandys’s  house,  which  was  on  the  same  street.  Sandys’s 
abode  was  in  sight  of  Aldersgate  itself,  by  which  King  James 
had  entered  London  on  his  accession  in  1603,  and  on  this 
account  dear  to  him  and  made  much  of  by  his  satellites. 
During  the  later  years  of  the  Company,  he  was  remodelling 
Aldersgate  as  a kind  of  monument  to  himself  and  his  great 
reign.  On  each  side  was  a figure  of  James  in  royal  state, 
carved  in  high  relief,  and  there  were  also  inscriptions  from 
Holy  Writ  supposed  to  be  appropriate  to  so  august  a mon- 
arch,— which  need  hardly  surprise  us  if  we  will  turn  to  the 
preface  of  the  authorized  version  of  the  Scriptures  published 
even  earlier  and  still  in  common  use.  Near  by,  Sandys  was 
erecting  a very  different  monument  to  the  Virginia  Com- 
pany and  its  persistent  and  finally  successful  attempt  to 
found  a free  state  in  America;  for,  although  during  the 
troublous  times  meetings  were  sometimes  held  in  the  great 
hall  of  the  Ferrar  house,  the  places  most  connected  with 
the  Company  were  the  residences  of  Smythe  and  Sandys. 

A contrast  has  sometimes  been  drawn  between  the  two 
great  colonizing  corporations  of  England  which  began  their 
careers  at  almost  the  same  time.  The  East  India  Com- 
pany was  organized  as  a trading  concern  pure  and  simple, 
its  route  being  around  Cape  of  Good  Hope,  and  in  it 
figured  Sir  George  Somers,  Sir  Thomas  Smythe,  and  others 


io6 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


prominent  in  the  Virginia  enterprise  also.  It  acquired  a firm 
hold  in  India,  and  without  any  design  to  colonize  found  it 
necessary  to  secure  land  for  its  factories,  and,  being  drawn 
into  the  conflicts  of  the  native  princes,  gradually  became 
stronger  and  stronger,  acquiring  the  position  of  arbiter  and 
finally  of  master.  In  the  course  of  time,  the  trading  com- 
pany assumed  political  powers  and  ruled  the  vast  Indian 
empire  which  only  within  the  memory  of  people  now  living 
was  transferred  to  the  crown.  On  the  other  hand,  the  Vir- 
ginia Company,  while  commercial  also  in  nature,  proceeded 
along  the  same  paths  in  the  Western  Hemisphere,  but 
developed  political  functions  so  rapidly  as  to  assume  rather 
a political  than  a trading  form.  It  was  not  allowed  to 
reach  its  majority  of  twenty-one  years  before  the  jealousy 
of  the  crown  was  excited  and  the  Company  abolished.  So 
that  the  anomaly  is  presented  of  the  East  India  Company 
developing  a vast  political  structure  out  of  a trading  charter, 
and  the  Virginia  Company  losing  even  commercial  power 
in  an  attempt  to  use  its  political  rights.  The  reason  for 
the  difference  is  not  far  to  seek.  The  governmental  features 
of  the  East  India  Company  grew  up  only  gradually,  hardly 
known  to  the  crown  at  all,  because  far  away  in  their  opera- 
tions and  affecting  only  alien  races.  The  Virginia  Company, 
however,  built  up  a colony  of  Englishmen,  across  an  ocean, 
to  be  sure,  but  communicating  at  short  intervals  with  Eng- 
land, and  supervised  by  the  king  through  his  Privy  Council. 

Its  downfall  is  only  an  example  of  success  involved  in 
apparent  defeat.  History  not  infrequently  shows  those 
whose  death  has  effected  more  than  their  lives,  and  on  the 
list  surely  ranks  high  the  company  whose  claims  embraced 
practically  the  whole  of  what  is  now  the  United  States  not 
then  in  alien  occupation,  who  settled  the  first  lasting  colony, 
and  whose  plan  looked  forward  not  only  to  imperial  growth 
but  to  a democratic  state.  Virginia  has  been  the  mother 
of  presidents,  but  the  Virginia  Company  was  the  mother  of 
States,  and,  not  unlike  its  forerunner  Raleigh,  nothing  in  its 
great  life  so  became  it  as  the  manner  of  its  death. 


CHAPTER  VI 
THE  OLD  DOMINION 

The  progress  of  any  community  depends  upon  its  people 
and  their  environment.  When  one  says  “ people,”  it  means 
more  than  “race.”  The  English  race  is  active  and  progress- 
ive, but  even  the  English  were  in  the  seventeenth  century 
far  behind  the  Dutch  in  many  respects.  The  Dutch  with 
no  forests  built  ships  and  controlled  the  carrying  trade  of 
the  world.  The  English  could  not  compete  with  them. 
Even  in  agriculture,  by  a system  of  alternation  of  crops  not 
understood  in  England,  the  Dutch  had  carried  gardening  to 
perfection  and  made  their  little  country,  reclaimed  from  the 
sea,  the  garden  spot  of  the  world.  When  the  English  set- 
tled Virginia,  they  did  not  send  out  even  their  best  agricul- 
turists. We  have  seen  their  story  to  be  one  of  constant 
faction  among  the  leaders  and,  at  first,  indifference  or  worse 
among  most  of  the  colonists;  but  at  least  from  Dale’s  time 
the  bulk  of  the  people,  after  they  became  acclimated,  were 
energetic. 

The  other  element  of  progress  we  have  said  was  environ- 
ment. Excluding  for  the  present  government  and  dealings 
with  the  natives,  the  principal  question  concerns  soil  and  its 
possible  productions.  In  every  country  advance  has  been 
dependent  upon  producing  more  than  can  be  consumed  at 
home  and  thus  paving  a way  for  commerce.  In  early 
civilizations  it  is  not  material  whether  this  surplus  be  metals, 
wood,  or  agricultural  products  which  are  merely  carried  off 
in  bulk,  leaving  behind  articles  exchanged  for  them ; but  as 

107 


io8 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


development  goes  on,  it  is  seen  that  more  ingenuity  and  a 
higher  civilization  result  where  products  exported  are  first 
changed  into  something  different  from  their  natural  state, 
where  what  we  call  “manufactures”  grow  up.  As  long  as 
America  produced  gold  and  silver  for  Spain,  or  tobacco  for 
England,  the  style  of  civilization  developed  was  rather  that 
of  caste,  in  which  the  great  mass  of  population  consisted  of 
laborers,  although  the  upper  class  reached  a high  degree 
of  culture.  Virginia  can  hardly  be  said,  certainly  not  during 
the  period  now  confronting  us,  to  have  passed  beyond  this 
agricultural  stage.  It  is  possible  for  a country  to  become 
great  on  the  carrying  trade  alone,  in  carrying  the  products 
of  one  part  of  the  world  to  be  exchanged  for  the  products  of 
another,  as  was  the  case  with  the  Phoenicians  in  ancient 
times,  the  Venetians  in  the  Middle  Ages,  and  with  the  Dutch 
and  British  in  more  recent  days,  the  situation  being  modified 
in  the  last  two  instances,  however,  by  other  features.  War 
alone  will  not  in  the  long  run  secure  mastery.  The  decline 
of  Spain  after  a brilliant  rise  is  an  instance  in  point.  An 
advancing  nation  may  improve  its  position  by  force;  but  if  a 
nation  represents  nothing  but  force,  has  no  commercial  or 
industrial  ability,  it  will  be  unable  to  sustain  the  position 
which  it  may  seize. 

Virginia  as  a dependency  of  Great  Britain  could  make 
no  progress  by  war,  except  incidentally  against  the  natives, 
and  developed  no  disposition  to  build  ships,  or  even  to  any 
extent  to  own  them.-  We  have  seen  that  there  were  many 
reasons  conceived  for  founding  the  colony,  some  of  which 
materialized  and  others  did  not.  As  a place  for  sending 
surplus  population,  it  was  a success,  even  though  at  first 
probably  four-fifths  died  of  those  who  were  sent.  As  a 
means  of  supplying  the  home  country  with  things  which  it 
must  buy  abroad,  it  was  not  a success.  Of  the  numerous 
results  expected,  at  first  we  hear  of  nothing  realized  except 
sassafras  and  soap  ashes.  Precious  metals  there  were  none, 
and,  although  persistent  and  well-directed  efforts  were  made 
toward  the  production  of  silk,  wine,  hemp,  flax,  pitch, 


THE  OLD  DOMINION 


109 

and  similar  things,  late  in  the  century  these  were  officially 
given  up. 

Virginia  remained  essentially  an  agricultural  country.  In 
considering  it  from  this  point  of  view,  there  are  three  sub- 
jects to  engage  our  attention.  These  are : the  land,  in- 
cluding acquisition  of  title ; labor,  relating  more  especially  to 
servants;  and  the  products,  which  we  shall  find  to  be  almost 
exclusively  tobacco. 

Land  was  a cheap  article  in  the  settlement  of  the  coun- 
try. Each  adventurer,  whether  of  the  purse  or  person,  was 
to  receive  one  hundred  acres,  although  at  first  there  was  a 
period  of  seven  years  within  which  there  was  no  distribu- 
tion. Besides  this  method  of  acquiring  land,  which  may  be 
considered  as  in  the  nature  of  a dividend,  there  were  two 
others.  One  was  the  performance  of  some  service  which 
benefited  the  community;  and  thus  ministers,  officials,  doc- 
tors, and  others  were  frequently  awarded  bills  of  adventure, 
or  shares,  which  passed  to  their  successors  or  assigns. 
Probably  the  method  by  which  in  the  long  run  the  great 
bulk  of  the  land  was  acquired,  however,  was  what  was 
called  the  “ head  right.”  Increase  of  population  was  so 
essential  that  persons  bringing  immigrants  were  granted 
fifty  acres  for  each,  provided  only  the  immigrant  remained 
three  years.  This  head  right  was  deemed  so  important  that 
it  was  one  of  the  terms  sought  and  confirmed  in  the  Articles 
of  Surrender  of  1652.  The  people  imported  were  not  neces- 
sarily free;  they  might  be  servants  or  slaves,  and  there  is  a 
record  of  one  man  who  imported  in  different  years  three 
wives — fortunately  only  one  at  a time.  A privilege  of  this 
sort  was  subject  to  abuse,  the  more  especially  as  the  records 
were  imperfect  and  it  was  possible  for  clerks  to  give  away 
lands  for  fees.  Thus  ship  captains  received  grants  for  their 
crews,  who  did  not  stay,  and  this  sometimes  successively,  in 
the  several  counties  where  they  called.  The  clerks  in  the 
office  of  the  secretary  of  the  colony  received  in  this  manner 
from  one  to  five  shillings  for  each  certificate,  without  taking 
any  care  to  see  that  the  laws  were  complied  with.  The 


I 10 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


method  of  procedure  was  to  file  this  paper  among  the  records 
of  the  secretary,  and  a second  certificate  or  warrant  was  then 
issued  requiring  a surveyor  of  the  county  to  seat  the  appli- 
cant. For  a few  years  shortly  after  the  fall  of  the  Company, 
patents  sometimes  issued  for  a thousand  acres;  but  it  was 
seldom  so  much,  and  on  the  average  from  one  to  three  hun- 
dred. There  was  no  official  surveyor  in  the  earliest  times. 
It  seems  as  if  one  was  intended  in  1616,  and  one  probably 
came  with  Argali,  but  the  first  whose  name  was  known 
was  Richard  Norwood,  from  the  Somers  Islands,  and  the 
best  known  was  William  Claiborne.  The  right  was  con- 
ferred upon  William  and  Mary  College  as  one  of  its 
perquisites.  Ultimately,  there  were  surveyors  for  smaller 
districts,  such  as  the  counties. 

Of  course,  as  in  all  early  surveys,  there  was  overlapping 
and  afterward  litigation,  and  to  correct  this  there  was  what 
was  called  “ processioning.”  This  meant  that  once  in  four 
years  people  of  each  neighborhood  assembled  and  marched 
around  the  boundaries  of  the  plantations,  examining  the 
marks  and  recutting  blazes  when  necessary.  Legislation 
connected  with  these  matters  originated  the  practice  of 
allowing  the  successful  claimant  of  the  soil  to  buy  the 
improvements  of  the  one  in  possession  at  valuations  fixed 
by  jury,  while  if  he  did  not  avail  himself  of  this  privilege 
the  person  dispossessed  had  the  right  to  buy  the  land  from 
him  at  its  value. 

After  fees  were  paid,  patent  received,  and  the  patentee 
seated,  the  principal  condition  imposed  was  the  payment 
of  a quitrent,  sometimes  twelvepence  per  annum  per  acre. 
Collectors  were  appointed  for  this  and  other  purposes,  and 
in  1637  a treasurer  was  instituted  for  the  colony.  The 
subject  of  quitrents  is  a complicated  one,  the  more  espe- 
cially as  they  varied  from  time  to  time  and  were  not 
regularly  paid. 

Between  private  citizens  there  were  deeds  in  the  usual 
English  forms,  and  these  from  an  early  date  were  required 
to  be  enrolled  or  recorded  in  Jamestown  within  a limited 


THE  OLD  DOMINION 


III 


period.  The  same  rule  applied  somewhat  later  to  courts  at 
other  places  as  they  were  established. 

We  will  recall  that  Captain  John  Smith  says  that  he  ex- 
erted himself  strenuously  to  make  the  gentlemen  who  had 
come  over  labor  with  their  hands.  For  instance,  he  made 
them  plant  maize,  and  earlier  yet  compelled  them  to  cut 
down  trees.  In  his  time  and  for  some  years  afterward  it 
promised  to  be  a question  of  developing  an  Anglo-American 
peasantry.  Almost  from  the  beginning  there  were  sent 
over  people  who  were  to  serve  the  Company  for  a certain 
length  of  time  and  then  acquire  their  freedom  and  with  it 
land  and  personalty.  This  may  be  said,  in  a sense,  to  have 
embraced  almost  everyone  at  the  beginning,  but  after  land 
was  divided  in  severalty  indented  servants  came  all  the  more, 
now  not  to  serve  the  Company,  but  the  planters  who  needed 
labor.  In  1619,  we  read  that  there  were  eight  hundred  and 
eleven  servants  introduced  from  England,  besides  one  hun- 
dred children,  and  in  1628  between  fourteen  and  fifteen 
hundred  children  were  sent  over  to  Virginia.  The  unrest 
and  civil  wars  in  England  produced  many  of  these  servants, 
some  being  of  good  rank,  but  the  bulk  of  them  of  the  lower 
classes,  and  to  them  must  be  added  some  few  criminals. 
These  servants  of  both  sexes  brought  with  them  the  promise 
of  future  citizenship,  for  if  they  rose  equal  to  their  oppor- 
tunities they  would  in  a few  years  be  not  only  independent, 
but  able  to  progress.  And  yet,  there  was  no  difference 
between  their  condition  for  the  time  being  and  slavery 
proper.  Their  labor  belonged  to  their  masters,  who  were 
bound  only  to  give  the  servants  food  and  lodging  and 
general  attention.  Still,  the  very  fact  that  their  term  was 
limited,  whether  it  be  one  year  or  ten  or  even  longer,  made 
their  labor  of  less  value.  Ultimately,  they  would  not  be 
available,  and  the  planter  would  have  to  look  forward  to 
other  importations;  for  what  would  be  true  of  his  would  be 
true  of  all  other  white  servants.  Thus  the  system  of  white 
service  was  not  a success.  It  was  both  too  much  and  too 
little  in  the  nature  of  slavery.  When  we  add  to  this  the 


I 12 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


great  mortality  among  such  immigrants  to  Virginia,  and 
the  fact,  gradually  apparent,  that  the  white  man  could  not 
stand  malaria  and  thus  could  not  labor  in  low  lands  to  ad- 
vantage, we  find  a good  reason,  in  fact  the  true  reason,  for 
the  gradual  spread  of  African  slavery.  Whatever  be  the 
truth  as  to  the  origin  and  brotherhood  of  man,  the  black 
savage  captured  in  Africa  had  little  in  common  with  the 
European  of  the  seventeenth  century.  The  kinship  was 
not  admitted,  for  the  African  was  deemed  an  animal,  while 
his  usefulness  after  he  had  been  somewhat  domesticated 
was  clear.  He  could  labor  in  the  sun  and  in  marshes  with 
no  injury  to  himself,  and  there  throve;  while,  after  the  hor- 
rors of  the  middle  passage  were  over,  his  condition  in  the 
new  home  was  preferable  to  that  in  the  old.  Of  course,  it 
was  the  actual  benefit  to  themselves  that  influenced  the 
Virginian  planters,  but  statistics  show  it  was  a long  time 
before  slavery  amounted  to  much.  The  year  1619  marks 
an  epoch  as  its  beginning,  but  far  too  much  stress  has  been 
laid  upon  slavery  in  early  Virginia.  In  1625  there  were  four 
hundred  and  sixty-four  white  servants  and  only  twenty- 
two  negroes,  and  even  as  late  as  1671,  while  there  were  two 
thousand  slaves,  the  white  servants  numbered  six  thousand. 

African  slavery  was  sure  to  come  to  Virginia  at  one  time 
or  other,  because  the  main  product  of  the  country  was 
tobacco;  and  the  best  tobacco  was  produced  by  competing 
Spanish  colonies  in  the  West  Indies,  where  slavery  had 
been  known  from  an  early  period.  A number  of  the  negroes 
in  Virginia  bore  Spanish  names,  showing  that  they  came 
from  this  source;  but  a peculiarity  of  Spanish  slavery  was 
that  although  the  Spaniards  used  by  far  the  most  slaves  they 
did  not  import  them.  In  the  nature  of  the  case  they  could 
not,  for  the  terms  of  the  demarcation  made  by  Alexander  VI. 
gave  the  coast  of  Africa  to  Portugal  and  the  coast  of 
America  to  Spain.  The  Portuguese  were  therefore  natu- 
rally the  first  modern  European  slavers,  and  the  asiento , or 
contract,  for  supplying  the  Spanish  colonies  with  Africans 
was  to  be  one  of  the  prizes  in  the  world  contests  of  this 


Captain  John  Smith.  From  the  copperplate  by  John  Davies,  in 
possession  of  the  Historical  Society  of  Pennsylvania. 


THE  OLD  DOMINION 


IJ3 


and  the  following  century.  No  scruples  were  felt  by  Euro- 
peans of  any  nationality,  unless  the  reproaches  of  Queen 
Elizabeth  to  Sir  John  Hawkins  may  be  called  such;  and 
his  reply  was  certainly  the  feeling  of  his  age  and  others  yet 
to  come,  when  he  justified  slaving  on  the  ground  of  re- 
moving the  negro  from  heathendom  to  Christianity.  The 
English  government  had  in  1618  given  the  exclusive  privi- 
lege of  this  trade  on  the  Guinea  coast  to  the  Earl  of  War- 
wick and  his  associates;  but  the  Dutch  were  for  a long 
time  the  chief  means  of  bringing  Africans,  and  it  was  to 
meet  this  fact  that  the  Royal  African  Company  was  char- 
tered in  1622  to  import  slaves  to  the  number  of  not  less 
than  three  thousand  a year  into  the  English  colonies.  The 
Duke  of  York,  afterward  James  II.,  was  the  head  of  this 
company.  It  does  not  seem  to  have  been  active  in  regard 
to  Virginia  before  its  new  charter  of  1672,  and,  in  fact,  it 
was  not  for  ten  years  after  this  that  the  company  became 
the  principal  importer  of  Africans.  By  that  time  there  was 
also  to  some  extent  a domestic  slave  trade.  In  1640  there 
were  about  one  hundred  and  fifty  Africans,  commanding 
about  ,£18  apiece;  toward  the  end  of  the  century,  they  were 
reckoned  by  the  thousand,  wealthy  planters  often  owning 
from  fifty  to  one  hundred.  In  1 700,  we  are  told  that  there 
were  six  thousand. 

At  first  they  were  not  baptized,  the  general  feeling  being 
not  unlike  that  of  a pious  lady  of  Barbadoes,  who  declared 
one  might  as  well  baptize  puppies.  Instances  to  the  con- 
trary occur  from  an  early  date,  and  shortly  after  the  Resto- 
ration the  Council  for  Foreign  Plantations  took  an  interest 
in  the  slaves.  The  fear  was  entertained  that  when  baptized 
they  would  cease  to  be  slaves,  on  the  idea  that  a Christian 
could  not  hold  a Christian  in  bondage;  but  this  was  re- 
moved by  the  law  of  1667,  which  provided  that  baptism 
should  not  change  their  legal  status. 

As  a rule,  the  slaves  seem  to  have  been  docile,  happy, 
and  well  treated.  There  were  runaways,  of  course,  and 
these  were  severely  punished.  Meetings  were  prohibited, 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


114 

firearms  not  allowed,  and  there  were  many  regulations, 
aiming  to  keep  them  in  quiet  subjection.  Marriage  was 
not  legally  recognized  between  them,  although  their  pairing 
off  was  as  far  as  possible  respected.  Illicit  relations  could 
not  fail  to  exist  to  some  extent  between  masters  and  the 
females,  but  this  was  severely  frowned  on  by  public  opinion, 
and  punishment  was  inflicted  on  both  parties  by  law. 

Black  freemen  were  not  unknown,  and  it  would  even 
seem  that  for  a time  they  had  the  right  of  suffrage,  although, 
if  so,  this  certainly  was  taken  away  in  1723.  In  fact,  in 
the  last  year  of  the  seventeenth  century  the  law  required 
that  all  Africans  when  freed  should  be  sent  out  of  the 
colony,  and  the  planter  liberating  a negro  had  to  pay  £10 
for  the  expense  thus  incurred. 

Although  other  things  were  undertaken,  it  was  tobacco 
that  seemed  to  succeed  best,  and  in  a short  time  this  was  the 
staple  of  the  country.  New  land  was  cheap,  and  the  sub- 
ject of  renewing  and  fertilizing  old  lands  was  hardly  yet 
understood  even  in  England  ; so  that  when  it  was  found 
that  tobacco  exhausted  the  soil  in  three  years,  it  was  per- 
fectly natural  that  the  ground  should  be  given  over  to  wheat 
and  maize,  which  did  better  then  than  on  fresh  soils,  and 
that  the  planter  should  seek  new  lands  further  in  the  in- 
terior. Rolfe  had  discovered  the  valuable  qualities  of  marl, 
but  this  was  to  be  unappreciated  for  many  years.  Even  the 
ease  with  which  marshes  could  be  drained  and  made  fertile 
was  overlooked  from  the  facility  with  which  new  lands  could 
be  acquired,  and,  in  point  of  fact,  it  was  found  that  tobacco 
raised  on  marsh  lands  was  coarser  even  if  larger  than  that 
on  drier  soil. 

At  first  the  Company  and  King  James  decried  giving  so 
much  attention  to  tobacco,  and  Charles  I.  was  to  regret  that 
the  industries  of  the  colony  should  be  built  on  smoke.  But 
ultimately  everyone  recognized  that  Virginia  meant  tobacco, 
and  tobacco  meant  Virginia.  An  attorney-general  was  to 
tell  Blair:  “Damn  your  souls!  Make  tobacco!”  The 
home  government  treated  it  in  a manner  that  was  meant 


THE  OLD  DOMINION 


115 

for  encouragement.  Thus,  shortly  after  the  fall  of  the  Com- 
pany, it  was  forbidden  to  cultivate  this  plant  in  England, 
and,  although  that  from  the  West  Indies  was  the  finest  in 
the  world,  a duty  was  imposed  upon  Spanish-grown  to- 
bacco. It  is  true  these  regulations  varied  at  different  times, 
and  there  were  some  that  showed  the  encouragement 
to  be  meant  only  for  the  purpose  of  bringing  something  to 
England  out  of  which  England  could  reap  a benefit.  Thus 
there  was  a duty,  a long  time  of  two  shillings,  imposed 
upon  the  Virginia  product,  and  after  the  Company  was 
abolished  the  king  thought  seriously  of  making  a contract 
with  individuals  for  the  privilege  of  buying  and  selling  all 
of  the  article  produced.  Even  the  members  of  the  old 
Company  attempted  to  secure  this  contract,  which  existed 
for  a short  time  in  other  hands,  although  yielding  finally  to 
the  protests  of  the  colonists.  More  serious  were  the  re- 
quirements, dating  from  1624,  that  all  tobacco  should  be 
brought  to  England,  and  should  be  brought  in  English  ships. 
The  result  of  this  was  to  restrict  the  market  and  thus  do 
away  with  the  competition  of  Dutch  shipping. 

Virginia  had  had  the  advantage  not  only  of  vessels  trading 
to  and  from  Holland,  but  also  to  and  from  New  Amster- 
dam and  other  colonies  in  America.  It  is  true  that  this 
commerce  was  to  some  extent  kept  up  in  a clandestine  man- 
ner; but  from  now  on  it  was  against  the  law  and  became 
more  and  more  difficult.  Particularly  was  this  so  later  in 
the  century,  when  the  Virginian  authorities  were  required  to 
keep  a record  of  the  amount  shipped  and  in  what  vessels, 
and  make  a report  to  the  home  government.  Different 
regulations  were  adopted  from  time  to  time  in  Virginia 
designed  to  improve  the  quality  or  restrict  the  quantity  of 
the  crop.  Thus,  as  the  prices  fell,  laws  were  passed  that  the 
lower  leaves  should  not  be  used,  and  that  the  plants  should 
bear  certain  proportions  to  the  cultivators;  as,  for  instance, 
three  thousand  plants  at  one  time  and  fifteen  hundred 
at  another.  The  crop  was  exported  either  in  bulk,  that 
is,  in  loose  parcels  packed  into  the  holds  of  vessels,  or  in 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


1 16 

hogsheads.  The  size  of  the  hogsheads  was  defined;  they 
ordinarily  contained  about  five  hundred  pounds,  but  at  one 
time  they  were  made  larger.  The  advantage  of  packing  in 
bulk  was  that  the  cargo  would  be  greater,  there  being  none 
of  the  open  spaces  sure  to  remain  between  casks,  and  there 
were  also  some  advantages  not  publicly  mentioned.  Thus, 
portions  could  be  run  ashore  in  unfrequented  bays  and 
places  in  England  and  sold  without  paying  duty.  A cargo 
in  bulk  could  be  sampled  much  more  readily  than  when 
packed  in  casks.  The  first  general  inspection  law  was  in 
1630,  when  it  was  provided  that  mean  tobacco  should  be 
burned  and  the  offender  prohibited  from  making  another  crop. 
Two  or  three  years  later,  five  places  were  designated  as  in- 
spection points,  where  warehouses  were  erected  in  which  the 
prime  tobacco  was  stored,  the  low  grades  being  destroyed. 
Shipments  were  made  from  these  places;  and  although 
goods  imported  from  England  were  at  this  time  landed  only 
at  Jamestown,  debts  could  be  paid  at  the  warehouses.  In 
course  of  time,  other  points  were  given  similar  privileges, 
although  it  is  not  quite  clear  to  what  extent  these  laws  were 
fully  enforced.  Taxes  were  imposed  in  Virginia  to  pay  for 
the  expenses  connected  with  the  inspection  and  shipment 
of  tobacco,  and  in  1637  a custom  house  was  established. 

The  great  question  was  as  to  the  result  of  these  regula- 
tions. Did  the  crop  pay  the  producer?  He  certainly 
could  not  be  expected,  and  in  fact  could  not  be  compelled 
in  the  long  run,  to  produce  something  at  a loss  to  himself 
for  the  benefit  of  others.  About  the  period  when  inspection 
began,  the  price  of  tobacco  in  Virginia  was  less  than  one 
penny  a pound,  and  the  popular  plan  for  bringing  up  the 
price  was  one  which  has  not  been  unknown  in  later  times 
and  with  other  commodities.  This  was  a general  agreement 
for  a “stint,”  or  reduction  in  the  quantity  planted  or  pro- 
duced. The  price  fluctuated  from  time  to  time,  and  under 
the  Commonwealth  was  twopence  a pound  in  Virginia  and 
double  that  in  England.  It  is  to  be  remembered,  however, 
that,  fortunately,  tobacco  was  not  always  the  sole,  although 


THE  OLD  DOMINION 


“7 

it  was  the  principal,  reliance  of  the  colony.  In  1634,  when 
Virginia  held  a population  of  five  thousand,  there  was  such 
an  abundance  of  corn  produced  that  ten  thousand  bushels 
were  spared  to  be  sold  to  New  England,  and  eleven  years 
later  we  find  cattle  also  sent  there  in  large  quantities. 
Cattle  were  exported  also  to  Barbadoes  from  time  to  time 
and  were  to  no  small  extent  the  making  of  that  island. 
Only  two  years  after  this  great  abundance  corn  was  so  dear 
as  to  command  twenty  shillings  a bushel,  but  not  long  after 
there  was  a general  regulation  allowing  its  export  whenever 
it  fell  below  twelve  shillings. 

In  early  Virginia  the  raising  of  cattle  was  important. 
The  crops  were  fenced  in,  and  the  cattle  grazed  in  the 
open.  There  are  many  instances  of  palisades  or  pales  being 
built  from  stream  to  stream  so  as  to  furnish  a large  range 
for  cattle.  This  herding  led  to  some  peculiar  regulations. 
For  instance,  at  certain  periods  of  the  year  it  was  custom- 
ary for  owners  to  collect  their  stock  and  brand  the  young 
ones.  Ultimately,  this  could  not  be  done  without  first  giving 
notice,  so  that  all  interested  could  see  that  one  did  not 
brand  more  than  the  produce  of  his  own  cows.  The  first 
law  requiring  the  enclosure  of  land  against  cattle  was  in 
1627,  when  in  certain  ranges,  such  as  Hog  and  James  City 
Islands,  it  was  prohibited  to  run  fences  across  narrow  necks, 
and  the  owners  had  to  enclose  their  own  fields.  In  1631, 
the  requirement  was  made  general,  although  there  was  some 
opposition  to  it,  and  these  two  enactments  were  the  origin 
of  the  rule,  common  ever  since  in  Virginia  as  well  as  in 
other  parts  of  the  South,  by  which  the  burden  of  fencing  is 
placed  upon  the  farmer  instead  of  on  the  cattle  owner. 

From  the  beginning  there  were  few  roads,  because  the 
country  was  so  intersected  by  watercourses  that  river  com- 
munication was  easier.  It  was  not  until  1632  that  there 
was  any  systematic  regulation ; authority  was  then  con- 
ferred upon  certain  officials  to  establish  what  roads  might  be 
needed,  and  it  was  not  for  thirty  years  that  the  laws  as  to 
their  preservation  became  adequate.  The  first  place  in  mind 


1 1 8 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


in  road  legislation  seems  to  have  been  the  church,  next  the 
courthouse,  then  the  capital,  and,  lastly,  communication 
between  counties.  The  roads  were  to  be  forty  feet  wide, 
and  the  planters  were  compelled  to  supply  laborers  to  the 
district  surveyors.  As  the  highways  ran  through  large 
plantations,  drawbars  became  usual,  and,  on  account  of  the 
scarcity  of  iron  for  hinges  and  nails,  it  was  long  before 
gates  superseded  them  to  any  extent.  Ferries,  of  course, 
came  with  the  roads,  but  they  are  first  clearly  mentioned  in 
1640,  and  a year  or  so  later  the  assembly  provided  for  free 
ferries.  In  the  country,  taverns  were  infrequent,  and  even 
in  Jamestown  high  priced.  They  were  the  less  needed, 
though,  on  account  of  the  hospitality  of  the  people.  This 
was  made  the  more  possible  by  the  abundance  of  game,  and 
the  more  spontaneous  from  desire  for  the  society  and  news 
of  travellers.  The  custom  led  to  the  written  law  that 
unless  contracted  for  in  advance  no  charge  could  be  made 
for  entertainment. 

On  the  fall  of  the  Company,  the  Virginia  Assembly  had 
refused  to  produce  the  original  public  records  for  the  in- 
spection even  of  John  Pory,  their  old  speaker,  when  he 
came  over  as  royal  commissioner,  and  they  stood  the  clerk 
of  the  council,  Edward  Sharpless,  in  the  pillory  and  cut  off 
part  of  an  ear  for  furnishing  a copy.  And  yet,  during  the 
Civil  War  in  England,  the  sympathy  of  the  Virginians  was 
largely  with  the  king;  but  there  was  no  practical  occasion 
for  showing  it.  The  Church  of  England  was  supreme, 
for,  although  we  are  told  that  there  were  one  thousand  Dis- 
senters or  Independents,  say  seven  per  cent  of  the  whole 
population,  many  were  driven  out  and  found  refuge  in 
Maryland  and  New  England.  The  colony  had  its  re- 
ward. When  a movement  was  on  foot  to  reestablish  the 
old  Company,  King  Charles,  while  at  York  in  1643,  almost 
hiding  from  his  enemies,  made  it  clear  by  letter  that  he 
would  not  alienate  Virginia  from  his  “immediate  protec- 
tion,” and,  better  yet,  he  addressed  “our  trusty  and  well 
beloved  our  Governor,  Council,  and  Burgesses  of  the  Grand 


THE  OLD  DOMINION 


119 

Assembly  of  Virginia,” — thus  accidentally  or  incidentally, 
but  fully,  recognizing  for  the  first  time  the  Assembly  in- 
stituted under  the  Company.  It  is  sometimes  said  that 
Charles  II.  was  proclaimed  in  Virginia,  but  the  recognition 
is  somewhat  like  his  father’s  recognition  of  the  Assembly. 
In  1649  t^e  burgesses  in  their  very  first  law  declared  the 
dead  monarch  to  be  “ the  late  most  excellent  and  now  un- 
doubtedly sainted  king,”  and  enacted  that  defenders  of  the 
“late  traitorous  proceedings”  are  accessories  post  factum , 
and  further  denounced  punishment  against  all  who  shall 
question  “ the  undoubted  and  inherent  right  of  his  Majesty 
that  now  is  to  the  colony  of  Virginia,  and  all  other  his 
Majesty’s  dominions.” 

In  1652  Cromwell  sent  out  a fleet,  and  a frigate  ap- 
peared before  Jamestown  to  demand  its  surrender.  Berkeley 
prepared  to  resist,  but  there  ensued  a parley,  for  the  com- 
missioners found,  as  they  reported,  “ a force  raised  by  the 
governor  and  country  to  make  opposition  against  said  fleet.” 
The  conference  resulted  “in  Articles  at  the  Surrender  of 
the  Country,”  which  was  in  the  nature  of  a treaty,  and 
“ acknowledged  a voluntary  act,  not  forced  nor  constrained 
by  a conquest  upon  the  country.”  It  was  provided  that  the 
freedoms  and  privileges  of  freeborn  people  of  England 
should  continue;  the  Grand  Assembly  alone  had  the  power 
of  taxation ; indemnity  was  granted  as  to  all  past  opposition 
to  Parliament;  free  trade  was  allowed  with  all  the  world, 
despite  the  Navigation  Act  lately  passed ; the  prayerbook 
might  continue  in  use  for  a year,  provided  whatever  related 
to  kingship  be  not  used  publicly;  and  all  persons  should 
take  the  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  English  Commonwealth, 
or  have  a year  to  dispose  of  their  property  and  depart. 
It  is  true  that  some  of  these  articles  were  not  confirmed  by 
the  Long  Parliament;  as,  for  instance,  the  one  providing 
that  there  should  be  no  taxation  except  by  the  Assembly, 
but  then  the  Long  Parliament  itself  was  broken  up  shortly 
afterward,  and  Cromwell  seems  to  have  respected  the  terms 
of  the  surrender.  The  supremacy  of  the  Commonwealth 


120 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


was  acknowledged  in  theory,  and  Berkeley  and  other  king’s 
men  retired  from  public  life.  The  Roundhead  Richard 
Bennett  was  made  governor  by  the  Assembly,  and  the  prac- 
tical upshot  of  the  whole  matter  was  that  the  Assembly 
was  recognized  as  the  true  source  of  authority  in  Virginia. 
Of  course,  the  Assembly  itself  was,  under  the  circumstances, 
made  up  largely  of  new  men,  but  there  was  no  persecution  of 
anyone — unless  lawyers  be  an  exception.  The  trouble  with 
them  seems  to  have  been  that  they  were  “mercenary,”  and 
acts  were  passed  aiming  at  control  of  these  very  “subtle” 
people.  In  1642  their  fees  were  limited,  three  years  later 
they  were  expelled  from  office,  and  then  two  years  after- 
ward they  were  forbidden  to  take  fees  at  all — which  should 
have  been  the  end  of  them.  In  1656  they  were  licensed 
again,  but  two  years  later  they  were  forbidden  anew  to 
receive  any  reward  or  profit  under  a penalty  of  five  hundred 
pounds  of  tobacco.  The  profession  seems  never  to  have 
died  out  entirely,  however,  and  so  their  “subtlety”  must 
have  devised  some  way  around  these  drastic  laws. 

The  population  had  so  spread  as  to  form  numerous  settle- 
ments along  the  lower  James  and  York  Rivers  and  across 
the  bay  in  Accomac.  The  burgesses  had  represented  hun- 
dreds and  plantations,  but  by  1634  the  old  hundreds  were 
so  populous  as  to  be  renamed  “shires,”  eight  in  number;  to 
wit:  James  City,  Henrico,  Charles  City,  Elizabeth  City, 
Warwick  City,  Warrosquoyake,  Charles  River,  and  Acco- 
mac. Over  each  was  a lieutenant,  whose  chief  duty  was 
to  look  out  for  the  Indians.  Nine  years  later  the  title 
“county”  was  substituted,  and  in  ten  years  these  were 
fourteen,  bearing  the  names  Henrico,  Charles  City,  James 
City,  Isle  of  Wight,  Nansemond,  Lower  Norfolk,  Eliza- 
beth City,  Warwick,  York,  Northampton  (formerly  Acco- 
mac), Northumberland,  Gloucester,  Lancaster,  and  the  new 
county  of  Surrey.  With  a population  grown  to  fifteen  thou- 
sand, Virginia  under  the  Commonwealth  pursued  her  own 
way.  We  learn  that  there  were  then  one  hundred  and 
fifty  plows  and  three  hundred  horses,  but  oxen  were  almost 


THE  OLD  DOMINION 


I 2 I 


universally  the  draught  animals.  The  small  number  of  plows 
was  due  to  the  fact  that  so  much  new  ground  was  taken  up 
every  few  years  by  the  same  tobacco  planter,  where  roots 
and  stumps  did  not  permit  the  general  use  of  the  imple- 
ment. At  the  beginning  plows  were  not  made  of  iron,  but 
of  wood  with  metal  tips,  and  in  course  of  time  they  were 
manufactured  in  Virginia. 

The  Commonwealth  governors  seem  to  have  been  good 
men,  and  there  was  no  disturbance  except  about  an  old 
custom  of  admitting  the  governor  and  council  to  seats  in 
the  Assembly.  In  1658  this  law  was  repealed  and  Governor 
Matthews  promptly  dissolved  the  Assembly,  but  the  mem- 
bers refused  to  be  thus  disposed  of  and  actually  proceeded 
to  depose  the  governor  and  council.  To  raise  as  little 
opposition  as  possible,  although  at  the  same  time  to  show 
that  they  were  supreme,  they  made  the  same  Samuel 
Matthews  governor  and  captain-general.  As  Matthews 
promptly  accepted,  the  trouble  was  at  an  end.  Berkeley 
remained  in  close  communication  with  Charles  II.,  and  had 
sent  word  that  he  would  raise  the  royal  standard  in  Virginia 
when  there  was  a prospect  of  success.  Charles  then  de- 
clined ; but,  after  the  death  of  Cromwell  and  that  of  Mat- 
thews, the  Assembly  in  1660  declared  Berkeley  to  be  the 
governor  and  captain-general  of  Virginia,  prescribing  that 
he  was  to  govern  according  to  English  and  Virginia  law, 
call  assemblies  biennially,  which  were  not  to  be  dissolved 
without  their  own  consent,  and  that  writs  should  issue  in 
the  name  of  the  Grand  Assembly  of  Virginia.  Berkeley 
thus  went  into  office  confessedly  as  the  servant  of  the 
Assembly;  but  in  May  next  came  the  Restoration,  and 
Berkeley  received  a royal  commission. 

Of  the  renewed  impulse  toward  colonization  Virginia 
could  hardly  complain.  Although  it  somewhat  curtailed 
her  boundaries  to  the  north  and  south,  it  gave  as  neighbors 
Maryland  and  the  Carolinas;  but  as  to  the  grant  of  the 
Northern  Neck  to  Arlington  and  Culpepper  by  the  king 
while  in  exile  there  was  good  ground  for  protest.  Instead 


122 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


of  reserving  public  lands  for  public  purposes,  to  be  used  to 
build  up  the  colony,  these  were  thus  given  away  to  favorites, 
who,  in  their  turn,  were  to  make  no  good  use  of  them. 
Perhaps  an  even  greater  cause  of  complaint  on  the  part  of 
all  the  American  colonies  was  the  enforcement  of  the  Navi- 
gation Act.  This  had  been  passed  in  1651  by  the  Com- 
monwealth as  a war  measure  directed  more  especially  against 
the  West  Indies,  and  was  found  to  redound  so  much  to  the 
advantage  of  the  mother  country  that  after  the  Restoration 
the  government  not  only  reenacted  it  but  enforced  it  against 
Virginia  also.  The  result  was  to  confine  trade  to  British 
ships  and  to  exclude  Virginia  from  sending  tobacco  to 
foreign  States  except  after  paying  English  duties  of  two 
shillings  per  hogshead;  and  Virginia  and  Maryland  together 
produced  forty  thousand  hogsheads.  Berkeley  was  too  good 
a royalist  to  wink  at  any  infraction,  and  gradually  the  hard- 
ships resulting  caused  general  discontent. 

If  the  Restoration  injured  the  Virginians,  it  had  also  other 
results.  The  entanglement  of  Charles  II.  in  the  meshes  of 
the  policy  of  Louis  XIV.  is  one  of  the  strangest  things  in 
English  history.  It  will  be  seen  to  have  important  effects 
in  the  Mississippi  valley,  but  one  of  the  most  striking  and 
indefensible  results  was  the  alienation  of  England  and  Hol- 
land. The  two  peoples  were  closely  akin  in  race  and  in 
commercial  traits,  and  yet  Charles  II.  succeeded  in  dragging 
them  into  wars.  The  first  lasted  from  1664  to  the  Peace 
of  Breda,  three  years  later,  and  resulted  in  the  permanent 
acquisition  of  New  Amsterdam,  under  the  title  of  New 
York.  For  Virginia  it  brought  interruption  and  danger  to 
shipping,  and  in  the  very  year  of  the  peace  the  Dutch  sailed 
up  James  River,  and,  while  the  captain  of  the  guardship 
Elizabeth  was  ashore  at  a wedding,  destroyed  seven  mer- 
chant vessels  and  captured  thirteen  others,  the  Elizabeth 
being  burned.  There  soon  followed  a second  war,  and 
during  it  there  was  another  attack  in  Virginia  waters  by 
eight  men-of-war,  which  destroyed  eleven  merchantmen. 
To  these  troubles  was  added  a hurricane  which  blew  down 


THE  OLD  DOMINION 


123 

thousands  of  houses,  and  a deeper-seated  injury  yet  was  the 
venality  more  than  suspected  to  prevail  in  public  office. 

As  if  all  this  was  not  enough,  the  increasing  population 
and  gradual  extension  of  boundaries  renewed  friction  with 
the  Indians.  Ever  since  the  massacre  there  had  been  sworn 
enmity  between  them  and  the  whites.  In  1629  a law  had 
been  passed  that  the  inhabitants  should  annually  go  three 
several  marches  on  the  Indians,  to  wit,  in  November, 
March,  and  July,  and  “do  all  manner  of  spoil  and  offence 
that  may  possibly  be  effected.”  A massacre  is  recorded  for 
1640,  and  four  years  later  old  Opechancanough  had  led  an 
attack  upon  the  colonists  along  the  upper  waters  of  the 
York  and  Pamunkey,  killing  three  hundred;  but  Berkeley 
had  captured  him,  and  he  was  shot  in  the  back  at  James- 
town by  one  of  the  soldiers.  Such  was  the  end  of  the  last 
emperor,  and  it  broke  the  power  of  the  tidewater  Indians. 
By  treaty,  the  tribes  were  to  remain  north  of  York  River, 
none  coming  south  except  as  messengers,  marked  by  badges 
of  striped  cloth,  and,  on  the  other  hand,  the  whites  were 
forbidden  to  go  into  the  Indian  country;  but,  as  so  often  later, 
the  latter  rule  was  not  enforced.  However,  there  was  no 
more  danger  from  the  Indians  until,  in  1656,  the  Richahe- 
crians  came  from  beyond  the  Blue  Ridge  and  settled  near 
the  James  River  falls.  The  whites  assumed  that  their  mis- 
sion was  hostile,  and  attacked  them,  but  were  disastrously 
defeated,  Colonel  Hill  being  killed,  as  well  as  Totopotomoi 
and  a hundred  of  the  friendly  Pamunkeys.  The  Richahe- 
crians  had  enough  of  it,  too,  for  they  seem  to  have  retired 
beyond  the  mountains.  In  1670  the  explorer  Batte  crossed 
the  Alleghanies  even  to  the  New  River  district,  and  this, 
of  course,  aroused  the  jealousy  of  the  Indians.  Some  years 
later,  Doegs  who  committed  outrages  were  pursued  into 
Maryland,  and,  despite  a flag  of  truce,  some  of  them  killed 
in  an  old  fort  where  Washington  now  stands.  Excitement 
prevailed  all  over  Virginia,  from  the  great  planters  in  the 
tidewater  country  to  the  armed  men  in  log  cabins  nearer 
the  Blue  Ridge.  There  were,  it  is  true,  old  frontier  forts. 


124 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


quasi-palatine  grants  of  a quarter-century  ago,  but  the 
colonists  wanted  rather  to  invade  and  cut  off  the  Indians 
than  to  huddle  behind  defensive  palisades.  If  the  govern- 
ment would  not  take  the  war  in  hand,  the  people  would  do 
so  themselves.  All  that  was  wanting  was  a leader. 

It  was  quite  appropriate  that  civil  disturbances  in  which 
college  men  were  to  take  the  lead  should  be  presaged  by 
omens  in  classical  style.  The  vivacious  historian  of  the 
time,  the  unknown  assemblyman  from  Stafford  bearing 
the  initials  “T.  M.,”  recounts  that  in  the  year  1675  there 
was  a large  comet  every  evening  for  a week  or  more,  stream- 
ing like  a horse’s  tail,  westward ; that  flights  of  pigeons 
were  nearly  a quarter  of  the  mid  hemisphere  broad,  and  of 
their  length  there  was  no  visible  end,  while  their  weight 
broke  down  the  limbs  of  large  trees,  causing  the  “ more 
portentious  apprehensions”  because  this  had  not  been  seen 
since  the  massacre  of  1640;  while  the  third  strange  appear- 
ance was  swarms  of  flies,  about  an  inch  long  and  as  big  as 
the  top  of  a man’s  little  finger,  rising  out  of  the  earth  and 
lasting  for  a month.  Necessarily,  therefore,  what  happened 
was  unprecedented. 

Nathaniel  Bacon,  lately  arrived  from  England,  of  gentle 
blood,  and  now  hardly  twenty-eight  years  old,  was  a mem- 
ber of  the  council,  precipitate  and  impulsive,  brave  and 
eloquent;  and  so  when  the  Indians  killed  his  overseer, 
whom  he  much  loved,  and  one  of  his  servants,  he  vowed 
to  avenge  them.  Savages,  three  to  six  in  parties,  were 
committing  murders,  usually  at  the  sources  of  the  rivers, 
the  actual  frontier  of  the  time,  although  rarely  burning  or 
destroying  property. 

For  some  reason  Governor  Berkeley  paid  little  attention 
to  Indian  matters,  although  frequently  notified  of  the  out- 
rages committed  by  the  savages.  He  would  promise  assist- 
ance, but  never  send  it,  until  the  report  went  abroad  that 
he  was  interested  in  the  beaver  trade  and  that  his  agents 
actually  sold  ammunition  to  the  Indians,  and  it  was  be- 
lieved his  idea  was  that  “rebel  forfeitures  would  be  loyal 


THE  OLD  DOMINION 


125 


inheritances.”  The  people  about  the  heads  of  the  James 
and  York  at  length  acted  together  and  chose  Bacon  as  their 
leader  against  the  Indians.  Bacon  made  repeated  efforts  to 
secure  a commission  from  the  governor,  and,  failing  in  this, 
proceeded  to  war  on  his  own  account,  destroying  much 
property  and  killing  one  hundred  and  fifty  of  the  enemy. 
Naturally,  at  the  ensuing  election  for  members  of  the  Assem- 
bly he  was  unanimously  chosen  for  one,  but  on  arriving  at 
Jamestown  was  arrested  and  his  sloop  destroyed.  However, 
the  governor,  admitting  that  he  was  a gentleman,  released 
him  on  his  parole.  Berkeley  got  him  to  confess  his  crime 
before  the  Assembly  and  then  publicly  forgave  him,  re- 
storing him  to  his  seat  in  the  council.  Bacon,  neverthe- 
less, sued  him  for  the  value  of  the  sloop  and  won  the  suit. 
As  soon  as  the  Assembly  took  up  the  public  grievances 
relative  to  revenues,  collectors,  and  the  like,  the  governor 
tried  to  confine  their  attention  to  Indian  affairs.  Friction 
was  imminent  over  several  matters,  when  “ one  morning 
early  a bruit  ran  about  the  town,  Bacon  has  fled.”  In  a 
few  days  he  returned  with  an  army,  and  Berkeley  tragically 
bared  his  breast  and  told  him  : “ Here ! shoot  me,  ’fore  God, 
fair  mark;  shoot!”  Bacon  declined  the  opportunity,  but 
insisted  upon  a commission  against  the  Indians,  and  went 
before  the  Assembly  to  obtain  it.  He  finally  received  it  and 
marched  against  the  enemy,  when  Berkeley  summoned  the 
militia  of  Gloucester  and  Middlesex,  supposed  to  be  loyal, 
and  proposed  to  “ follow  and  suppress  that  rebel.”  The 
militiamen  walked  out  of  the  field  and  left  the  governor  to 
himself,  and  thereupon  he  gave  up  the  contest  and  sailed 
over  Chesapeake  Bay  to  Accomac. 

Bacon,  on  hearing  of  the  trouble  behind  him,  marched 
promptly  back.  His  chief  advisers  throughout  were  said 
to  be  one  Mr.  Lawrence,  formerly  of  Oxford  University, 
noted  for  wit,  learning,  sobriety,  and  a sable  Venus,  and 
also  Mr.  Drummond,  lately  governor  of  Carolina.  T.  M. 
says  that  thoughtful  Mr.  Lawrence  was  at  the  bottom  of 
it  all,  but  it  seems  as  if  Bacon  was  the  head  and  front 


126 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


of  everything  himself.  He  summoned  a convention  at  the 
Middle  Plantation,  afterward  Williamsburg,  and  persuaded 
all  to  take  an  oath  to  aid  the  Indian  war  and  oppose  Sir 
William’s  designs,  if  he  had  any,  to  hinder  the  same,  and 
to  protect  the  general,  army,  and  friends  against  any  power 
that  should  be  sent  out  of  England,  until  the  country’s 
complaint  be  heard  before  king  and  Parliament.  He  also 
called  an  Assembly  and  sent  an  expedition  against  Berkeley 
at  Accomac,  but  this  was  unsuccessful,  and  its  leader,  Captain 
Carver,  was  hanged  on  shore.  Berkeley,  taking  advantage 
of  Bacon’s  absence,  entered  Jamestown,  but  found  his  men 
would  not  serve  against  the  general,  on  whose  return  the 
town  was  easily  recaptured.  Here  it  was  that  Bacon  vio- 
lated the  laws  of  war  as  recognized  even  in  that  day  by 
seizing  the  wives  of  his  leading  opponents,  including  Lady 
Berkeley,  and  standing  them  on  the  intrenchments  he  was 
erecting;  but  the  success  of  what  is  called  the  “white 
apron”  defence  became  famous.  Berkeley  fled  again  to 
Accomac;  and  to  prevent  Jamestown  from  being  a “harbor 
for  rogues”  any  more,  Bacon  burned  the  capital,  Drum- 
mond and  Lawrence  setting  fire  to  their  own  houses. 

The  situation  was  interesting.  The  lawful  governor  of 
Virginia  had  fled  to  the  peninsula  across  the  bay,  which 
was  thinly  inhabited,  and  it  may  be  a question  whether  the 
reinforcements  he  expected  from  England  or  the  army 
which  Bacon  was  quite  sure  to  bring  would  reach  him  first. 
Bacon  was  master  of  all  the  mainland,  and  the  first  rebellion 
in  America  seemed  almost  ready  to  be  dignified  with  the 
more  complimentary  term  “revolution.”  Suddenly  there 
came  an  event  which  changed  everything.  The  malaria 
about  Jamestown  which  had  so  hindered  the  early  settle- 
ment of  the  country  now  did  its  fell  work  upon  Nathaniel 
Bacon.  His  expeditions  against  the  Indians  were  in  wet 
weather,  and  finally  he  had  to  take  to  his  bed,  sick  of  fever 
and  flux.  Shortly  afterward  he  died,  October  I,  1677.  He 
was  succeeded  by  one  Ingram,  and  an  old  annalist  says 
that  “ the  lion  had  no  sooner  made  his  exit,  but  the  ape  (by 


THE  OLD  DOMINION 


I27 


indubitable  right)  steps  upon  the  stage.”  Whatever  of  fair- 
ness there  may  be  in  the  comparison,  certain  it  is  that 
Berkeley  took  the  offensive  and  soon  the  rebellion  went  to 
pieces. 

Lawrence  seems  to  have  put  stones  in  Bacon’s  coffin 
and  sunk  it  somewhere  in  York  River,  beyond  recovery; 
but  if  the  governor  could  not  find  the  dead  man,  he  at  least 
found  a number  of  live  ones  to  send  after  him.  The  last 
account  of  Mr.  Lawrence  himself  was  from  an  uppermost 
plantation,  as  with  four  others  he  marched  away  in  snow 
ankle  deep.  T.  M.  thinks  they  cast  themselves  into  a 
branch  of  a river,  but  it  is  possible  they  escaped  the  country. 
Drummond  was  not  so  fortunate,  for  he  was  captured.  On 
hearing  this,  Berkeley  came  on  shore  from  his  ship,  and, 
bowing  low,  said : “ Mr.  Drummond ! you  are  very  wel- 
come, I am  more  glad  to  see  you  than  any  man  in  Virginia. 
Mr.  Drummond,  you  shall  be  hanged  in  half  an  hour.”  To 
which  the  other  answered,  doubtless  with  as  courteous  a 
bow:  “What  your  honor  pleases.”  The  governor  was  out 
of  his  reckoning  only  a little,  for  it  seems  to  have  taken  two 
hours  to  have  a court  martial  and  erect  the  necessary  gibbet. 

The  actual  pacification  of  Virginia  was  carried  out  by 
three  commissioners  sent  from  England,  Jeffreys,  Mory- 
son,  and  Berry,  and  they  found  it  necessary  rather  to  protect 
the  late  insurgents  than  to  aid  the  governor,  who  treated 
even  them  with  scant  courtesy.  A list  of  executions 
signed  by  himself,  embracing  Commonwealth  soldiers  and 
others,  amounts  to  fourteen,  but  there  seem  to  have  been 
many  more,  enough  in  all,  as  report  had  it,  “ to  outnumber 
those  slain  in  the  whole  war  on  both  sides.”  Charles  II. 
said  “that  old  fool  has  hanged  more  men  in  that  naked 
country  than  I have  for  the  murder  of  my  father.”  His 
triumph  seemed  complete;  but  when  he  returned  shortly 
afterward  to  London,  his  majesty,  for  some  reason,  did  not 
receive  him,  and  the  governor  died  soon  afterward.  The 
commissioners  succeeded  in  their  task,  and  among  other 
things  made  a lasting  peace  with  the  Indians  by  which  the 


128 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


sovereignty  of  the  king  was  acknowledged  and  they  agreed 
to  pay  a quitrent  of  arrows. 

The  civil  disturbances  under  Bacon  led  not  only  to  the 
interruption  of  regular  occupations,  but  to  the  destruction 
of  stock  and  crops.  Although  tobacco  was  more  largely 
planted  than  ever,  within  a few  years  there  was  acute  dis- 
tress, and  the  council  and  the  Assembly  petitioned  the  govern- 
ment for  measures  to  compel  cessation  of  planting.  People 
had  even  begun  to  regret  their  large  plantations  and  wish 
for  the  building  of  towns,  so  that  other  than  agricultural  in- 
dustries might  flourish.  The  petition  was  refused,  no  doubt 
because  the  revenues  from  Virginia  amounted  to  £100,000 
and  the  navigation  of  the  kingdom  would  suffer,  although 
the  nominal  reason  was  that  if  there  was  this  cessation  the 
Spanish,  Dutch,  and  French  colonies  would  supply  the  world 
and  supplant  Virginia  entirely.  In  the  year  1682  two  Assem- 
blies sat  on  the  matter,  but  mob  law  was  quicker  and  more 
efficient.  The  people  commenced  cutting  down  their  own 
plants  and  those  of  their  neighbors,  the  movement  reaching 
its  height  in  Gloucester  County,  where  two-thirds  of  the 
tobacco  in  the  ground  was  destroyed  and  two  hundred  plan- 
tations desolated.  The  soldiers  who  came  over  to  repress 
Bacon’s  rebellion  had  to  be  used  to  suppress  this  economic 
disturbance.  Tobacco  fell  to  its  lowest  value;  the  next  year, 
on  account  of  the  enforced  stint,  it  brought  better  prices,  and 
for  a year  or  two  to  come  the  colony  was  reasonably  pros- 
perous and  contented.  A curious  result  was  that  in  1685 
there  was  omitted  in  the  instructions  given  to  Lord  Howard 
of  Effingham  the  time-honored  injunction  to  all  previous 
governors,  to  encourage  the  production  of  silk,  wine,  hemp, 
flax,  pitch,  and  pot  ashes,  and  this  from  fear  that  the  people 
actually  would  devote  themselves  to  these  things  and  thus 
lessen  the  growth  of  tobacco. 

Before  the  end  of  the  century  Virginia  had  exported  to 
England  over  fifteen  million  pounds  of  tobacco,  but  efforts 
were  still  made  in  other  directions.  Berkeley  had  succeeded 
in  sending  Charles  II.  three  hundred  pounds  of  silk,  and 


Copperplate  title  of  John  Smith’s  Generali  Historic  of  Virginia , 
Nevu- England,  and  the  Summer  Isles.  From  the  original  in  possession 
of  the  Historical  Society  of  Pennsylvania. 


THE  OLD  DOMINION 


129 


Charles,  who  was  a good  judge  of  women  and  other  luxu- 
ries, praised  the  Virginia  silk  as  equal  to  any  he  had  known. 
Flocks  of  sheep  became  common  about  the  time  of  the 
English  Revolution. 

It  would  be  interesting  to  follow  the  planter  through  his 
daily  life  and  with  him  to  look  through  his  house,  with  its 
large  hall  and  rooms,  gradually  becoming  more  pretentious 
and  in  course  of  time  filled  with  imported  furniture  and 
linen,  and  see  him  and  his  family,  clothed  more  and  more 
in  silk  and  lace  like  his  friends  in  England.  Particularly 
was  this  true  after  the  coming  of  the  Cavaliers,  between  the 
execution  of  Charles  I.  and  the  year  1670,  when  the  popu- 
lation advanced  from  fifteen  to  forty  thousand,  giving  an 
entirely  different  and  more  cultured  tone  to  Virginia.  But 
this  would  take  us  too  far  afield.  Suffice  it  that  in  the  front 
of  the  home,  called  in  the  case  of  plantations  the  “great 
house”  by  whites  as  well  as  negroes,  there  was  the  “yard,” 
generally  enclosed  by  fences  and  containing  the  flowers  and 
plants  so  dear  to  people  of  English  descent.  The  preva- 
lence of  timber  made  wooden  houses  usual,  although 
there  were  brick  kilns  from  an  early  date,  and  bricks  were 
long  used  for  foundations  and  chimneys.  Berkeley  built 
his  dwelling  at  Green  Spring  of  brick,  and  Bacon  burned 
three  brick  houses  owned  by  the  governor  in  Jamestown. 
Toward  the  end  of  the  century  such  dwellings  became 
more  common,  but  the  roofing  was  generally  of  cypress 
shingles,  slate  being  unknown  and  tiles  too  liable  to  injury. 
Glass  was  used  in  windows,  and  paint  was  a common  im- 
portation. It  was  the  custom  to  import  cloth  of  different 
kinds,  pewter,  and  many  other  things  in  bulk,  they  being 
made  up  as  they  were  needed.  Plates,  cups,  and  the  like 
were  of  pewter,  and,  although  case  knives  were  usual,  Vir- 
ginia pioneers  seemed  to  have  been  almost  unacquainted  with 
the  use  of  forks.  Silver  plate  frequently  occurs,  and  Byrd 
at  least  thought  it  a good  investment,  as  something  tangi- 
ble that  would  never  decrease  in  value.  While  the  lower 
classes  used  pine  knots,  the  upper  used  candles,  sometimes 


i3° 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


of  beeswax,  but  generally  perhaps  of  wax  from  the  myrtle 
berry,  common  in  the  South. 

From  homes  turning  to  churches,  we  learn  that  assem- 
blies, after  the  Restoration,  sent  a clergyman  to  England  to 
seek  improvement  in  ecclesiastical  affairs.  The  plan  favored 
there  was  to  make  Virginia  a bishopric,  and  it  is  said  that  a 
bishop  was  chosen.  Certain  it  is  that  Dean  Swift  desired 
the  position.  The  compensation  of  the  clergy  was  not 
regularly  paid,  even  in  tobacco,  and  the  size  of  the  parishes 
made  their  ministrations  difficult.  The  principal  trouble 
was  that  the  democratic  vestries  insisted  on  hiring  or  choos- 
ing their  own  pastors,  and  this  custom  was  steadily  and 
sturdily  persevered  in.  Bishop  Compton  seems  to  have 
sent  out  a London  preacher  named  James  Blair  to  Virginia, 
who,  after  the  Revolution,  became  his  commissary,  with  duty 
to  inspect  and  administer  discipline.  He  was  a Scotchman 
of  ability,  conscientious  and  thoroughly  efficient,  and  his 
activity  was  not  confined  to  Virginia,  for  Maryland  was 
also  much  benefited. 

Upon  the  English  Revolution,  whereby  James  II.  was 
driven  from  his  throne,  William  and  Mary  were  proclaimed 
in  April  of  the  next  year  as  Lord  and  Lady  of  Virginia, 
and  Governor  Lord  Howard  of  Effingham  was  succeeded 
in  1690  by  Francis  Nicholson,  who  had  been  Governor  of 
New  York.  He  laid  out  a city  at  the  Middle  Plantation 
of  Bacon’s  day  and  called  it  Williamsburg,  and  tried  to  ar- 
range its  streets  in  the  form  of  W and  M,  in  honor  of  the 
king  and  queen,  but  fortunately  did  not  perfectly  succeed. 
In  1691  the  college  of  William  and  Mary  was  founded 
there,  the  second  in  America.  There  had  been,  as  we  know, 
an  Indian  college  planned  at  Henricus,  but  George  Thorpe, 
who  designed  it,  was  killed  in  the  great  massacre  by  the 
savages  for  whom  he  was  laboring.  There  had  been  some 
schools,  but  it  was  left  for  James  Blair  to  make  the  college 
a success.  The  burgesses  sent  him  to  England,  and  the 
king  and  queen  granted  their  “well  beloved  in  Christ”  for 
his  college  a charter,  land  on  the  Pamunkey  and  elsewhere,  a 


THE  OLD  DOMINION 


131 

penny  a pound  on  exports  of  tobacco,  the  office  of  surveyor- 
general  with  its  fees,  arrears  of  quitrents,  and  a burgess  in 
the  Assembly.  The  Bishop  of  London  was  first  chancellor, 
and  the  institution  was  to  render  annually  to  the  governor 
two  copies  of  Latin  verses  on  the  5th  of  November.  Chris- 
topher Wren  planned  the  building,  and  at  the  first  com- 
mencement, in  1 700,  crowds  were  present  even  from  other 
colonies.  Fires  occurred  in  1705  and  several  times  after- 
ward; but  on  each  occasion  the  college  has  been  rebuilt. 
One  of  its  fellows  said  that  it  was  “ a college  without  a 
chapel,  without  a scholarship,  and  without  a statute,  a library 
without  books,  a president  without  a fixed  salary,  and  a bur- 
gess without  electors.”  It  is  true  that  for  long  it  was  little 
more  than  a boarding  school,  and  that  even  Blair  had  trouble 
with  the  propensity  of  young  Virginians  for  horseracing  and 
other  unintellectual  amusements.  But  he  persevered,  the 
college  lived,  and  it  remained  the  chief  seat  of  learning  in 
the  colony. 

Thus  we  reach  the  end  of  the  century.  The  formative 
and  experimental  period  had  passed.  Although  founded 
on  the  cultivation  of  a single  plant,  and  lacking  the  de- 
velopment which  grows  from  city  life,  Virginia  was  firmly 
established,  and  in  the  struggle  with  its  conditions  was  de- 
veloping a high  type  of  men.  The  substitution  of  William 
and  Mary  for  James  had  plunged  England  into  continental 
wars  which  were  to  bring  great  glory  upon  her  through  the 
campaigns  of  Marlborough,  and  the  time  was  coming  when 
her  contest  with  France  was  to  have  marked  results  for 
the  American  colonies.  For,  contemporaneously,  France 
was  exploring  the  interior  of  America,  and  after  the  momen- 
tary Peace  of  Ryswick  was  to  acquire  a firm  foothold  be- 
hind the  Alleghanies.  As  showing  Virginia’s  growth  also, 
the  accession  of  Queen  Anne  at  the  beginning  of  the  new 
century  sprinkled  the  country  with  variations  of  her  name. 
The  counties  of  Princess  Anne  and  Fluvanna,  the  rivers 
Rivanna,  North  and  South  Anna,  and  Rapidan  recall  the 
queen;  but  all  this  was  still  in  the  lowlands,  in  tidewater 


132 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


Virginia.  There  was  no  thought  as  yet  of  the  mountains 
and  beyond,  little  even  of  the  colonies  growing  up  to  the 
south.  In  1705  Virginia  slew  her  first  and  last  witch,  but 
to  redeem  that  she  then  codified  her  laws,  and  in  Beverly 
found  a native  and  worthy  chronicler  of  her  history.  Proud 
of  the  title  of  the  Old  Dominion,  derived  from  her  loyalty 
under  the  Commonwealth  and  from  the  motto  on  her  seal, 
En  dat  Virginia  quintum , ranking  her  as  an  equal  part  of  the 
United  Kingdom,  Virginia  continued  on  in  her  own  life,  not 
selfish,  but  self-reliant. 


CHAPTER  VII 


CAROLINA  UNDER  THE  PROPRIETORS 

One  becomes  so  accustomed  from  his  early  lessons  in 
geography  to  naming  the  Atlantic  States  from  top  to  bot- 
tom of  the  map,  that  he  instinctively  thinks  of  North  before 
South  Carolina.  And  yet  historically  they  for  a long  time 
constituted  but  the  one  colony  of  Carolina,  governed  from 
the  one  city  of  Charleston,  about  which  was  the  fuller  de- 
velopment. Although  later  settled  than  the  other  principal 
colonies,  South  Carolina  has  always  preserved  so  marked  an 
individuality  as  to  be  a study  not  less  interesting  than  any 
of  them.  The  courage,  the  high  spirit,  the  independence, 
and  the  love  of  home  which  have  made  this  little  State 
remarkable  have  given  it  a fame  far  out  of  proportion  to  its 
present  limits.  Its  beginnings,  therefore,  deserve  special 
attention,  for  they  throw  light  on  what  has  distinguished 
the  country  from  its  settlement  until  the  present. 

Somewhat  as  Mr.  Green  correctly  begins  the  study  of 
English  history  on  the  shores  of  Frisia,  whence  the  Anglo- 
Saxons  came,  for  the  beginnings  of  Carolina  we  must  not 
turn  to  England  as  in  the  case  of  Virginia  and  Massachusetts, 
but  to  another  quarter  of  the  globe.  The  spirit  of  explora- 
tion and  colonization  of  the  days  of  Elizabeth  and  James 
led  to  the  acquisition  by  England  of  islands  and  coun- 
tries in  many  parts  of  the  world.  Thus  came  several 
places  in  the  West  Indies  and  the  Caribbean  Islands,  and  not 
the  least  famous  of  these  was  Barbadoes.  This  little  island, 

I33 


*34 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


containing  hardly  one  hundred  and  sixty-six  square  miles, 
was  known  to  the  English  from  1605,  but  it  was  not  settled 
until  1625  under  a patent  of  James  I.  creating  Lord  Leigh, 
afterward  Earl  of  Marlborough,  its  proprietor.  The  year 
before,  King  James  had  granted  to  the  Earl  of  Carlisle 
the  twenty-two  Caribbean  Islands,  including  Barbadoes, 
although  the  patent  did  not  pass  the  seal  for  three  years. 
The  conflict  between  these  two  grants  continued  a long 
time,  and  yet,  nevertheless,  the  island  became  well  peopled 
and  prosperous.  It  was  the  first  English  colony  to  plant 
the  sugar  cane,  cultivated  by  negroes  brought  from  Africa, 
and  the  distance  from  England  enabled  its  people  to  develop 
institutions  of  their  own,  built  upon  slavery,  sugar  cane,  and 
a military  system,  all  tending  to  create  a spirit  of  independ- 
ence. It  had  an  Assembly,  among  whose  early  enactments 
was  a slave  code  of  severe  but  wholesome  nature,  and  the 
Church  of  England  and  the  parish  system  were  fully 
adopted.  During  the  civil  disturbances  it  was  neutral,  and 
under  the  Commonwealth  royalist.  The  Navigation  Ordi- 
nance and  later  Act  were  mainly  directed  against  this  little 
community,  which  finally  accepted  the  Commonwealth,  but 
with  practical  independence.  The  Restoration  brought  no 
advantages  to  the  faithful  colony,  for,  in  fact,  the  Navigation 
Act,  forbidding  foreign  ships  to  trade  with  the  colonies, 
was  made  more  stringent.  It  is  true  that  the  dispute  as  to 
the  two  patents  was  quieted,  but  it  was  by  imposing  a tax 
of  four  and  one-half  per  cent  upon  all  produce  to  provide  a 
fund  to  buy  out  the  contestants,  and  with  a proviso  that 
after  this  was  effected  the  proceeds  of  the  tax  should  go  to 
the  royal  treasury.  There  was  some  danger  of  overpopu- 
lation also,  for  about  this  time  the  island,  hardly  larger  than 
the  Isle  of  Wight,  contained  one  hundred  and  thirty  thou- 
sand people,  of  whom  fifty  thousand  were  whites.  To  its 
political  difficulties  were  added  disastrous  hurricanes,  and  the 
result  of  it  all  was  that  not  a few  Barbadians  were  inclined 
to  look  for  other  homes,  and  some  turned  their  eyes  toward 
the  continent  of  North  America. 


CAROLINA  UND.ER  THE  PROPRIETORS 


135 


There,  ever  since  the  unfortunate  fate  of  the  French 
under  Ribault  and  others,  the  territory  between  Virginia  and 
St.  Augustine  had  been  a debatable  land.  The  Spaniards 
extended  their  occupancy  of  the  islands  toward  the  north, 
kept  in  touch  with  the  Indians  of  the  mainland,  and  from 
time  to  time  explored  the  coasts,  with  the  primary  object 
now  of  keeping  off  English  intruders,  for  Spain’s  days  of 
active  advance  were  over,  although  she  did  not  know  it. 
In  1630  Charles  had  seen  fit  to  make  grants  of  all  the  region 
between  thirty-one  and  thirty-six  degrees,  from  the  Atlantic 
westward  to  the  South  Sea,  to  Sir  Robert  Heath,  the  attor- 
ney-general, under  the  name  of  Carolana.  This  patent  was 
not  to  be  the  one  under  which  settlement  was  actually 
made,  but,  as  a return  to  an  earlier  plan  of  colonization, 
and  a precedent  for  one  actually  carried  out,  this  instance 
of  the  proprietary  charter  deserves  study.  The  Heath  patent 
preceded  that  of  Maryland  to  Lord  Baltimore  in  1632  and 
of  Maine  to  Gorges  in  1639,  and  so  is  really  the  first  of 
those  upon  the  mainland  after  Raleigh’s. 

America  was  not  only  a field  of  colonization  of  differ- 
ent races,  but  for  different  kinds  of  colonization  by  the  same 
race.  We  have  seen  how  the  English  founded  Virginia  by 
a patent  to  men  prominent  in  the  time  of  Queen  Elizabeth 
and  King  James,  and  how  this  proved  inadequate  to  the 
ends  in  view.  It  was  found  that  a commercial  company, 
where  many  stockholders  risked  comparatively  little  each, 
succeeded  best;  but  this  plan  was  not  to  prevail  in  the  set- 
tling of  all  the  great  English  colonies  in  America.  In  some 
cases  the  crown  reverted  to  the  old  plan  of  a personal 
patent  because  of  special  conditions.  It  was  really  a rever- 
sion to  a remote  feudal  past.  Just  as  in  earlier  times  an 
outpost  had  been  established  on  the  Rhine  by  the  Carlovin- 
gians  to  protect  their  domains  from  the  heathen  Saxons  and 
called  the  “Palatinate”  because  ruled  by  an  officer  of  their 
palace;  just  as  the  Mark  of  Brandenburg  was  an  outlying 
province  designed  to  defend  the  march,  or  border,  of  Ger- 
many from  the  northeastern  savages, — so,  later,  the  Norman 


1 36 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


kings  of  England  established  the  principalities  or  counties 
palatine  of  Chester,  Lancaster,  and  Durham  on  the  borders 
of  Wales  and  Scotland  to  protect  the  boundaries.  No  more 
interesting  spot  of  land  exists  than  Durham,  at  once  a 
palatinate  and  the  seat  of  a bishop.  The  plan  of  such 
a grant  was  to  clothe  one  man  with  great  privileges,  both 
governmental  and  territorial,  giving  him  almost  royal  rights, 
so  that  he  would  be  the  better  able  to  perform  his  duties  as 
a watchman  on  the  frontier.  He  coined  money,  he  ap- 
pointed his  own  officials,  he  held  his  own  courts,  and 
originally  the  writs  and  officials  of  the  central  government 
had  no  effect  within  his  domain.  But  that  was  long  ago, 
and  in  the  time  of  Charles  I.  only  Durham  remained  a 
palatine.  No  such  privileges  as  the  grant  of  Maryland 
had  been  conferred  on  any  English  subject  since  the  Wars 
of  the  Roses.  And  yet,  it  seemed  appropriate  in  coloniza- 
tion, and  in  particular  presented  advantages  for  any  colony 
which  might  be  placed  between  the  well-established  prov- 
ince of  Virginia  and  her  foes,  whether  of  Indian  or  European 
origin.  Only  experience  was  to  tell  whether  people  emi- 
grating so  far  from  England  and  needing  so  much  self- 
reliance  to  make  a living  and  build  up  a country  would  be 
satisfied  to  take  their  law  from  a fellow  subject  and  be  cut 
off  from  the  constitutional  and  commercial  growth  which 
might  be  attained  by  their  kindred  at  home.  One  would 
hardly  think  that  the  matter  of  popular  rights  and  the  possi- 
bility of  popular  liberty  were  subjects  which  concerned  the 
-Stuarts,  and  yet  the  glorious,  if  unsuccessful,  struggle  of  the 
Virginia  Company  had  not  been  in  vain.  When  Charles  I. 
granted  his  charter  of  Carolana  to  Sir  Robert  Heath,  there 
was  an  important  limitation  of  the  absolute  powers  con- 
ferred by  the  charters  of  Queen  Elizabeth  upon  Raleigh 
and  others;  for  it  was  provided  that  Heath  should  enact 
laws  with  the  counsel,  assent,  and  approbation  of  the  major 
part  of  the  freeholders  of  the  province,  whom  as  often  as 
need  require  he  should  call  together.  It  is  true  that  this 
innovation  was  qualified  by  a right  in  the  proprietor  to  make 


CAROLINA  UNDER  THE  PROPRIETORS 


I37 


ordinances  in  emergencies,  but  as  the  colony  developed,  the 
general  rights  of  the  freeholders  would  in  the  nature  of  things 
become  prominent.  The  proprietor  was  given  the  right  to 
confer  titles,  provided  they  were  not  the  same  as  were  used 
in  England.  The  Carolana  patent  was  the  first  to  name  the 
famous  line  of  thirty-one  degrees  and  seems  designed  as  a 
guess  at  the  location  of  the  river  St.John’s,  on  which  was  the 
Spanish  post  of  San  Mateo  of  famous  memory.  The  claims 
of  Heath  descended  in  one  way  or  another  to  Daniel  Coxe, 
of  New  Jersey,  but,  somewhat  as  with  Barbadoes,  the  patent 
was  not  to  stand  in  the  way  of  future  grants.  Nothing  was 
done  by  Heath  or  his  successors,  and  ultimately  his  claim 
was  set  aside  by  legal  proceedings  because  of  inaction. 

Some  Dissenters  from  Virginia  made  their  way  across  the 
forests  to  Albemarle  in  1633,  thus  constituting  the  first 
settlement  in  Carolina,  although  it  was  not  to  be  embraced 
in  the  first  charter.  This  was  really  an  overflow  from  Vir- 
ginia, on  the  waters  consecrated  by  the  sufferings  and  death 
of  Raleigh’s  colonists,  and  will  therefore  always  be  looked 
at  with  tenderness.  They  were  largely  Quakers  and  others 
who  were  unwelcome  in  the  Old  Dominion,  somewhat 
similar  to  the  emigration  not  long  after  from  Massachusetts 
to  Connecticut  and  Rhode  Island.  Nothing  further  was 
done  under  the  Commonwealth,  but  in  1660  some  people 
came  from  Massachusetts  to  Cape  Fear  River;  their  stay, 
however,  was  only  temporary,  and  when  they  left  they  gave 
discouraging  reports  of  the  country.  The  real  settlement 
of  Carolina  was  to  be  from  the  south,  with  the  older  Albe- 
marle as  a loosely  connected  part.  It  is  the  fate  of  the 
territory  which  we  call  North  Carolina  not  to  have  had  an 
independent  beginning.  It  maintained,  however,  a continu- 
ous existence,  even  having  for  much  of  the  time  a separate 
governor  or  deputy-governor,  and  reached  a real  importance 
in  the  next  century.  At  that  time  it  will  be  more  convenient 
to  take  up  the  thread  of  its  story  again. 

We  have  arrived  at  an  important  epoch  in  colonization. 
The  old  personal  way  of  looking  at  history  makes  us  fix 


138 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


our  attention  too  much  upon  the  court  intrigues  of  the  time. 
With  little  in  his  personality  to  attract,  beyond  a species  of 
wit  and  selfish  good  nature,  the  age  of  Charles  II.  repre- 
sented a colonizing  spirit  unequalled  since  Elizabeth  and  her 
successor.  The  fevered  energy  which  in  Cromwell’s  day 
assumed  a military  shape  was  with  the  Restoration  diverted 
into  new  channels;  but  the  energy  remained  and  produced 
memorable  results,  much  as  the  restlessness  of  the  Eliza- 
bethan epoch  produced  the  colonization  of  James’s  time. 
Under  the  Commonwealth,  Jamaica  had  been  captured  from 
Spain,  and  now  it  was  made  a royal  colony,  while  its  smaller 
neighbor  Barbadoes  two  years  later  received  similar  institu- 
tions. Not  content  with  remodelling  these  distant  colonies, 
Charles  took  advantage  of  civil  distress  among  the  Dutch 
to  seize  in  1664  Manhattan,  their  greatest  American  colony, 
and  turn  it  over  to  his  brother  James,  the  Duke  of  York, 
to  become  the  more  famous  New  York;  and  in  other  seas 
and  under  other  skies  similar  energy,  often  untempered  by 
scruples,  was  also  shown.  It  was,  therefore,  only  a part 
of  the  onward  movement,  when  Charles  II.,  regardless  of 
the  claims  of  Spain,  undertook  by  his  patent,  or  charter,  as 
he  called  it,  of  March  24, 1663,  to  give  to  eight  of  his  warm 
friends,  or  “cousins  and  counsellors,”  the  province  hence- 
forward called  Carolina  upon  the  annual  payment  of  twenty 
marks  and  a quarter  of  all  its  gold  and  silver.  The  bounda- 
ries were  almost  the  same  as  in  the  disregarded  patent  to 
Heath,  extending  to  the  river  St.  Mathias,  within  thirty-one 
degrees,  although  two  years  later  they  were  extended  on  the 
south  even  to  twenty-nine  degrees  and  on  the  north  to  thirty- 
six  degrees  thirty  seconds,  thus  going  far  beyond  St.  John’s 
and  even  including  St.  Augustine  and  bloody  Matanzas. 
This  was  worse  than  bad  taste,  for  it  was  not  only  insulting 
Spain,  but  turning  over  the  country  to  private  proprietors 
who  probably  could  not,  and  who  certainly  did  not,  make 
good  the  claim  against  the  Spaniard.  The  result  was  to 
awaken  the  hostility  of  Spain  and  vastly  increase  the  diffi- 
culty of  settling  the  country. 


CAROLINA  UNDER  THE  PROPRIETORS 


!39 


The  eight  proprietors  were  prominent  men.  We  may 
mention  first  the  Earl  of  Clarendon,  who  was  the  com- 
panion in  exile  of  Charles;  and  it  was  his  daughters  Mary 
and  Anne  who,  after  the  expulsion  of  James  II.,  were 
queens  of  England.  Next  comes  the  Duke  of  Albemarle, 
George  Monk,  the  famous  general  who  effected  the  Resto- 
ration. He  did  not  hesitate  to  act  as  admiral  also,  and  on 
one  occasion  gave  at  sea  the  rather  military  command  for  his 
ship  to  “wheel  to  the  left.”  William,  Earl  Craven,  was 
another,  noted  during  the  civil  wars,  and,  although  aged,  he 
was  to  survive  the  other  proprietors.  John,  Lord  Berkeley, 
had  likewise  seen  active  service  in  the  Civil  War  and  was 
in  exile  under  the  Commonwealth.  While  Anthony  Ashley 
Cooper,  Lord  Ashley,  had  been  a turncoat  in  politics  and 
was  later  to  lose  the  confidence  of  royalty  and  die  an  exile, 
for  the  present  he  was  in  high  favor,  and  became  Chan- 
cellor of  England  and  Earl  of  Shaftesbury.  From  the  navy 
was  Sir  George  Carteret,  the  famous  officer  who,  as  Gov- 
ernor of  Jersey,  received  Charles  and  Clarendon  when 
fugitives,  and  who  commanded  Elizabeth  Castle  there,  the 
last  fortress  to  lower  the  Stuart  flag;  and  that  was  done  only 
on  the  express  command  of  the  king.  An  important  member 
was  Sir  John  Colleton,  who  had  not  only  been  active  in  the 
Civil  War  in  England,  but  was  among  those  who  held  Barba- 
does  for  the  king,  and  with  others  there  rewarded  by  the 
empty  honor  of  baronetage.  He  was  now  to  take  an  active 
interest  in  directing  people  from  the  island  to  the  continent. 
The  remaining  lord  proprietor  was  no  other  than  Sir  William 
Berkeley,  a brother  of  Lord  Berkeley  and  better  known  as 
Governor  of  Virginia.  Such  were  the  lord  proprietors  of 
Carolina.  There  was  much  to  hope  from  their  influence 
and  energy, — and  possibly  there  was  much  to  fear  from 
their  number  and  the  fact  that  each  had  more  important 
affairs  at  home. 

They  were  to  have,  use,  and  enjoy  their  territory  in  as 
ample  a manner  as  any  bishop  of  Durham  had  held,  used, 
or  enjoyed  his  county  palatine,  and  could  make  laws  with 


140 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


the  approbation  of  the  freemen,  whom  the  lord  proprietors 
should  from  time  to  time  assemble  in  such  manner  and 
form  as  to  them  should  seem  best.  The  province  of  Caro- 
lina was  to  be  of  his  majesty’s  allegiance,  and  its  people  the 
denizens  and  lieges  of  the  kingdom.  The  proprietors  and 
colonists  could  trade  with  the  natives  and  were  to  transport 
goods  without  hindrance  except  export  customs  and  dues, 
and  could  bring  into  his  majesty’s  dominions  certain  arti- 
cles, which  never  became  important,  without  paying  any 
duty  for  seven  years,  and  from  his  majesty’s  dominions  could 
export  free  all  necessary  tools.  The  proprietors  could  estab- 
lish ports  and  impose  customs;  they  could  build  forts  and 
towns  and  appoint  governors  and  magistrates;  could  grant 
charters  for  incorporation,  erect  markets,  and  hold  courts 
baron.  They  could  wage  war,  and  could  impose  martial 
law  in  case  of  rebellion.  They  were  given  the  right  to  build 
churches  and  chapels  according  to  the  ecclesiastical  laws  of 
England,  and  enjoy  the  patronage  thereof;  and  they  re- 
ceived full  liberty  and  authority  to  grant  indulgences  and 
dispensations  to  those  who  really  in  their  judgment  and  for 
conscience’  sake  could  not  conform  to  the  liturgies  and  cere- 
monies of  the  Church  of  England.  Finally,  they  could  also 
confer  upon  inhabitants  of  the  province  titles  of  honor 
different  from  those  used  in  England. 

The  proprietors  constituted  the  Quakers  who  remained 
at  Albemarle  adjoining  Virginia  into  a county  of  that  name, 
and  sent  a commission  to  Sir  William  Berkeley  as  its 
governor.  The  uneasiness  in  Barbadoes  caused  exploration 
to  be  undertaken  from  that  island  before  any  regular  effort 
was  made  from  England.  Barbadians  made  a proposition 
through  Sir  John  Colleton,  but,  without  waiting,  they  sent 
out  Captain  Hilton  in  the  Adventurer  in  the  fall  of  1663  to 
explore.  This  he  did  well,  although  nothing  came  of  it. 
In  1664  Sir  John  Yeamans,  under  a contract  with  the 
proprietors,  undertook  a colony  from  Barbadoes  to  Caro- 
lina, and  to  plant  what  was  to  be  known  as  the  County 
of  Clarendon,  of  which  he  would  be  governor.  He  was 


CAROLINA  UNDER  THE  PROPRIETORS 


141 

compelled  to  return  from  Cape  Fear,  where  a settlement  was 
made;  but  he  sent  Sandford  to  explore  to  the  southward, 
who  at  Edisto,  on  one  of  the  islands,  took  formal  possession 
of  the  whole  country  by  turf  and  twig.  Sandford  made  the 
acquaintance  of  caciques  and  other  Indians,  and  effected 
quite  a thorough  exploration  of  the  coast,  being  particu- 
larly pleased  with  Port  Royal,  and  he  it  was  who  renamed 
Kiawha  River  the  Ashley.  Little  or  nothing  was  seen  of 
the  Spaniards,  whose  forward  movement  in  colonization  had 
ceased.  Sandford  finally  returned  to  the  Barbadian  colony 
on  Cape  Fear  River,  where  some  authorities  have  it  that  Sir 
John  Yeamans  remained  as  governor,  ruling  like  a father. 
However,  the  colony  went  to  pieces  toward  the  close  of  the 
year  1667,  the  people  going  to  Albemarle  and  elsewhere,  and 
leaving  the  actual  settlement  of  Carolina  to  other  hands. 

Meanwhile,  in  England,  the  proprietors  had  effectually  got 
rid  of  the  claim  of  Sir  Robert  Heath  by  their  second  patent, 
1665.  Peace  came  between  England  and  Spain  two  years 
later,  and  the  lord  proprietors  set  about  the  double  duty  of 
providing  colonists  and  laws  for  them.  The  private  secre- 
tary of  Ashley  at  the  time  was  the  philosopher  John  Locke, 
and  he  was  appointed  to  draw  Fundamental  Constitutions 
for  the  new  colony.  Locke  set  to  work  with  zeal  and  pro- 
duced a remarkable  document.  It  aimed  at  an  elaborate 
system  of  government,  with  a feudal  nobility  of  landgraves 
and  caciques,  an  impracticable  subdivision  of  the  country 
into  counties,  signiories,  baronies,  precincts,  and  the  like,  and 
was  more  remarkable  as  the  effort  of  a philosophical  but 
impractical  mind  than  for  any  real  influence  it  had  upon  the 
development  of  the  country.  Even  the  proprietors  from 
the  beginning  recognized  this,  and  not  only  changed  their 
form  from  time  to  time,  until  we  have  five  or  more  editions, 
but  expressly  provided  Provisional  Laws  under  which  the 
colonists  should  act  until  the  time  was  ripe  for  putting  in 
force  the  Fundamental  Constitutions. 

The  other  undertaking  of  the  proprietors  was  to  send 
over  colonists.  Carolina  had  so  far  been  settled,  even  apart 


I42 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


from  Raleigh’s  experiment,  principally  toward  the  north, 
and  it  required  the  publication  of  Sandford’s  Relation , which 
gave  special  prominence  to  Port  Royal,  to  attract  the  atten- 
tion of  the  authorities  toward  the  south.  The  proprietors 
signed  an  agreement  by  which  each  contributed  ,£500, — 
worth  four  or  five  times  that  amount  in  present  currency, 
— with  the  further  agreement  for  £ 200  each  annually  for 
the  next  four  years.  With  this  money  they  purchased  three 
ships, — the  Carolina , the  Port  Royal , and  the  Albemarle , — 
and  loaded  them  with  stores  and  people.  Joseph  West  was 
put  in  general  command  until  arrival  at  Barbadoes,  where 
Sir  John  Yeamans  was  given  authority  to  appoint  a perma- 
nent governor.  Sir  John  accompanied  the  expedition  from 
that  place,  but  finally  returned,  appointing  William  Sayle, 
a Puritan  of  Bermuda,  as  governor.  The  expedition  stopped 
at  Sewee  Bay  and  then  went  to  Port  Royal,  where  the  first 
election  by  freemen  was  held  of  five  men  to  be  of  the 
council,  and  we  learn  that  for  some  reason  one  William 
Owen  contested  the  result  unsuccessfully.  After  sundry 
adventures  as  they  coasted  along,  including  buying  pork, 
washing  clothes,  and  losing  to  hostile  Spaniards  some  of 
those  sent  ashore,  they  arrived  at  Kiawha,  and  landed  on 
what  is  called  Albemarle  Point,  on  the  Ashley.  Here  they 
built  intrenchments  and  began  to  lay  out  a town,  thus 
beginning  what  is  known  as  Old  Charles  Town.  The 
site  was  low,  being  little  more  than  a marsh,  in  modern 
times  found  available  only  for  manufacturing  purposes.  It 
is  difficult  to  see  what  was  the  attraction,  but,  nevertheless, 
there  they  ran  streets,  built  a fort,  and  a settlement  came 
into  being.  Even  the  proprietors  in  England  apprehended 
that  the  location  would  probably  become  unhealthful,  and 
soon  directed  a change. 

Across  the  Ashley,  between  it  and  the  Wando,  now  re- 
named Cooper  River,  was  a long  peninsula  or  point,  itself 
marshy  and  intersected  by  bayous  in  part,  but  on  the  Cooper 
side  high  above  the  tide.  It  had  been  already  granted  out 
to  individuals,  but  they  surrendered  enough  of  their  land  to 


CAROLINA  UNDER  THE  PROPRIETORS 


H3 

afford  the  site  for  what  we  call  Charleston,  then  for  some 
time  called  New  Charles  Town.  The  old  settlement  was 
not  formally  abandoned,  but  from  1672  to  1679  migration 
thence  became  more  and  more  general.  The  new  place 
was  laid  out  in  streets  running  north  and  south  and  then  at 
right  angles,  bounded  north  and  south  by  small  creeks, 
where  the  present  Market  and  Water  Streets  are  found. 
Wharves  were  constructed  in  front,  and  fortifications, 
gradually  made  stronger  and  stronger,  surrounded  the  set- 
tlement to  the  rear.  From  the  beginning,  a lot  at  the 
corner  of  Broad  and  Meeting  Streets  was  reserved  for  a 
church,  of  course  Anglican,  and  the  quaint  characteristics 
of  Charleston  architecture  gradually  developed.  No  build- 
ings now  go  back  to  the  earliest  period,  but  in  no  American 
city  do  old  colonial  characteristics  more  strongly  appear. 
And  this  was  so  because  the  city  was  for  so  long  prac- 
tically the  whole  colony.  Almost  inaccessible  to  Indian 
attack  itself,  the  colonists  extended  inland  from  its  fortifica- 
tions only  by  degrees.  First,  plantations  and  homes  gathered 
on  each  side  of  the  long,  shaded  road  traversing  the  centre 
of  the  peninsula,  until  finally  there  were  settlers  on  the  other 
side  of  the  Wando,  such  as  the  influential  colony  at  Goose 
Creek,  and  those  at  other  points  gradually  won  by  war  or 
treaty  from  the  Indians.  The  savages  in  the  immediate 
neighborhood  were  friendly,  and  there  was  no  great  difficulty 
in  obtaining  grants  of  land  for  what  was  almost  humorously 
expressed  as  a valuable  piece  of  cloth  and  beads,  and  for 
similar  desirable  considerations.  One  of  these  documents 
even  acquired  from  the  Edistos  and  others  all  the  interior  to 
the  Appalachian  Mountains,  regardless  of  the  fact  that  the 
grantors  belonged  on  the  sea  and  that  the  Cherokees  claimed 
and  controlled  the  greater  part  of  what  was  described. 

The  proprietors  were  not  dilatory  in  sending  colonists, 
and  in  one  way  or  another  the  population  gradually  grew; 
so  that  while  in  1671  there  were  some  four  hundred  whites, 
besides  a few  slaves,  about  1680  the  people  numbered  twelve 
hundred,  and  this  was  doubled  in  the  next  five  years.  They 


*44 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


were  principally  English,  Scotch,  or  Irish,  although  there 
was  some  aversion  for  a long  time  to  admitting  “such  dan- 
gerous people  as  papist  Irishmen.”  The  very  year  that 
Charles  Town  was  fully  settled,  there  were  negotiations  for 
the  coming  of  some  Huguenots.  It  is  possible  that  others 
were  in  Carolina  already,  but  the  persecutions  in  France  at 
this  time,  culminating  in  1685  in  the  Revocation  of  the  Edict 
of  Nantes  by  Louis  XIV.,  caused  a general  emigration  of 
that  industrious  portion  of  the  people,  and  it  was  not  un- 
natural that  some  of  them  looked  with  favor  to  the  country 
where  their  great  leader  Coligny  a hundred  years  before  had 
planted  a colony.  This  disposition  was  aided  by  the  efforts 
of  the  English  government,  instigated  by  influential  proprie- 
tors, so  that  first  and  last  there  were  several  immigrations 
of  the  Huguenots.  They  naturally  settled  near  each  other, 
selecting  for  this  purpose  the  east  branch  of  Cooper  River, 
which  became  known  as  the  Orange  Quarter,  and  afterward 
the  parish  of  St.  Denis,  while  other  Huguenots  subsequently 
occupied  the  more  distant  region  about  Santee  River.  The 
British  colonists,  strange  to  say,  regarded  these  with  some 
suspicion,  and  their  position  became  a matter  of  politics. 
The  Dissenters  and  Barbadians  in  the  neighborhood  of 
Goose  Creek  opposed  their  being  recognized  as  citizens,  and 
gradually  they  affiliated  with  the  Anglicans.  The  church  at 
Santee  was  already  English,  but  the  Huguenots  after  a while 
made  it  practically  their  own,  even  adopting  the  English 
liturgy.  In  town  there  was  also  what  was  known  as  the 
Huguenot  church,  erected  about  1687,  possibly  the  oldest 
French  church  in  Carolina.  It  has  certainly  survived  all 
the  others,  retaining  its  own  forms  and  services  to  the 
present  day. 

Town  life  exercised  much  greater  influence  in  Carolina 
than  in  the  other  colonies,  and  there  was  early  an  attempt  to 
found  another  city  than  Charlestown.  In  1682  there  was 
a movement  to  colonize  about  Port  Royal,  the  old  Santa 
Helena,  a number  of  Scots,  themselves  sufferers  under  op- 
pression at  home;  and  Lord  Cardross  came  the  next  year  and 


CAROLINA  UNDER  THE  PROPRIETORS 


H5 


founded  Stuarttown,  having  a population  variously  stated  as 
from  ten  families  up.  This  settlement  was  to  be  measur- 
ably independent  of  Charlestown,  and  is  an  instance  of  the 
lack  of  consideration  on  the  part  of  the  proprietors.  It 
seemed  as  if  Port  Royal  was  to  be  always  the  test  point. 
The  Spaniards  had  always  claimed  it,  and  if  they  had  been 
sleeping  heretofore  they  now  awoke  and  hardly  permitted 
the  Scots  to  become  well  settled.  The  approaching  attack 
was  foreseen  and  attempts  were  made  to  get  cannon  from 
Charlestown,  but  in  vain.  In  1686,  the  enemy  came  in  three 
galleys,  one  hundred  white  men  accompanied  by  Indians 
and  negroes,  whom  the  few  already  at  the  new  colony  were 
unable  to  oppose.  Of  the  Scots,  some  were  killed,  others 
taken  prisoners,  and  the  settlement  plundered  and  blotted 
out;  for  although  the  Spaniards  were  no  longer  able  to  oc- 
cupy the  beautiful  bay  themselves,  they  were  determined  to 
prevent  the  English  from  doing  so.  And  yet,  in  this  instance 
they  all  but  went  too  far.  The  people  of  Charlestowm  had 
lent  no  assistance  to  the  incoming  Scots,  but  at  least  they 
were  roused  to  vengeance  and  prepared  a formidable  expedi- 
tion to  attack  St.  Augustine.  A disavowal,  however,  was 
received  from  the  governor  of  that  place;  the  authorities  in 
Carolina  accepted  it,  and  the  colonists  had  to  yield  reluc- 
tantly to  a policy  dictated  by  supposed  interests  of  the 
proprietors  in  England. 

The  Huguenots  had  been  invited  on  the  supposition  that 
they  would  introduce  the  manufacture  of  silk  and  other 
French  industries,  but  such  result  did  not  follow.  The  first 
hopes  in  the  early  colonies  had  been  to  find  mines  of  gold 
and  silver,  and  even  in  Carolina  some  venturesome  trav- 
ellers found  ore  in  the  northwestern  mountains;  but  the 
Board  of  Trade  justly  laid  little  stress  upon  mines.  We 
remember  that  Virginia  became  important  only  after  the 
discovery  of  tobacco,  and  that  it  was  this  plant  which  gave 
a great  impetus  to  slavery,  and  now  Carolina  was  to  have  a 
somewhat  similar  experience.  From  a time  which  was 
early,  but  uncertain,  rice  was  known  about  Charlestown, 


146 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


although  it  is  a matter  of  some  doubt  who  introduced  it. 
The  ordinary  story  of  the  bag  of  rice  obtained  by  Land- 
grave Smith  from  a brigantine  from  Madagascar  calling  in 
1693  not  now  relied  upon,  for  we  know  that  it  was  tried 
many  years  earlier.  At  all  events,  when  introduced  it  was 
found  to  be  prolific  in  the  cypress  swamps,  where  the  white 
man  could  not  live  but  the  negro  flourished,  and  the  eco- 
nomic result  was  that  slavery  became  as  important  for 
Carolina  as  it  had  been  for  Barbadoes.  Furs  and  skins 
were  early  obtained  from  the  Indians  by  trade,  and  by  1710 
Carolinians  are  heard  of  seven  hundred  miles  in  the  interior. 
Thus  peltries,  rice,  and  some  silk  were  exported  to  England, 
while  meat,  vegetables,  hides,  staves,  and  the  like  were  sent 
to  Barbadoes  and  the  West  Indies.  Commerce  so  increased 
that  as  early  as  1680  sixteen  sail  at  one  time  were  counted 
in  the  port. 

The  Fundamental  Constitutions  or  varying  Temporary 
Laws,  which  really  took  the  place  of  other  legislation,  pro- 
vided for  a governor,  council,  and  parliament,  or  assembly 
as  it  came  to  be  called.  There  were  constant  disputes  as 
to  the  initiative  in  legislation,  and  everything  was  subject  to 
approval  of  the  palatine  court,  the  assembled  proprietors  in 
England.  It  was  not  long  before  the  popular  Assembly 
realized  its  importance,  for  everything  done  in  a new  coun- 
try appeals  to  its  inhabitants,  and  people  become  restive 
under  laws  reaching  them  from  a distance,  made  under  dif- 
ferent circumstances.  The  first  governor  was  Sir  John 
Yeamans,  but  the  first  actually  in  Charlestown  was  William 
Sayle,  who  died  in  1670.  Joseph  West  followed  him,  to 
be  removed  by  the  proprietors  in  two  years,  and  to  succeed 
Yeamans  again  after  two  years  more.  Then  came  several 
short  terms,  among  them  that  of  West  again,  and  two  terms 
by  Joseph  Morton,  until  James  Colleton  was  appointed  by 
the  proprietors  in  1686.  He  it  was  that  prevented  the 
invasion  of  Florida  and  by  a number  of  other  acts  made 
himself  unpopular  and  caused  the  first  of  the  many  revolu- 
tions of  Carolina.  He  was  driven  out  in  the  year  1690 


CAROLINA  UNDER  THE  PROPRIETORS 


*47 


and  succeeded  by  that  able,  if  unscrupulous,  politician,  Philip 
Sothell,  a proprietor  who  showed  a rather  antiquated  cer- 
tificate of  his  right  to  office;  for  he  had  been  captured  by 
Algerines  and  was  a long  time  on  the  way.  The  proprietors 
had  been  wavering  in  regard  to  the  Fundamental  Consti- 
tutions, and  now  showed  their  weakness  in  disowning  the 
new  governor  and  yet  permitting  him  to  retain  his  authority. 
Revolutions  were  the  order  of  the  day.  The  English  Revo- 
lution of  1688  had  made  William  and  Mary  sovereigns 
at  home,  and  the  governors  representing  the  too  absolute 
James  II.  had  trouble  in  all  the  colonies.  Sothell  had 
himself  been  driven  out  of  Albemarle,  but  made  a very 
good  governor  in  Charlestown.  Despite  jealousy  of  the 
French  and  Swiss,  he  succeeded  in  enforcing  the  citizenship 
of  these  colonists,  who  were  filling  Craven  County  and  the 
Santee  country.  Sothell  also  secured  the  passage  of  the  first 
code  concerned  with  negro  slaves,  modelled  upon  that  of 
Barbadoes,  but  an  improvement  thereupon.  Ludwell,  who 
had  succeeded  Sothell  in  Albemarle,  now  succeeded  him  at 
Charlestown. 

The  country  was  now  beginning  to  fill  up  with  settlers. 
Craven  County  extended  to  Sewee  Bay,  thus  including  the 
Santee  settlement,  while  Berkeley  embraced  the  country 
from  Sewee  to  the  Edisto,  and  beyond  that  lay  Colleton. 
Under  Ludwell  the  beginning  was  made  of  the  settlement 
at  Savannah  Town,  the  place  afterward  known  as  Fort 
Moore,  high  up  on  Savannah  River  and  convenient  for  trade 
with  the  Indians.  Berkeley,  although  it  was  the  most  thickly 
settled,  had  no  more  delegates  in  the  colonial  parliament  than 
Colleton,  while  Craven  was  given  six,  although  its  popula- 
tion was  even  less  and  part  of  it  French,  and  over  this  was 
much  dispute.  The  Assembly  seems  to  have  united  in  what 
is  sometimes  called  a Bill  of  Rights,  signed  by  the  speaker, 
defining  the  points  of  difference  between  the  colonists  and 
the  proprietors.  Some  of  these  related  to  the  fact  that  the 
proprietors  did  not  all  unite  in  their  instructions,  and  others 
were  as  to  fees  and  courts,  the  representation,  and  perhaps 


148 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


most  particularly  to  the  rule  that  no  measure  became  a law 
until  the  consent  was  obtained  of  the  proprietors. 

John  Archdale,  from  Albemarle,  was  appointed  governor 
by  the  proprietors  in  1694,  being  a Dissenter  like  his  imme- 
diate predecessors,  Smith  and  Blake.  Although  a Quaker, 
he  found  no  difficulty  in  accepting  the  title  of  landgrave 
and  becoming  one  of  the  proprietors  by  an  attempted  pur- 
chase of  Sir  William  Berkeley’s  share.  He  made  a very 
acceptable  governor,  but  his  term  was  short  and  it  was 
under  his  successors  that  political  questions  became  acute. 
There  was  a standing  difference  between  the  Assembly  and 
the  proprietors  as  to  the  Fundamental  Constitutions,  which 
were  fundamentally  altered  so  often  as  to  fall  into  disrespect. 
Never  having  been  adopted  by  the  consent  of  the  freemen, 
as  required  in  the  charter,  and  being  in  their  very  nature 
not  the  temporary  laws  which  that  instrument  allowed  the 
proprietors  to  enact,  they  became  the  crux  of  Carolina 
politics  and  the  means  of  educating  the  colonists  in  political 
thought  and  discussion.  From  the  beginning  the  people 
were  strict  constructionists,  relying  upon  the  charter  as 
being  more  fundamental  than  the  Constitutions.  The  pro- 
prietors at  first  ingeniously  required  colonists  before  or  on 
arrival  to  agree  to  support  these  laws,  but  this  was  naturally 
considered  an  evasion  of  the  charter  itself. 

The  board  of  proprietors  soon  went  to  pieces  from  death, 
minority,  and  non-residence;  and  at  the  time  of  the  English 
Revolution,  of  the  original  number  only  Craven  was  living. 
Colleton  had  been  the  first  to  die,  and  after  a while  his  share 
was  represented  by  the  guardian  of  his  grandson;  Claren- 
don had  died  in  exile  in  1764,  his  share  going  to  Sothell; 
Albemarle  had  died  even  earlier,  and  his  share  was  long  in 
litigation.  Sir  John  Berkeley  did  not  pay  up  his  assess- 
ments and  early  lost  interest,  and  so  on  his  death  in  1682 
the  proprietors  appropriated  his  share.  Shaftesbury  intrigued 
with  Monmouth,  and,  after  being  confined  in  the  Tower, 
died  in  1683  in  Amsterdam.  Carteret  died  in  1679,  and  his 
grandson  now  represented  him.  Sir  William  Berkeley  had 


CAROLINA  UNDER  THE  PROPRIETORS 


149 


died  two  years  earlier,  and  the  controversy  over  his  interest 
was  not  settled  until  after  the  end  of  the  proprietorship. 
Such  an  incoherent  board,  non-resident,  and  ignorant  of 
actual  conditions,  could  hardly  be  expected  to  contend  suc- 
cessfully with  the  active  and  growing  colony  across  the  sea, 
and  yet  with  the  conservatism  inherent  in  Englishmen  the 
colonists  long  permitted  affairs  to  drift  in  their  old  course. 
The  struggle  over  the  Fundamental  Constitutions  was,  how- 
ever, practically  ended  in  the  time  of  Governor  Nathaniel 
Johnston  in  1702;  and  although  this  abandonment  was  due 
to  weakness  on  the  part  of  the  proprietors,  it  was  really  the 
means  of  prolonging  their  power  in  Carolina. 

Other  questions  took  its  place,  for  the  colony  made  con- 
siderable progress  in  every  way.  Regular  courts  had  been 
instituted,  the  first  chief  justice  being  Edmund  Bohun  in 
1698;  the  celebrated  Nicholas  Trott,  who  had  been  of 
unsavory  reputation  as  Governor  of  Providence,  was  the 
first  attorney-general,  and  he  succeeded  four  years  later  to  a 
long  and  famous  term  as  chief  justice.  The  year  before,  it 
had  been  necessary  to  create  a court  of  admiralty  on  account 
of  the  growth  of  the  port  and  the  prevalence  of  piracy. 
The  same  famous  year  1698  saw  the  establishment  of  the 
first  free  public  library  in  America  and  also  of  a foreign 
post  office  at  Charlestown,  and  next  year  told  the  very 
different  tale  of  a yellow  fever  epidemic  and  a disastrous 
hurricane. 

Church  affairs  were  the  chief  domestic  question  at  the 
beginning  of  the  new  century,  at  which  time  there  is  some 
doubt  whether  the  Anglicans  or  the  Dissenters  were  the  more 
numerous  in  the  province.  The  charter  had  declared  the 
Church  of  England  to  be  the  established  church  of  Carolina, 
and  the  provision  for  toleration  was  expressed  in  terms 
which  seemed  to  make  it  only  optional  with  the  proprietors. 
The  report  of  one  of  the  earliest  ministers  from  Charles- 
town indicated  great  laxity  in  morals,  but  it  may  be  that 
the  picture  was  overdrawn.  The  ministers  had  always  been 
active,  sometimes  too  much  so,  mixing  up  also  in  political 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


150 

matters,  and  with  the  accession  of  Queen  Anne  in  England 
a burst  of  Toryism  and  ecclesiastical  reaction  set  in,  reach- 
ing even  the  colony  of  Carolina.  It  was  in  its  religious 
features  aided  by  the  foundation  about  the  same  time  of  the 
Society  for  the  Propagation  of  the  Gospel  in  Foreign  Parts. 
As  a result  of  it  all,  in  1704  an  Assembly,  whose  election 
was  not  above  doubt,  adopted  an  act  to  require  members  to 
conform  to  the  religious  worship  of  the  Church  of  England; 
and  it  was  quickly  passed,  signed,  and  approved,  despite 
great  outcry  in  the  house  and  in  the  colony.  It  provided 
also  for  the  building  of  six  churches;  and  in  1706  the 
colony  was  divided  into  ten  parishes,  Charlestown  being 
St.  Philip’s,  and  the  others  in  Berkeley  County  were  Christ 
Church,  St.  Thomas’s,  St.  John’s,  St.  James’s,  St.  Andrew’s, 
and  in  Orange  Quarter  the  French  parish  of  St.  Denis.  In 
Colleton  County  were  St.  Paul’s  and  St.  Bartholemew’s,  and 
in  Craven  the  French  church  of  St.  James’s  Santee.  Most 
of  these  names  and  certainly  the  spirit  of  the  whole  legisla- 
tion were  borrowed  from  Barbadoes,  but  one  innovation,  an 
important  one,  was  that  the  pastors  were  to  be  chosen  by 
election  of  the  people  instead  of  being  presented  by  a bishop 
or  the  proprietors.  There  was  no  bishop  in  America,  but 
in  some  accidental  way  the  Bishop  of  London  had  gradually 
become  looked  up  to  as  the  head  of  the  American  Church. 
His  jurisdiction,  however,  was  denied  in  Maryland  and  the 
West  Indies,  in  Jamaica  the  governor  being  the  head  of 
the  Church.  The  Church  acts  also  provided  a lay  board 
for  the  control  and  removal  of  improper  pastors,  a pro- 
vision afterward  disapproved  in  England,  but  it  seemed  to  be 
wise  as  providing  some  method  of  discipline  for  the  Church 
in  America. 

The  Indian  policy  of  the  Carolinians  was  more  peace- 
able than  that  of  Virginia.  The  original  idea  of  the  pro- 
prietors had  been  to  appropriate  such  land  as  they  wanted, 
conquering  the  Indians  as  they  went,  but  Shaftesbury  is 
given  credit  for  the  plan  by  which  land  was  bought  as 
needed.  This  course  was  generally  pursued,  and  there  was 


CAROLINA  UNDER  THE  PROPRIETORS 


!5I 

comparatively  little  friction  with  the  natives.  The  first 
serious  conflict  grew  out  of  civil  commotion  among  the 
whites  themselves,  for  the  little  settlement  of  Albemarle,  far 
removed  from  the  influence  of  Charlestown  and  the  over- 
sight of  the  proprietors,  was  often  subject  to  civil  strife. 
John  Lawson,  the  famous  explorer,  was  in  1711  engaged  in 
surveying  for  a Swiss  colony  from  Berne,  under  an  arrange- 
ment made  in  Europe  by  the  proprietors,  and  Baron  de 
Graffenried  was  with  him  on  Neuse  River  at  the  time  of 
one  of  the  factional  struggles,  this  time  between  Moseley 
and  Pollock.  Unfortunately,  the  land  was  claimed  by  the 
Tuscarora  Indians,  a brave  and  powerful  tribe,  and  they 
were  led  to  believe  that  the  Swiss  were  trying  to  expel 
them.  As  a result  they  seized  Lawson  and  the  baron, 
killing  the  former  by  piercing  him  with  pine  splinters  and 
setting  them  on  fire,  and  soon  began  massacring  in  the 
Albemarle  district.  A special  messenger  was  hurried  to 
Charlestown  for  assistance,  which  was  promptly  sent  under 
Colonel  Barnwell,  who  took  with  him  militia,  two  hundred 
and  eighteen  Cherokees,  and  some  Creeks,  Catawbas,  and 
Yamasis.  They  came  up  with  the  enemy  at  an  Indian 
fort  in  January,  1712,  and  were  only  prevented  from  exter- 
minating them  by  the  presence  of  white  captives  with  the 
savages.  As  it  was,  over  three  hundred  Indians  were  killed, 
and  then,  after  making  what  he  supposed  was  a binding 
treaty,  Barnwell,  himself  wounded,  returned  to  Charlestown. 
Unfortunately,  for  some  cause  or  other,  the  Tuscaroras 
almost  immediately  resumed  war;  and  another  expedition 
was  undertaken  next  year,  this  time  under  Colonel  James 
Moore,  son  of  the  governor.  The  troops  consisted  of  forty 
white  men  and  eight  hundred  Indians,  and  Fort  Nahucke 
was  taken  and  many  hostiles  slain  or  captured.  The  blow 
was  so  great  that  the  Tuscaroras  as  a whole  abandoned 
the  country,  going  north  to  become  the  sixth  nation  of  the 
Iroquois  confederacy. 

The  Cape  Fear  settlements  had  ceased  to  exist,  but  be- 
sides New  Berne  there  was  after  1715  a kind  of  capital 


152 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


at  Edenton  for  what  was  already  called  North  Carolina. 
The  explorations  of  Lederer  as  well  as  of  the  unfortunate 
Lawson  had  led  to  better  knowledge  of  the  interior,  and 
there  was  only  lacking  a political  recognition  of  the  differ- 
ence of  the  two  Carolinas,  with  better  organization  of  the 
lands  won  from  the  Indians  on  the  rivers  discharging  north 
of  Cape  Fear,  to  induce  immigration. 

As  if  to  show  the  unity  of  Carolinian  history,  the  people 
about  Charlestown  soon  suffered  an  invasion  similar  to  that 
of  North  Carolina.  The  Yamasis  had  been  friendly  to 
the  English,  having  been  their  allies  in  the  Spanish  war  and 
even  in  the  Tuscarora  expeditions,  but  their  contiguity  to 
the  whites  led  to  encroachment  and  misunderstanding,  and 
at  last  some  of  their  chiefs  renewed  the  old  intimacy  at 
St.  Augustine.  Theirs  was  the  fatal  country  which  had  seen 
the  failure  of  the  Huguenots  and  the  wiping  out  of  the 
Cardross  colony,  and  now  the  project  to  settle  the  town  of 
Beaufort  again  aroused  the  hostility  of  the  Spaniards.  They 
worked  upon  the  jealousy  of  the  lowland  Indians,  while  the 
whole  of  the  up-country  tribes  at  this  time  became  alienated, 
due  to  the  advance  of  the  French  from  Mobile  and  their 
building  Fort  Toulouse  high  on  the  headwaters  of  the  Ala- 
bama. In  1715  there  was  an  alliance  formed  between  the 
Yamasis,  Cherokees,  and  others,  its  influence  extending 
even  to  Cape  Fear  River,  designed  for  the  complete  exter- 
mination of  the  English.  Beginning  at  Pocotaligo,  the 
massacre  extended  through  Colleton,  Goose  Creek,  and  even 
to  the  Santee.  Governor  Craven  implored  assistance  from 
the  proprietors,  but,  better  yet,  with  the  Assembly  took  active 
steps  to  save  the  colony.  And  it  was  well  he  did,  for  the 
proprietors  took  only  interest  enough  to  meet  in  London 
and  declare  that  they  had  no  money  to  expend,  and  that  the 
colony  must  rely  upon  assistance  from  the  royal  govern- 
ment. The  Board  of  Trade  was  to  take  the  hint  and  ask 
the  quashing  of  the  charter,  but  in  the  meantime  the  pressing 
matter  was  war  against  the  Indians.  Moore,  Barnwell,  and 
Mackay  were  active  leaders,  and  six  hundred  whites  and  four 


CAROLINA  UNDER  THE  PROPRIETORS 


I53 


hundred  negroes  were  enrolled  in  companies.  North  Caro- 
lina promptly  sent  assistance,  and  soldiers  came  from  Vir- 
ginia, but  under  the  humiliating  terms  of  payment  for  them 
by  South  Carolina.  However,  Craven  finally  succeeded 
in  driving  out  the  Indians,  and  sent  Chicken  and  Moore 
across  the  Savannah  at  Fort  Moore  to  follow  the  savages 
through  the  Cherokee  country  even  to  the  Hiwassee.  Four 
hundred  whites  had  been  killed  and  much  property  lost, 
besides  ^10,000  in  debts  to  the  traders,  but  the  full  respect 
of  the  Indians  had  been  earned  and  no  war  in  future  was 
ever  to  assume  such  proportions.  The  Yamasis,  forced  out 
of  Carolina,  were  welcomed  at  St.  Augustine  with  bells  and 
salutes.  Their  lands  were  now  finally  seized  by  the  British. 

The  commerce  of  Charlestown  had  been  steadily  grow- 
ing. From  sixty-eight  vessels  entered  in  the  year  1706, 
there  were  one  hundred  and  twenty-one  after  the  treaty  of 
Utrecht  closed  the  war  with  France,  increasing  two  years 
later  to  one  hundred  and  sixty-two.  The  city  walls  being 
found  in  the  way,  they  were  demolished.  When  peace  was 
conquered  from  the  Yamasis,  the  parish  system  of  Barba- 
does  was  adopted  and  provision  made  for  somewhat  de- 
centralizing the  government  and  electing  representatives  in 
the  country  precincts.  This  did  not  mean  any  extension 
of  ecclesiastical  rights,  but  was  merely  an  adoption  for 
political  purposes  of  the  parish  divisions  of  the  country.  It 
was  to  be  disapproved  by  the  proprietors  and  to  become 
another  ground  of  complaint,  but  for  the  present  a more 
absorbing  matter  of  interest  was  found  in  the  pirates  in- 
festing the  high  seas.  During  the  French  war  there  had 
been  privateers  and  other  vessels  exercising  war  rights,  and 
with  the  close  of  hostilities  this  same  energy  was  continued 
piratically  until  it  was  said  that  there  were  fifteen  hundred 
men  on  the  coasts,  their  operations  extending  from  New- 
foundland to  South  America.  Eight  hundred  were  at 
Providence,  which  became,  as  it  were,  their  capital,  and 
when  Great  Britain  drove  them  thence  they  only  trans- 
ferred their  operations  to  the  landlocked  waters  of  North 


154 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


Carolina.  There  have  been  slurs  from  early  times  as  to 
the  complicity  of  the  Carolinians  with  these  enemies  of  the 
human  race,  but  they  seem  undeserved.  In  fact,  the  acts 
of  the  pirates  seriously  injured  the  commerce  of  the  prov- 
ince, and  Governor  Daniel  was  energetic  in  opposing  them; 
in  1717  a number  were  captured,  tried,  and  executed.  His 
successor,  Robert  Johnson,  was  even  more  active;  he  asked 
the  proprietors  for  armed  vessels  to  protect  the  Carolina 
commerce,  saying  that  “hardly  a ship  goes  to  sea  but  falls 
into  the  hands  of  the  pirates.”  But  all  to  no  effect. 

Possibly  the  most  celebrated  of  these  desperadoes  were 
Blackbeard  Teatch  and  Stede  Bonnet.  Colonel  Rhett  was 
sent  out  with  two  sloops,  and  attacked  the  Royal  'James 
under  the  command  of  Bonnet  in  Cape  Fear  River.  For 
five  hours  they  bombarded  each  other,  but  the  rising  flood 
gave  Rhett  the  advantage,  and  the  pirates  surrendered.  The 
surrender  did  not  protect  them  from  trial.  Nicholas  Trott 
was  judge  of  the  vice-admiralty  court,  and  his  charge  to  the 
grand  jury,  with  all  its  roughness,  contains  much  good  law. 
The  pirates  were  duly  convicted  and  executed.  The  gov- 
ernor himself  had  experiences  similar  to  Rhett’s  and  shortly 
afterward  captured  other  pirates,  and  finally  the  piracy  was 
broken  up.  Teatch,  alias  Blackbeard,  had  been  killed  in 
an  expedition  sent  by  Spotswood  of  Virginia,  Bonnet  had 
been  executed  at  Charlestown,  and  the  hardly  less  noted 
Worley  was  killed  in  battle  with  Governor  Johnson.  At 
last,  after  Carolina  had  as  usual  worked  out  her  own  salva- 
tion, the  lords  of  the  admiralty,  in  1719,  sent  one  or  more 
men-of-war  to  guard  the  harbor. 

This  year  was  to  be  more  famous  in  another  way.  The 
rule  of  the  proprietors  had  degenerated  into  the  arbitrary 
action  of  a small  clique,  usually  represented  by  a secretary  or 
other  subordinate,  deaf  to  agents  sent  by  the  colonists  and 
even  to  those  sent  by  their  loyal  governors.  They  listened 
only  to  the  counsel  of  the  unscrupulous  Trott,  whose  advice 
was  as  bad  as  his  morals.  Johnson  approved  acts  for  the 
benefit  of  the  colony,  only  to  find  them  abrogated  in  England 


CAROLINA  UNDER  THE  PROPRIETORS 


155 


and  himself  reproved  for  consenting  to  them.  Thus  the 
legislation  as  to  parishes,  the  sale  of  the  Yamasi  lands,  Indian 
trade,  sinking  fund,  and  duties  was  disapproved.  A new 
Assembly  was  called ; and  if  the  proprietors  were  obstinate, 
the  colonists  were  determined.  They  had  issued  .£80,000 
of  paper  money  to  pay  for  their  expeditions,  had  suffered 
greatly  in  mind,  body,  and  estate,  and  were  now  thwarted 
by  proprietors  as  arbitrary  as  they  were  weak.  Of  all  the 
colonies,  Carolina  was  from  her  antecedents  the  least  likely 
to  submit.  The  Assembly,  resolving  itself  into  a conven- 
tion, on  the  model  of  that  which  deposed  James  II.  of 
England,  renounced  the  authority  of  the  proprietors  and 
appealed  to  the  king  to  take  them  under  his  protection  as  a 
royal  colony.  They  requested  Johnson  to  act  as  governor 
under  the  new  state  of  affairs,  but  he  refused,  saying  that 
he  held  his  commission  only  from  the  proprietors,  and  he 
even  called  out  the  militia — only  to  find  that  almost  to  a man 
they  adhered  to  the  convention.  The  colony  had  effected 
a peaceful  revolution,  and  a revolution  which  was  approved 
in  England.  The  king  granted  the  prayer  of  Carolina,  and 
the  rule  of  the  proprietors  was  at  an  end. 

We  have  thus  traced  the  origin  of  Carolina  in  the  older 
colony  in  Barbadoes  and  followed  its  development  along  the 
three  independent  settlements  on  the  mainland.  The  two 
Cape  Fear  colonizations  of  New  Englanders  and  Barba- 
dians early  became  extinct,  while  the  Quakers  of  Albemarle 
were  to  become  independent.  The  typical  Carolina  of  the 
earlier  times  was  that  which  was  founded  at  Charlestown, 
and  gradually  expanding  from  it  toward  the  interior  became 
what  we  now  know  as  South  Carolina.  When  the  proprie- 
tors were  overthrown,  Carolina,  like  Virginia,  became  a 
royal  province,  the  form  which  British  colonization  had 
now  definitely  assumed. 


CHAPTER  VIII 

BRITISH  INSTITUTIONS 

British  colonization  had  begun  in  Virginia  under  gov- 
ernmental sanction  and  had  next  secured  a foothold  on 
Massachusetts  Bay  under  more  or  less  independent  auspices. 
From  these  two  centres  colonization  had  gradually  widened, 
by  expansion  of  the  original  settlements  themselves  and  by 
subsequent  grants  in  England,  until  in  the  south  was  a 
series  of  settlements  making  up  the  provinces  of  Virginia, 
Maryland,  and  the  Carolinas,  and  in  the  north  those  of 
Massachusetts,  Rhode  Island,  and  Connecticut,  each  homo- 
geneous in  many  respects.  These  groups  had  been  separated 
from  each  other  by  Dutch  and  Swedish  colonies  on  Hudson 
River  and  adjoining  districts,  until  during  a war  with  Hol- 
land these  also  were  seized  and  held  by  the  British.  With 
the  founding  of  Pennsylvania  the  chain  was  complete.  It 
it  true  that  Georgia  was  yet  to  come,  to  finish  the  list; 
but,  as  we  shall  see,  Georgia  was  founded  later  under  special 
circumstances.  So  that  the  present  is  an  appropriate  time 
to  pause  and  gather  up  the  threads  of  development  of  the 
country  and  see  wherein  the  different  colonies,  particularly 
toward  the  south,  agreed  and  wherein  they  differed  in  their 
growing  institutions. 

The  essential  fact  in  Anglo-Saxon  civilization  from  the 
institutional  side  is  local  self-government,  and  from  the  in- 
dividual side,  corporate  activity.  In  no  other  quarter  of 
the  globe,  at  least  in  modern  times,  has  there  been  such  a 
survival  or  development  of  local  governmental  institutions; 

157 


158 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


and  yet,  strange  as  the  conjunction  may  appear,  in  no  other 
quarter  of  the  globe  has  there  been  such  associated  activity, 
assuming  in  our  own  day  the  forms  of  legal  corporations 
and  what  are  called  “trusts.”  The  two  tendencies,  after 
all,  grow  from  the  same  root,  that  is,  individual  rather  than 
State  energy.  The  freer  a man  is,  the  more  jealous  he  is  of 
supervision.  This  may  go  to  an  extreme  and  produce  a kind 
of  anarchy.  Fortunately,  the  Anglo-Saxons  have  stopped 
halfway,  and,  while  they  will  have  no  more  government  than 
is  necessary  for  the  general  security  of  the  commonwealth, 
internal  and  external,  the  energy  which  in  other  communi- 
ties causes  the  State  to  take  the  initiative  in  business  as  well 
as  government  here  assumes  the  form  of  association  of 
citizens  themselves  for  all  business  purposes.  We  see  this 
in  England  in  the  schemes  of  colonization  which  we  have 
discussed.  While,  relative  to  the  colonists,  the  overlordship 
of  Raleigh,  the  Virginia  Company,  or  the  Carolina  proprie- 
tors might  be  as  bad  as  the  absolute  rule  of  a monarch,  it 
was  not  the  government  of  England  itself  that  sent  out  the 
colonies,  but  individuals  or  associations  who  undertook  this 
just  as  they  undertook  any  other  form  of  business.  So 
when  it  came  to  the  new  colonies  themselves,  the  settlers 
or  their  descendants,  as  they  grew  in  wealth  and  lost  per- 
sonal touch  with  the  mother  country,  developed  the  same 
self-consciousness  and  the  same  desire  to  be  rid  of  all  super- 
fluous government.  And  in  this  they  were  to  be  aided  by 
the  terms  of  the  several  charters  or  patents,  differing  in 
form,  but  essentially  agreeing  in  the  one  important  declara- 
tion found  in  the  Virginia  charter  of  1609,  that  the  settlers 
should  have  all  the  rights  that  Englishmen  had  at  home. 
This  was  the  foundation  and  palladium  of  American  liberty. 

Taking  up  first  the  governmental  institutions,  we  find 
that  Blackstone  perceived  clearly  enough  a distinction  be- 
tween the  forms  of  colonization.  He  distinguishes  these 
as  follows:  “With  respect  to  their  interior  polity,  our  colo- 
nies are  properly  of  three  sorts.  1.  Provincial  establish- 
ments, the  constitutions  of  which  depend  on  the  respective 


BRITISH  INSTITUTIONS 


159 


commissions  issued  by  the  crown  to  the  governors,  and  the 
instructions  which  usually  accompany  those  commissions; 
under  the  authority  of  which  provincial  assemblies  are  con- 
stituted, with  the  power  of  making  local  ordinances,  not 
repugnant  to  the  laws  of  England.  2.  Proprietary  govern- 
ments, granted  out  by  the  crown  to  individuals,  in  the  nature 
of  feudatory  principalities,  with  all  the  inferior  regalities, 
and  subordinate  powers  of  legislation,  which  formerly  be- 
longed to  the  owners  of  counties-palatine;  yet  still  with 
these  express  conditions,  that  the  ends  for  which  the  grant 
was  made  be  substantially  pursued,  and  that  nothing  be 
attempted  which  may  derogate  from  the  sovereignty  of  the 
mother-country.  3.  Charter  governments,  in  the  nature  of 
civil  corporations,  with  the  power  of  making  bye-laws  for 
their  own  interior  regulations,  not  contrary  to  the  laws  of 
England;  and  with  such  rights  and  authorities  as  are  specially 
given  them  in  their  several  charters  of  incorporation.” 

We  have  seen  that  the  first  attempts  at  colonization 
under  Raleigh  and  others  were  under  patents  granted  by  the 
crown  alone,  conferring  proconsular  or  even  greater  powers 
upon  the  patentees.  Raleigh,  however,  was  not  successful, 
and  the  same  kind  of  effort  was  then  made  under  a body 
corporate  as  patentee  instead  of  an  individual.  This,  the 
first  plan  of  the  Virginia  Company,  hardly  succeeded  any 
better,  and  the  form  of  the  patent  gave  way  to  that  of  a 
charter,  which  allowed  the  settlers  themselves  more  rights 
and  therefore  more  interest  in  the  government.  It  would 
seem,  then,  as  if  the  patent  was  the  initial  form  of  coloniza- 
tion and  that,  in  point  of  fact,  although  it  was  not  success- 
ful, the  three  kinds  which  did  succeed,  given  by  Blackstone, 
grew  out  of  it. 

We  may  fairly  say  that  the  form  which  was  first  really 
successful  in  America  was  the  corporate,  by  which  the 
Virginia  Company,  composed  of  nobles,  merchants,  and 
guilds,  and  managed  by  energetic  men,  gathered  into  one 
treasury  the  contributions  of  many  and  established  the  settle- 
ments on  the  James.  In  some  respects  the  Company  was 


i6o 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


a proprietor,  but  it  so  happened  that  the  proprietor,  being 
corporate  and  its  business  directed  by  broad-minded  and 
liberty-loving  men,  provided  a free  government  and  volun- 
tarily called  into  existence  the  first  General  Assembly  upon 
American  soil.  This  corporate  proprietor  could  have  acted 
otherwise  and  built  up  the  same  kind  of  State  as  the  indi- 
vidual proprietors;  but  fortunately  it  did  not,  and  this  fairly 
entitles  it  to  be  classed  as  a special  form  of  colonization. 
Its  legitimate  results  were  not  reached  in  Virginia,  on  ac- 
count of  the  dissolution  of  the  Company,  but  they  appeared 
in  New  England  when  the  corporation  itself  emigrated  to 
America,  taking  its  charter  and  rights  with  it. 

Making  up  a second  class,  therefore,  were  the  proprie- 
tary governments  proper,  of  which  Maryland  was  the  first 
successful  representative  and,  with  Pennsylvania,  the  most 
lasting.  Carolina  exhibits  a peculiar  example,  in  what  may 
be  called  “associated  proprietors.”  The  Carolina  form  had 
all  the  disadvantages  and  none  of  the  advantages  of  a pro- 
prietary government. 

The  third  and  last  species  of  colony  was  what  Blackstone 
calls  the  royal  or  provincial  establishment.  This  proved  to  be 
the  best  adapted  to  the  colonies  after  they  had  attained  some 
growth,  but  it  is  characteristic  of  Elizabeth  and  the  Stuarts 
that  what  would  seem  the  most  obvious  way  of  planting  a 
State  was  never  tried  at  the  beginning  of  these  enterprises. 
The  fact  was  that  the  king  was  perfectly  willing  to  give 
away  land  that  he  did  not  own,  and  to  encourage  in  any  way 
that  did  not  cost  him  anything  the  efforts  of  individuals  and 
corporations  to  increase  his  power  and  revenue  beyond  the 
seas.  It  was  all  an  experiment ; besides,  the  kings  were  much 
absorbed  in  eastern  politics.  It  was  the  old  story  of  Colum- 
bus and  Ferdinand  over  again.  But  when  the  scene  changed, 
when  population  was  firmly  seated  and  new  dominions 
actually  existed  in  America,  royalty  became  interested. 
With  the  Virginia  Company  it  assumed  the  shape  of  a fear 
that  subjects  were  not  properly  cared  for  in  the  wilds  of 
America,  and  so  the  king  put  an  end  to  the  Company;  and 


BRITISH  INSTITUTIONS 


161 


in  Carolina  the  king  recognized  the  revolution  by  which 
the  colonists  put  an  end  to  the  proprietary  government.  In 
both  instances,  the  legislative  assembly  which  had  grown  up 
was  recognized  and  the  principal  change  actually  made  was 
that  the  governor  and  the  council  who  advised  him  were 
appointed  directly  by  the  king  or  those  representing  him. 
This  was  somewhat  on  the  model  of  what  was  found  at 
home,  for  the  colonists  inherited  the  English  genius  for 
political  development.  At  home  the  lower  house  was 
elected  by  the  people  who  were  eligible  as  electors,  while 
the  upper  house  was  composed  of  the  nobility  created  by  the 
king  or  by  his  predecessors.  There  were  differences,  and 
among  them  that  the  American  upper  house  was  not  heredi- 
tary, because  there  was  outside  of  Carolina  no  nobility  in 
America;  and  the  difference  made  for  freedom.  Another 
difference,  and  a great  one,  was  that  in  England  there  was, 
strictly  speaking,  no  veto  by  the  executive.  It  existed  in 
theory  and  partially  in  practice  for  a long  time,  but  in  reality 
the  only  veto  was  by  the  creation  of  new  lords  to  sit  in  the 
upper  house  and  overcome  an  adverse  majority.  In  America, 
from  the  nature  of  the  case,  the  king  through  the  governor 
had  a full  veto  on  the  popular  legislature.  If  the  colonies 
were  to  be  dependencies  of  Great  Britain,  this  was  a neces- 
sity, for  there  must  be  a higher  authority  somewhere.  A 
misfortune  of  the  case  was  that  the  governor  had  to  report 
to  England,  which  took  a long  time,  and  thus  the  veto 
power  was  out  of  touch  with  popular  needs.  Otherwise 
there  would  have  been  little  complaint  as  to  this  element. 
A more  troublesome  question  was  to  grow  up  as  to  who 
should  exercise  the  needful  supervision  over  the  colonies. 

We  are  so  accustomed  to  that  development  of  govern- 
ment in  England  in  which  all  business  is  transacted  by 
ministers  whose  office  is  dependent  upon  the  confidence  of 
Parliament,  that  we  are  apt  to  overlook  the  fact  that  the 
body  which  concerned  itself  with  colonial  affairs  was  not 
at  first  responsible  to  Parliament;  for  this  responsibility 
of  ministers  was  not  in  the  seventeenth  century  so  clearly 


162 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


defined,  and  the  Privy  Council,  which  actually  exercised  the 
supervision,  was  a body  of  advisers  selected  by  the  king 
without  regard  to  Parliament.  We  will  recall  that  it  was 
this  council  which  acted  for  King  James  as  to  the  Virginia 
Company,  and  it  always  represented  rather  the  will  of  the 
monarch  than  of  the  Parliament. 

The  regulation  of  colonial  affairs  takes  us  back  to  one 
of  the  English  institutions  which  has  now  practically  dis- 
appeared and  yet  at  one  time  was  the  greatest  of  them  all. 
The  Aula  Regis , or,  as  it  was  also  called,  the  Curia  Regis , of 
Norman  times  was  that  assembly  of  notables  about  the  king 
from  which  has  developed  gradually  the  independent  courts 
of  common  law  and  chancery  and,  with  additions  from  the 
commonalty,  even  the  Parliament  itself.  There  was  still 
left  after  these  changes  a large  residuum  of  power,  exercised 
by  this  same  body  of  advisers  under  the  name  of  the  Privy 
Council.  Their  authority  varied  with  the  power  of  the 
king.  After  the  Wars  of  the  Roses  had  all  but  extinguished 
the  old  feudal  nobility,  the  Tudors  were  able  to  reconsti- 
tute the  council  of  new  men,  and  thus  Cromwell,  Walsing- 
ham,  and  others  were  able  to  direct  the  foreign  policy  of  the 
kingdom.  In  the  earlier  days  there  had  been  no  colonies, 
and  it  was  quite  prophetic  that  under  Henry  VII.  the  little 
Channel  Islands,  Jersey  and  Guernsey,  came  within  the 
direct  jurisdiction  of  the  Privy  Council.  This  was  natural, 
for  the  council  had  been  the  origin  of  the  several  institutions 
developed  as  occasion  required,  and  heretofore  there  had 
been  no  occasion  for  any  supervision  of  colonization.  The 
patents  granted  the  earlier  discoverers  passed  through  the 
council,  and  the  importance  of  that  under  which  Virginia 
was  actually  settled  was  such  as  to  presage  a separate  Privy 
Council  for  such  affairs.  This  was  not  realized,  and  the 
Privy  Council  itself  supervised  colonial  matters  so  far  as 
there  was  room  for  supervision  under  later  charters.  After 
the  abolition  of  the  Virginia  Company  and  the  growth  of 
other  plantations,  there  came  about  the  appointment,  in 
1634,  of  a commission  or  committee  of  the  Privy  Council 


BRITISH  INSTITUTIONS 


163 

for  making  laws  and  orders  for  the  government  of  English 
colonies.  This  reflected  the  king’s  will,  and  the  same  sys- 
tem, under  the  name  of  Special  Commissioners,  was  adopted 
by  Parliament  in  1643,  Pym,  Cromwell,  Vane,  and  Saye 
and  Sele  being  of  the  number. 

The  colonial  system  of  the  seventeenth  century  was 
founded  upon  the  idea  of  trade  and  commerce  to  be  carried 
on  for  the  special  benefit  of  the  mother  country,  so  that  it  is 
not  surprising  that  at  the  Restoration  the  oversight  of  the 
colonies  was  placed  under  what  was  called  the  Council  of 
Trade  and  Plantations,  a branch  of  the  Privy  Council  with 
some  outside  additions.  Of  it  John  Locke  was  secretary. 
This  continued  until  1674,  when  its  business  was  turned 
over  to  a committee  of  the  Privy  Council,  nineteen  in 
number. 

Thus  colonial  affairs  during  the  formative  period  were 
conducted  essentially  by  the  Privy  Council,  which  under  the 
Tudors  and  Stuarts  meant  the  king,  acting  through  this 
body,  but  exercising  his  own  will  so  far  as  he  chose.  After 
the  English  Revolution  the  responsibility  of  ministers  to 
Parliament  was  more  firmly  fixed,  and  it  was  not  long 
before  a change  was  necessary  also  in  colonial  matters,  so 
that  in  1696  there  was  instituted  what  was  called  the  Board 
of  Trade,  consisting  of  officers  of  State  and  others.  This 
board  was  connected  more  with  the  ministry  than  with  the 
Privy  Council  as  such,  which  gradually,  almost  unobservedly, 
led  up  to  the  interference  of  Parliament,  to  whom  it  was  re- 
sponsible, with  colonial  affairs.  The  Board  of  Trade  was 
suppressed  by  what  was  called  Burke’s  Act  in  1782 — but 
that  carries  us  beyond  our  present  scope. 

As  long  as  the  people  in  the  colonies  felt  that  they  could 
legislate  subject  to  a veto,  reasonably  and  promptly  exer- 
cised, friction  could  be  adjusted.  When  this  supervision 
was  assumed  by  Parliament,  however,  it  seemed  to  be  a 
different  matter.  The  first  effort  which  need  concern  us 
for  bringing  up  colonial  matters  in  Parliament  was  that  of 
the  friends  of  Sandys,  which  we  have  already  mentioned. 


164 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


In  that  instance  Parliament  would  have  acted,  if  at  all,  on 
the  side  of  liberty,  but,  in  point  of  fact,  it  did  not  intervene 
because  of  the  message  of  the  king  practically  forbidding 
action.  The  colonies  were  hardly  important  enough  before 
the  French  wars  to  attract  much  attention,  and  so  far  as 
anything  was  done  the  colonists  felt  it  to  be  more  in  the 
nature  of  an  aid  than  an  injury,  their  immediate  local  con- 
cerns not  being  touched  except  by  their  own  legislatures. 
Thus  they  were  not  much  concerned  even  when  the  statute  7 
and  8 William  III.,  c.  22,  declared  “that  all  laws,  bye-laws, 
usages,  and  customs,  which  shall  be  in  practice  in  any  of 
the  plantations,  repugnant  to  any  law  made  or  to  be  made  in 
this  kingdom  relative  to  said  plantations,  shall  be  utterly 
void  and  of  none  effect.”  The  real  interference  by  Parlia- 
ment did  not  come  until  after  the  decline  of  the  Privy 
Council. 

The  American  colonists  felt  and  desired  their  connec- 
tion with  the  mother  country  to  be  rather  through  the  king 
than  through  the  Parliament,  rather  with  the  royal  council- 
lors than  with  the  ministers  representing  the  British  people, 
thus  presenting  the  anomaly  that  the  distant  settlers  were 
more  in  touch  with  the  monarchical  than  with  the  popular 
element  of  the  constitution,  and  this  willingly.  The  expla- 
nation is  easy  and  lies  in  the  fact  that  they  thought  of  the 
king  as  their  own  king  and  not  so  much  as  the  sovereign 
of  Great  Britain.  Instinctively,  but  none  the  less  truly, 
they  were  beginning  to  feel  that  not  only  Virginia  but  the 
other  colonies  were  integral  parts  of  the  British  Empire. 

The  evident  tendency  of  all  forms  of  colonial  govern- 
ment was  toward  the  royal  colony,  with  local  legislature 
and  a governor  representing  the  king,  and  on  American  soil 
just  as  previously  on  British  began  the  struggle  between  the 
people  and  the  crown,  between  liberty  and  prerogative.  At 
home,  politics  had  been  softened,  in  that  the  conflict  in  case 
of  divergence  was  between  Parliament  and  a cabinet  of 
ministers  instead  of  with  the  king  himself.  In  this  way 
loyalty  was  not  disturbed,  although  the  conflict  for  liberty 


BRITISH  INSTITUTIONS 


165 


was  none  the  less  intense.  In  America,  somewhat  the 
same  conditions  prevailed,  in  that  the  local  legislature  repre- 
senting the  people  came  in  conflict  with  the  removable 
governor  instead  of  with  the  monarch  himself.  There  was 
the  very  acute  difference  that  in  England  the  cabinet  fell 
on  an  adverse  vote,  while  in  America  the  governor  could 
absolutely  disregard  a hostile  majority,  and,  in  fact,  dissolve 
the  Assembly,  while  nothing  could  effect  his  standing  except 
some  form  of  appeal  to  the  home  government.  The  Assem- 
bly, or  rather  the  lower  house,  truly  represented  the  people, 
although  to  modern  notions  the  franchise  was  rather  re- 
stricted. We  have  grown  accustomed  to  manhood  suffrage, 
each  man  having  a vote,  but  this  has  not  long  prevailed, 
and  was  not  the  British  theory  in  the  seventeenth  century. 
Even  in  the  nineteenth,  as  advanced  a thinker  as  John  Stuart 
Mill  was  to  declare  that  man’s  right  was  not  to  make  his 
government,  but  to  be  governed  well.  The  theory  and 
practice  in  colonial  days  was  that  one  must  have  prop- 
erty, must  be  a freeholder,  before  he  was  fit  to  be  an 
elector.  What  these  qualifications  actually  were  in  Virginia 
and  in  Carolina  at  particular  times  we  have  to  some  extent 
seen.  Both  colonies  united  in  prescribing  property  qualifi- 
cations, and  the  tendency,  somewhat  stronger  in  Carolina 
than  in  Virginia,  was  toward  requiring  also  connection  with 
the  Church  of  England. 

Taxation  was  effected  by  acts  or  resolves  of  the  Assem- 
bly, generally  upon  recommendation  of  the  governor  and 
council,  although  we  find  the  Assembly  often  declining 
to  pass  the  bills  requested,  and  sometimes  passing  others 
which  were  not  acceptable  to  the  executive.  It  would  be 
unreasonable  to  expect  descendants  of  the  men  who  had 
been  fighting  out  at  home  the  battle  of  the  right  of  the 
people  to  prescribe  what  should  be  taken  from  the  public 
treasury  to  do  other  than  continue  the  fight  in  America 
when  proper  occasion  arose.  And  it  arose  frequently.  The 
salaries  and  fees  of  officials  were  constantly  a ground  of 
complaint,  and  the  home  government  did  wisely  in  paying 


1 66 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


these  from  sales  or  rents  of  land  or  from  customs,  where 
feasible.  With  the  short-sightedness  peculiar  to  democra- 
cies, the  expenses  of  forts  and  military  preparations  against 
the  Indians  were  a source  of  irritation.  When  the  time 
came  for  action  the  people  were  willing  enough  to  enroll 
themselves  and  march  against  the  enemy,  but  they  dis- 
liked the  expenses  of  military  preparations  and  expeditions 
whose  necessity  they  could  not  or  would  not  always  see, 
particularly  if  it  were  another  colony  that  was  in  danger. 
There  was,  therefore,  ample  opportunity  for  difference  be- 
tween the  executive  and  the  Assembly  over  appropriation 
bills,  and  American  colonists  had  almost  from  the  beginning 
a training  in  politics  superior  to  their  friends  at  home. 

Among  the  institutions  brought  by  the  colonists  to  Vir- 
ginia, none  was  greater  and  none  exercised  a more  lasting 
influence  than  law.  It  was  the  boast  of  Coke  and  was  to 
be  the  dream  of  Blackstone  that  the  English  common  law 
was  something  sui  generis , that  it  was  not  unlike  Minerva, 
who  sprang  full-armed  from  the  head  of  Jupiter.  More 
modern  research  traces  its  origin  to  Germanic  customs,  but 
finds  it  largely  modified  by  Norman  and  civil  law.  This  is 
even  true  of  its  dearest  institution,  the  jury  system.  The 
early  kings  and  the  text  writers  systematized  the  law,  giving 
it  much  of  its  present  form  and  not  a little  of  its  present 
substance.  Just  as  it  came  into  being  to  suit  the  special 
needs  of  the  English  people,  developing  with  their  growth 
and  in  the  hands  of  able  jurists  expanding  to  meet  their  in- 
creasing commerce,  so  it  was  not  unfit  to  cope  with  new 
conditions  in  America.  The  Virginians  brought  it  with  them 
when  they  came,  and  moulded  it  to  suit  their  new  environ- 
ment. And  yet,  it  was  not  the  whole  system  that  emigrated. 
It  was  universally  recognized  that  much  of  the  machinery 
and  some  of  the  principles  which  prevailed  in  semifeudal 
England  were  unsuited  to  the  conditions  of  the  New  World. 
Precisely  where  the  line  ran  was  hard  to  determine. 

We  can  never  be  too  grateful  to  James  I.  for  the  re- 
quirement in  the  Virginia  charter — if  indeed  he  was  the 


BRITISH  INSTITUTIONS 


167 

author  of  that  feature — that  tenures  were  to  be  in  socage 
and  not  military.  It  prevented  the  creation  of  a feudal 
nobility  in  America,  then  dying  out  at  home.  Charles  II. 
authorized  it  in  Carolina,  it  is  true,  but  titles  were  even  there 
to  be  different  from  those  in  England  and  were  too  fan- 
tastic to  last.  An  American  nobility  could  not  from  the 
nature  of  the  case  have  been  permanent.  As  to  titles, 
the  Indian  right  extinguished  by  war  or  purchase,  the  land 
was  patented  to  individuals  either  for  money  or  service. 
The  usual  form  of  sale  in  the  beginning  was  by  livery  of 
seizin,  consisting  in  the  symbolical  delivery  of  the  land  by 
handing  over  a clod  of  earth  and  a twig  from  a tree  on 
the  territory  conveyed.  We  have  seen  an  explorer  taking 
possession  of  the  Carolina  coast  by  twig  and  turf,  and  with 
variations  the  practice  long  remained  common.  A house 
was  sometimes  delivered  by  taking  hold  of  the  door  latch, 
as  to  this  day  vendors  frequently  turn  over  the  key.  As 
the  estates  grew  larger  and  patents  called  for  lands  at  a 
distance,  such  symbolical  delivery  became  unmeaning  or 
impossible  and  gave  way  to  written  deeds.  Another  in- 
stance of  the  common  law  was  the  survival  of  primogeniture, 
by  which  the  oldest  child  received  the  larger  portion  of,  if 
not  all,  his  father’s  estate.  This  tended  to  sustain  even  in 
the  new  country  the  aristocratic  feeling  which  was  to  out- 
last the  colonial  period.  Domestic  relations  generally  were 
transplanted  almost  unchanged.  Just  as  the  villein,  a man 
whose  labor  was  annexed  to  the  soil,  was  rising  to  the 
condition  of  the  serf,  in  America  the  servants  of  whom  in 
earlier  records  we  read  so  much  were  only  the  apprentices 
that  had  become  usual  in  the  mother  country.  The  ap- 
prenticeship was  generally  for  a period  of  four  years.  Had 
the  evolution  gone  on  unchecked  we  should  have  had  in  the 
South  a free  peasantry,  for  at  the  expiration  of  his  term 
the  apprentice  or  indented  servant  became  a free  man,  with 
certain  privileges  and  property  to  begin  life  for  himself. 
But  the  peculiar  conditions  of  Virginia  and  Carolina  led 
to  the  introduction  of  negro  slavery,  and  until  toward  the 


i68 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


end  of  the  seventeenth  century  it  was,  except  in  Carolina, 
uncertain  whether  slavery  or  free  labor  would  prevail. 

Of  the  earliest  of  all  institutions  in  England,  the  village 
community,  we  find  little  trace  in  the  Southern  colonies. 
We  have  been  taught  by  Sir  Henry  Maine  that  this  was  an 
Aryan  institution,  and  then  by  Seebohm  that  so  far  as  Eng- 
land was  concerned  it  came  in  with  the  Romans,  while  later 
inquiries  seem  to  show  that  it  is  of  primeval  origin  and 
extends  to  all  races  of  man.  However  this  may  be,  it 
reproduced  itself  under  a special  form  in  the  New  England 
township,  and  one  naturally  seeks  for  it  also  in  the  South. 
In  Virginia  the  early  divisions  were  hundreds,  in  Mary- 
land, manors,  and  it  is  very  likely  that  these  were  village 
communities  under  the  form  surviving  in  England;  but 
under  the  conditions  in  Virginia  they  were  unable  to  develop. 
Scattered  settlements  left  to  themselves  would  doubtless 
have  instinctively  worked  out  something  of  the  kind ; but  it 
was  rather  the  settlers  who  were  scattered  than  the  settle- 
ments, and  the  necessity  for  supervision  by  the  Company, 
both  as  to  supplies  and  as  to  defence,  led  to  a centralization 
of  government  which  extinguished  these  local  units.  It  is 
true  the  hundreds  expanded,  but  it  was  an  expansion  which 
made  them  cease  to  be  hundreds.  They  lost  their  indi- 
viduality in  the  greater  unit  called  the  county,  which  became 
coterminous  with  the  parish  and  politically  the  electoral  unit 
of  the  State.  There  was  a promise  of  local  development 
along  the  older  line  in  Berkeley  and  other  specially  chartered 
settlements.  Indeed  the  privileges  of  one  were  objected  to 
in  the  first  Virginia  Assembly.  But  these  were  blotted  out 
by  the  massacre  and  other  causes,  and  the  typical  Virginian 
unit  or  subdivision  was  the  county,  due  largely  to  the  plan- 
tation system.  The  same  was  true  in  Carolina,  although 
there  it  was  perhaps  an  adoption  from  Barbadoes  rather  than 
altogether  a local  growth.  So  that  the  anomaly  is  presented 
of  the  old  Saxon  kingdoms  degenerating  into  shires  or  coun- 
ties at  home,  and  in  America  of  the  primeval  hundreds  de- 
veloping into  counties.  Both  at  home  and  in  the  colonies, 


BRITISH  INSTITUTIONS 

however,  the  result  was  the  same.  The  county  became  the 
political  unit. 

The  age  of  Elizabeth  was  in  almost  every  respect  the  new 
birth  of  the  English  people.  It  was  so  in  commerce,  for  it 
was  then  that  English  shipping  opened  the  way  to  markets  all 
over  the  world.  It  was  so  in  religion,  for  it  was  then  that  the 
national  church  created  by  Henry  VIII.  became  established 
and  the  germs  of  the  Puritan  movement  came  into  being. 
It  was  so  in  politics,  for  then  were  the  first  effective  asser- 
tions of  popular  as  against  royal  right.  It  was  so  intellectu- 
ally, for  Shakespeare  and  his  contemporaries  made  a new 
literature,  to  which  we  have  since  only  added.  And,  although 
it  is  hardly  realized,  the  same  was  true  of  the  English  lan- 
guage itself.  Up  to  that  time  Latin  had  been  the  language 
of  culture,  when  not  only  the  impulse  of  literature,  not  only 
the  translation  of  the  Bible,  but  the  discoveries  and  settle- 
ments by  Englishmen  all  around  the  globe  placed  them  in 
environments  which  caused  the  need  for  a more  expansive 
speech.  English  in  the  time  of  Henry  VIII.  was  insular 
and  restricted;  English  in  the  time  of  Elizabeth  and  James 
began  to  be  what  it  has  become,  a world  language,  fitted 
for  all  the  exigencies  and  affairs  of  mankind.  Some  begin- 
nings of  this  we  can  trace  in  America.  The  colonists  at 
first  applied  their  home  names  to  the  plants  and  animals 
of  the  New  World,  sometimes  with  curious  results.  Thus 
the  bison  was  called  a buffalo,  the  puma  a lion  or  a tiger, 
while  several  different  birds  were  nightingales.  The  strange- 
ness of  a fowl  found  in  America  caused  the  English  at 
home  to  associate  it  with  Turkey,  from  which  they  named 
it,  somewhat  as  the  French  were  to  call  it  a coq  cT Inde — 
Indian  cock.  “Muskrat”  is  really  a native  word,  some- 
times spelled  “muscat.”  “Maize”  was  named  “wheat,” 
and  as  that  was  “corn”  in  England,  we  call  it  “Indian 
corn”  to  this  day.  To  its  blossoms  the  colonists  gave  the 
names  “silk”  and  “tassel,”  and  for  its  envelope  we  have 
in  Virginia  “shuck”  and  in  New  England  “husk.”  For 
some  things  even  the  expanding  English  tongue  had  no 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


I 70 

analogy,  and  Indian  words  had  to  be  adopted.  Thus  a form 
of  corn  bread  was  “pone,”  from  a James  River  word,  while 
“ hominy,”  “ succotash,”  “ persimmon  ” and  other  words  are 
Indian  either  in  their  present  form  or  are  some  variation 
from  it.  “Hickory”  is  part  of  a native  name,  as  “squash” 
and  “ wampum  ” are  of  others,  while  “ chinquapin  ” is  but  an 
easier  pronunciation  of  “ chechinquamen.”  These  are  but 
specimens,  for  the  same  kind  of  addition  and  variation  went  on 
in  all  the  life  and  business  of  the  cosmopolitan  Englishman. 

And  yet,  with  all  the  needs  of  the  new  day,  we  find  local 
dialects  of  England  translated  to  America  and  becoming  what 
across  the  water  are  now  forgetfully  thought  of  as  Ameri- 
canisms. A great  deal  of  the  modern  slang  was  once  good 
English,  and  in  corners  of  this  broad  land  much  that  passed 
current  in  the  old  country  in  the  seventeenth  century  is  still 
preserved  in  local  expressions.  “Kotched”  and  “kiver” 
are  instances  in  point,  and  it  is  sad  to  think  that  even  “jag” 
goes  back  so  far.  “Tote”  is  sometimes  spoken  of  as 
local  English,  although  it  survives  among  the  negroes  only, 
while  of  African  words  “buckra,”  which  is  now  out  of  use, 
and  “juba”  are  thought  to  be  almost  the  only  survivals. 
The  tendency  of  the  negro  to  substitute  “d”  for  “th,”  as 
in  “dat”  for  “that,”  is  said  to  be  common  in  Surrey  even 
now.  Curious  it  would  be  to  recall  the  many  proverbs  of 
that  day  still  current  among  us;  and  Ann  Cotton,  in  describ- 
ing Bacon’s  Rebellion,  shows  that  cards  were  not  unusual, 
for  she  speaks  of  occurrences  which  put  Bacon  and  his 
friends  to  their  “trumps.”  To  pursue  this  further,  as  into 
the  subjects  of  superstitions  and  folklore,  would  take  us  too 
far  afield. 

It  would  be  interesting  to  trace  the  general  mental  de- 
velopment of  the  colonists.  To  do  this,  one  would  have  to 
know  exactly  what  they  brought  over  with  them,  and  study 
its  gradual  growth  and  variation  due  to  the  new  surround- 
ings. Unfortunately,  this  is  impossible.  It  is  difficult  to 
find  out  the  intellectual  condition  of  England  at  the  time, 
and  practically  impossible  to  find  out  what  the  colonists  did 


BRITISH  INSTITUTIONS 


171 

with  it.  They  were  too  busy  with  their  own  new  prob- 
lems to  record  much  of  anything  except  births  and  deaths 
and  make  up  official  reports  when  necessary.  Material  is 
lacking  in  both  the  old  and  the  new  country,  and  especially 
in  the  new. 

And  yet,  it  does  not  require  a profound  study  to  realize 
that  when  Jamestown  was  settled,  and  for  almost  a century 
afterward  despite  the  reaction  after  the  Commonwealth, 
the  principal  intellectual  interest  of  Englishmen,  as  of  all  the 
rest  of  Europe,  was  in  religion,  or,  perhaps  more  properly 
speaking,  in  theology.  The  Bible  had  been  translated  into 
English  several  times  since  Wyclif’s  day,  but  what  was 
known  as  the  King  James  version  made  the  English  lan- 
guage, and  English  thought  as  well.  The  movement  cul- 
minating in  the  Puritans  affected  a vast  number  who  never 
became  Puritans  in  name.  Generally,  it  was  realized  that 
the  greatest  thing  in  this  world  was  man’s  relation  to  the 
other  world;  and  toward  civil  magistrates  there  was  pro- 
found reverence,  not  only  because  of  their  power,  but  be- 
cause they  were  regarded  as  ordained  of  God.  God  himself 
was  thought  of  as  a despot,  ruling  and  disposing  all  things 
for  his  own  glory.  Man’s  chief  end  was  to  glorify  and 
enjoy  him,  and  that  enjoyment  consisted  largely  in  applying 
Old  Testament  and  primeval  rules  of  conduct  to  modern 
and  Christian  times,  and  especially  in  making  other  people 
conform  their  conduct,  and  their  thoughts  also  so  far  as  they 
could  be  got  at,  to  one’s  own  standard. 

Religion  in  the  Southern  colonies  perhaps  did  not  assume 
quite  so  rigid  a form  as  in  England.  The  same  causes 
which  made  the  hundreds  lose  their  value  as  units  to  the 
county  made  the  parishes  equally  extensive,  and  in  so  doing 
they  lost  in  intensity.  A parson  could  not  successfully 
minister  to  people  scattered  over  so  large  a space,  and  as 
education  declined  among  the  people  it  must  be  confessed 
that  it  declined  also  among  the  preachers.  Sunday  became  in 
Virginia  more  a day  of  idleness,  and  perhaps  of  amusement, 
than  of  religious  observance.  And  yet  this  tendency,  so 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


172 

thoroughly  human,  was  partially  checked  by  the  coming  of 
the  Cavaliers.  They  brought  with  them  an  almost  equal 
reverence  for  king  and  Church,  and  among  them  came  many 
dispossessed  parsons  from  England.  This  event  gave  the 
highest  tone  to  society  and  to  religion  in  Virginia,  and  from 
that  time,  the  time  of  such  men  as  James  Blair,  may  be 
dated  more  of  a forward  movement  in  the  Virginia  Church. 
In  Carolina  there  was,  after  the  time  of  the  first  ministers, 
considerable  complaint,  but  some  of  it  probably  unjust. 
Both  the  culture  and  the  religion  of  Charlestown,  although 
imperfect,  were  of  a higher  grade  than  the  more  rural  com- 
munities further  north.  A State  Church,  and  such  was 
that  in  both  colonies,  is  apt  to  settle  down  to  the  adminis- 
tration of  rites  to  its  members,  providing  its  clergy  with 
comfortable  surroundings,  and  to  be  more  disturbed  over 
heresy  than  morals.  It  is  not  in  this  manner  that  religion 
is  built  up  in  a new  country,  and  often  the  authorities  at 
home  were  to  blame  for  not  appreciating  better  the  situation 
in  America.  The  people  were  not  irreligious,  but  exposure 
to  a rough  life,  the  inconveniences  and  often  impossibility  of 
attending  regular  church  services,  the  danger  from  savages, 
combined  to  make  people  indifferent  to  the  externals  of 
religion,  and  sometimes  the  effects  went  even  deeper.  But, 
on  the  whole,  toward  the  end  of  the  century  affairs  assumed 
a better  position,  both  socially  and  religiously. 

In  other  branches  than  theology,  the  England  of  that  day 
was  hardly  emancipated  from  mediaeval  thought.  Copernicus 
and  Kepler  had  lived  and  died  in  vain  so  far  as  concerned 
Englishmen  of  much  of  the  seventeenth  century.  Astrology 
was  still  firmly  believed,  and  the  influence  of  the  moon  on 
agriculture  was  not  then  held  by  the  vulgar  alone.  Harvey 
had  discovered  the  circulation  of  the  blood,  but  Paracelsus 
was  for  much  of  the  century  the  higher  authority.  The 
humors  of  the  body  were  the  basis  of  medical  treatment, 
and  bezoar  stone  and  dittany  were  among  the  most  famous 
remedies.  Botany  was  only  gradually  to  build  up  at  home 
and  in  the  colonies  a real  pharmacopoeia. 


BRITISH  INSTITUTIONS 


x73 


Shakespeare  had  written  many  of  his  best  plays  before 
Jamestown  was  conceived,  and  he  died  while  tobacco  was 
coming  to  the  rescue  of  Virginia;  but  his  fame  was  not  to 
reach  the  colonies  for  several  generations.  Even  in  Eng- 
land he  was  not  at  first  generally  known.  The  Puritan 
movement  threw  a slur  upon  dramatic  art,  and  it  required  a 
Milton  to  rescue  even  poetry  from  the  charge  of  being  an 
accomplishment  only.  Such  was  the  feeling  in  England  and 
it  would  be  even  truer  of  the  colonies.  The  Bible  was  the 
chief  literature  of  the  day,  and  sermons  were  a close  second. 
Only  religious  books  were  frequently  used,  such  as  those 
on  the  practice  of  piety  and  versions  of  the  Psalms.  Ameri- 
can libraries  were  small  in  size  and  few  in  number,  and  it  is 
only  toward  the  end  of  the  century  that  a copy  of  Shake- 
speare is  mentioned  in  a Virginia  inventory.  Face  to  face 
with  all  the  beauties  in  the  new  continent,  we  yet  find  little 
love  of  nature  and  her  moods.  She  appealed  more  to  the 
practical  side  and  fears  of  settlers.  To  John  Smith  the  great 
forest  was  “ uncouth.”  The  seas  were  thought  of  in  their 
stormy  aspect,  and  the  woods  as  something  to  be  cut  down 
with  toil.  Man  was  in  America  to  do  something,  not  to 
write,  and  after  the  early  books  descriptive  of  the  country 
we  find  little  or  no  literature.  George  Sandys’s  translation 
of  the  Metamorphoses  stands  almost  alone. 

This  was  not  the  cause  which  checked  literary  effort  in 
England.  There  Latin  was  still  not  only  the  polite  lan- 
guage of  the  day,  but  the  language  of  science  and  art.  In 
America  there  was  little  knowledge  of  Latin  after  the  first 
generation  of  colonists  died  out.  The  schools  in  England 
had  been  those  attached  to  the  destroyed  monasteries,  and 
it  was  with  difficulty  that  more  modern  foundations  took 
up  their  work.  Grammar  schools  were  also  Latin  schools 
at  home,  but  this  was  not  so  much  the  case  in  Virginia  and 
Carolina.  The  school  development  of  which  we  read  in 
New  England  toward  the  middle  of  the  century  did  not 
obtain  in  the  South,  because  the  population  was  more  scat- 
tered. Children  could  not  go  twenty  or  thirty  miles  by 


174 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


river  or  through  dangerous  forests,  and  the  result  was  that 
the  better  classes  employed  teachers  of  their  own,  while  the 
lower  classes,  so  far  as  they  existed,  had  none  at  all.  Many 
of  the  indented  servants  brought  over  were  educated  men 
and  they  were  quite  generally  used  as  tutors,  somewhat 
recalling  the  old  Roman  days  when  the  philosopher  or  the 
author,  not  to  say  stenographer,  might  be  a white  slave.  So 
that,  on  the  whole,  after  a generation  there  came  a decline  in 
education,  as  is  shown  by  the  entries  in  the  parish  and  other 
public  records. 

Thus  we  have  reviewed  to  some  extent  the  British  insti- 
tutions in  America.  The  primary  foundations  of  all  society 
are  the  State,  the  Family,  and  the  Church,  and  we  have 
now  considered  these  and  their  incidents.  So  land,  labor, 
capital,  production,  and  distribution  need  not  further  de- 
tain us,  except  that  it  will  be  interesting  to  notice  some 
divergences  from  British  economic  models.  Negro  slavery 
was  one,  but  it  assumed  importance  later  than  the  first 
century  of  colonization.  At  least  two  subjects  closely  asso- 
ciated with  what  we  now  deem  essentially  British  character, 
however,  are  from  the  beginning  remarkable  by  their  ab- 
sence. One  of  these  is  manufacturing,  and  yet  it  would  be 
misleading  to  think  of  this  industrial  development  as  even 
British  in  the  seventeenth  century;  for  at  the  time  of  the 
settlement  of  America  this  industry  had  not  developed  at 
home.  It  was  not  until  the  middle  of  the  next  century 
that  the  industrial  revolution  effected  by  machinery  and 
steam  made  England  the  manufacturing  country  of  the 
world.  So  that  it  is  not  wonderful  that  the  Virginians  and 
Carolinians  did  not  develop  something  which  their  condi- 
tions did  not  call  for  and  a tendency  to  which  they  can 
hardly  be  said  to  have  brought  with  them. 

But  why  did  not  the  shipping  industry  flourish  in  the 
descendants  of  those  who  explored  the  world  under  Raleigh 
and  Drake,  and  whose  own  immigration  was  its  fruit?  The 
indented  coast  of  Greece  made  that  the  maritime  nation  of 
Classic  times,  and  it  is  strange  that  Chesapeake  Bay  and 


BRITISH  INSTITUTIONS 


*75 


the  many  admirable  harbors  of  the  Atlantic  did  not  create  a 
seafaring  population.  The  New  Englander  developed  this 
English  tendency  better  than  his  Southern  brother.  It  is 
probable  that  the  sparse  settlement  of  the  country  had 
something  to  do  with  it,  for  there  was  much  local  shipping 
about  James  River.  It  is  probable  that  the  distances  between 
the  colonies  prevented  the  growth  of  a true  coasting  marine. 
And  yet,  the  foreign  carrying  trade  was  largely  developed, 
particularly  at  Charlestown.  The  tobacco  and  rice  of  the 
two  colonies,  together  with  the  furs  and  peltries  of  the  In- 
dian trade,  gave  rise  to  a large  business,  carried  on  mainly 
in  ships  owned  abroad.  Charlestown  seemed  even  a rival 
to  the  recently  acquired  Dutch  port  of  New  York. 

The  growth  of  Charlestown  modified  the  rural  tendency 
of  the  South  in  several  ways,  for  the  Carolinian  plantations 
were  more  compact  and  the  planters  spent  what  time  could 
be  spared  in  what  became  a cultivated  community.  Charles- 
town developed  into  a considerable  city,  wealthy  and  influ- 
ential, to  such  an  extent  that,  as  at  Rome,  elections  and 
public  affairs  for  the  whole  colony  were  transacted  in  the 
town.  An  aristocratic  population  grew  up,  unlike  any  other 
in  America.  There  even  came  to  be  a modification  of 
the  distinctive  Southern  type  of  home.  The  warmth  of  the 
climate,  the  lowness  of  the  soil,  made  the  long  summers  op- 
pressive, and  an  essential  part  of  the  Charlestown  house  was 
the  front  piazza  or  gallery,  always  faced  to  catch  the  southern 
breeze.  To  such  an  extent  was  this  carried  that  in  course 
of  time  not  only  did  the  family  deem  the  piazza  the  most 
important  part  of  the  house,  but,  however  the  streets  ran, 
the  houses  faced  south,  and  on  north  and  south  avenues  were 
entered  by  a door  at  one  end  of  the  piazza.  This  modification 
would  not  be  so  much  needed  in  the  country,  and  there  as 
in  Virginia  the  original  type  was  a house  with  a porch  or 
piazza  in  front  opening  into  the  hall,  inherited  with  its 
traditions  from  England,  and  on  each  side  of  this  were  the 
various  rooms.  In  Virginia  and  Carolina  the  house  had 
both  hall  and  porch,  but  perhaps  we  may  think  of  the 


176 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


Virginian  porch  as  an  outdoor  annex  of  the  hall,  and  of 
the  Carolinian  hall  as  somewhat  an  indoor  extension  of  the 
piazza.  The  archetype  of  both  styles  may  to  this  day  be 
seen  throughout  the  South  in  log  cabins,  with  gallery  in  front 
outside  and  rooms  within  on  each  side  of  an  open  central 
hall ; but  in  time  the  hall  would  be  closed  and  entered  through 
the  door  from  the  front  gallery,  another  story  added,  and 
architectural  improvements  made.  The  result  was  the 
majestic  Southern  mansion,  of  which  many  examples  still 
survive  from  colonial  days. 

The  presence  of  the  central  hall  probably  dictated  the 
building  of  the  chimneys  at  the  end  of  the  house  instead 
of  in  the  centre,  and  the  location  of  the  chimney  has  been 
made  the  text  of  a very  interesting  study  of  life  in  the  South 
as  contrasted  with  the  North.  While  at  the  South  the  cool 
hall  was  the  central  attraction,  in  New  England  the  great 
fireplace  was  in  the  centre  of  the  building  so  as  the  better 
to  warm  the  house,  as  was  the  more  necessary  in  so  in- 
hospitable a climate,  while  the  piazza  became  a mere  en- 
trance porch.  And  yet  the  more  inhospitable  without,  the 
more  the  people  were  driven  to  home  comforts,  and  thus 
induced  to  live  closer  together  and  build  up  villages  and 
towns,  while  in  the  South  the  influences  were  centrifugal, 
with  tendencies  toward  less  crowded  quarters  and  more 
outdoor  life. 

England  had  now  founded  or  acquired  in  America  a 
number  of  colonies,  which  were  gradually  developing  along 
lines  which  were  to  determine  their  future.  What  that 
might  be,  no  one  could  tell,  and,  in  fact,  the  colonists  at  least 
hardly  cared,  and  did  not  speculate.  Communication  even 
within  the  limits  of  one  colony  was  difficult.  Each  planta- 
tion was  in  a measure  independent  of  the  others.  Except 
so  far  as  the  Carolinians  met  in  Charlestown,  the  principal 
gatherings  throughout  the  Southern  colonies  were  at  religious 
and  political  meetings.  There  thus  grew  up  a local  patriot- 
ism in  each  province.  What  might  happen  in  Virginia 
affected  Carolina  very  little,  and  what  happened  in  Carolina 


Thomas,  Lord  Culpepper.  Patentee  of  Virginia  and  governor  for  life. 
From  the  painting  in  possession  of  the  Virginia  Historical  Society. 


BRITISH  INSTITUTIONS 


177 


might  be  almost  unknown  in  Virginia.  Maryland  and  Vir- 
ginia had  more  interests  in  common,  and  to  some  extent 
they  drew  together,  as  did  the  New  England  colonies.  On 
the  whole,  the  development  was  that  of  isolated  settlements, 
having  little  interest  in  each  other.  The  population  steadily 
grew,  as  is  apt  to  be  the  case  in  colonial  and  frontier  settle- 
ments, and  was  increased  from  time  to  time  by  immigration 
from  the  old  country.  As  a rule,  there  was  growing  up  in 
each  colony  a remarkably  homogeneous  population.  Had 
there  been  any  such  diverse  immigration  as  we  find  in  our 
day,  it  is  questionable  whether  an  American  type  of  any 
sort  could  have  developed.  Fortunate  it  was  that  con- 
tinental nations  abroad  were  absorbed  in  their  own  affairs 
and  in  their  own  wars,  and  did  not  to  any  great  extent  send 
a surplus  population  over  the  Atlantic.  In  this  way  the 
settlements  were  permitted  to  have  a strong  and  healthy 
individualistic  growth  and  become  able  in  course  of  time  to 
assimilate  what  was  to  come  to  them  from  other  countries. 

The  colonies  extended  in  an  irregular  half-moon  from 
Massachusetts  on  the  north  to  the  Carolinas  on  the  south. 
They  not  only  fronted  the  Atlantic,  but  their  principal 
development  was  on  the  seacoast.  Nevertheless,  they  were 
gradually  extending  back  into  the  interior,  and  in  course  of 
time  were  to  reach  the  Alleghanies  and  their  continuations, 
and,  in  Pennsylvania  and  New  York,  to  follow  the  river 
courses  even  beyond  these  mountain  barriers;  but  for  the 
time  now  under  consideration  the  tidewater  was  the  seat  of 
population  and  of  industry.  The  lack  of  cohesion  among 
their  Indian  enemies  tended  to  increase  their  mutual  inde- 
pendence. Had  it  been  necessary  to  combine  against  a 
common  Indian  foe,  the  sentiment  of  nationality  would 
have  had  an  earlier  growth.  But  Carolina  had  to  fight  only 
its  own  Indians,  Virginia  hers,  and  Massachusetts  her  own, 
and  single-handed  each  was  able  to  prevail. 

It  is  true  there  were  germs  which  tended  ultimately  toward 
greater  unity.  There  was  the  sentiment  of  loyalty  to 
the  British  Crown,  originally  strong  among  those  who  came 


i78 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


from  England  and  kept  up  in  their  children  by  commercial 
and  intellectual  intercourse  with  the  old  home.  Their 
governors  came  from  England,  their  books,  their  clothing, 
and  furniture,  and  oftentimes  even  bricks  and  household 
utensils.  There  was  everywhere  and  always  a sentiment 
of  attachment  to  the  mother  country.  This  was  to  some 
extent  reinforced  by  the  feeling  that,  after  all,  they  were  her 
outposts  in  a New  World,  that  to  her  they  must  look  for 
salvation  in  the  future  as  in  the  past  against  the  savages  of 
the  interior.  If  the  different  colonies  seldom  applied  to 
each  other  for  assistance  against  the  Indians,  each  one  of 
them  did  look  for  help  to  England.  The  old  feeling, 
so  prominent  in  the  settlement  of  Virginia,  of  hostility  to 
the  Spaniards  had  in  a sense  migrated  to  Carolina  ; for  the 
Spanish  terror  was  but  past  history  to  Virginia  of  the  eight- 
eenth century,  although  an  ever  pressing  dread  to  the 
Carolinians.  The  new  power  arising  in  the  Mississippi 
valley  was  likewise  to  interest  the  Carolinians  more  than 
other  southern  colonists,  although  the  French  wars  were 
to  affect  New  England  more  than  any  other  part  of  America. 
Whether  in  Massachusetts  or  in  Carolina,  the  feeling  that 
a conflict  with  the  French  meant  one  with  the  greatest 
power  in  Europe  led  to  a curious  mingling  of  self-assertion 
and  dependence, — assertion  against  the  French  in  Amer- 
ica, and  dependence  upon  the  British  government  in  Europe. 

The  general  result  of  the  growth  of  institutions  in 
America,  particularly  in  the  South,  was  a feeling  of  self- 
reliance,  which  assumed  the  form  of  political  unrest  and 
military  activity.  Like  most  other  instances  of  local  self- 
government  well  developed,  it  showed  a lack  of  cohesion. 
It  developed  individuals  first,  the  colony  second,  a nation 
not  at  all.  It  was  a system  strong  in  peace,  but  weak 
in  war,  especially  a war  requiring  more  than  local  action. 
For  the  net  result  of  British  colonization  was  rather  a 
series  of  settlements  on  the  Atlantic  coast  than  a systematic 
occupation  and  plantation  of  America. 


CHAPTER  IX 

LA  SALLE  FOUNDS  LOUISIANA 

Mazarin,  the  guardian  of  Louis  XIV.,  grandson  of 
Henry  IV.,  was  not  an  unworthy  successor  of  Richelieu, 
but  he  lacked  the  commanding  presence  and  influence  of  the 
old  cardinal.  The  Great  Conde,  Turenne,  and  the  nobles 
submitted  with  impatience  to  his  rule,  and  in  1648—1649, 
despite  the  eclat  of  effecting  the  Peace  of  Westphalia, 
there  broke  out  the  insurrection  of  the  Fronde,  at  first 
headed  by  the  Parlement  of  Paris,  seeking  reforms  in  the 
government,  and  when  this  was  appeased  there  was  a sub- 
sequent outbreak  lasting  four  years  longer,  engineered 
largely  by  De  Retz  and  other  conspirators.  In  the  course 
of  this,  Mazarin  had  to  retire  from  Paris,  and  the  young  king 
and  the  queen-mother  suffered  such  privations  as  to  make 
a deep  impression  upon  Louis.  Young  as  he  was,  it  all 
had  a determining  effect  upon  his  character,  for  it  persuaded 
him  of  the  need  of  keeping  the  Parlement  in  subjection  and 
of  establishing  over  against  the  nobles  and  the  people  a 
strong  royal  government.  The  contemporary  rebellion  in 
England,  culminating  in  the  execution  of  Charles  I.,  and 
the  teaching  of  Mazarin  united  to  confirm  his  resolution; 
and,  boy  as  he  was,  to  this  period  we  can  date  the  policy  he 
afterward  pursued  of  making  the  French  monarchy  absolute, 
of  recognizing  at  home,  abroad,  and  in  the  colonies  no  will 
but  his  own.  He  attained  his  majority  at  the  sedate  age  of 
fourteen,  and  the  only  effect  was  a more  mature  dependence 

I79 


i8o 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


upon  Mazarin.  While  his  general  education  was  perhaps 
neglected,  he  was  taught  to  be  a soldier  and  given  manners 
worthy  of  a king,  while  Mazarin  inculcated  the  necessity 
of  being  powerful  at  home  and  of  obtaining  for  France  a 
scientific  frontier.  Only  four  years  after  his  nominal  ma- 
jority came  the  famous  incident  of  his  lecturing  the  Parle- 
ment,  hunting  whip  in  hand;  and  with  the  death  of  the 
cardinal  in  1661,  Louis  quietly  but  with  determination 
assumed  the  reins  of  power,  announcing  that  he  would  be 
his  own  prime  minister.  He  had  inherited  efficient  officials, 
and  in  Colbert  especially  had  one  of  the  first  rank,  and  it 
may  be  said  that  to  Colbert  France  owed  all  that  was  best 
in  the  reign  of  Louis  XIV.  It  is  true  that  Louvois  was  an 
admirable  minister  of  war,  and  aided  greatly  in  the  reorgani- 
zation of  the  French  army  under  Conde  and  Turenne  which 
made  it  largely  infantry  and  in  all  respects  the  finest  in  the 
world ; but  it  was  Colbert  who  reorganized  the  State  and 
supplied  the  means  by  which  wars  were  carried  on,  and, 
better  yet,  instituted  a commercial  and  colonial  policy  by 
which  war  was  almost  unnecessary.  In  the  years  preceding 
Colbert’s  death  in  1683,  t^le  re'gn  of  Louis  XIV.  was  seen 
at  its  best.  Before  that  year  came  the  encouragement  of 
manufactures,  the  placing  of  the  finances  of  the  kingdom  in 
the  state  which  was  the  wonder  of  the  world,  the  extension 
of  commerce  and  the  upbuilding  of  a navy,  and  the  adop- 
tion of  a definite  and  far-reaching  colonial  policy  covering 
the  world  from  India  to  America.  Heretofore  over  half 
of  the  taxes  had  been  absorbed,  legitimately  or  illegitimately, 
before  reaching  the  royal  treasury,  while  from  the  time  of 
Colbert  all  were  received  after  light  costs  of  collection. 
From  an  annual  deficit  of  millions,  there  was  an  annual  sur- 
plus of  millions  of  livres.  While  not  prime  minister,  while 
not  even  foreign  minister,  the  policy  advocated  by  him  pre- 
vailed to  a large  extent  during  his  lifetime,  and  this  was  to 
keep  up  the  relations  established  by  Henry  IV.  and  continued 
by  Richelieu  to  maintain  alliance  with  the  Protestant  princes 
of  Europe  against  the  Catholic  Houses  of  Austria  and  Spain. 


LA  SALLE  FOUNDS  LOUISIANA  181 

There  gradually  developed  also  the  old  ambition  of  Mazarin 
to  have  as  the  French  eastern  boundary  the  river  Rhine; 
and  with  the  exercise  of  good  judgment  this  could  have 
been  attained,  if  there  had  not  been  added  the  wish  to  make 
the  Scheldt  the  French  boundary  on  the  northeast.  That 
was  a different  matter.  As  to  the  Rhine,  there  was  only 
the  loose  Empire  to  contend  with,  divided  against  itself  and 
half  looking  to  Louis  as  protector.  In  the  other  case,  there 
was  not  only  the  declining  power  of  Spain  to  reckon  with, 
but  the  jealousy,  commercial  and  military,  of  the  rising 
Dutch.  It  was  essential  that  Vauban  be  able  to  fortify  a 
strong  frontier  to  the  east  and  northeast;  but  Colbert,  unlike 
Louvois,  held  that  statesmanship  dictated  going  ahead  slowly, 
and  Louis  vacillated  in  the  matter.  His  first  great  war  was 
against  the  Spanish  Netherlands  upon  the  conclusion  of  the 
Peace  of  Breda,  and  then  one  With  Holland,  during  which 
the  Dutch  cut  their  dikes;  and  in  1678  the  Peace  of  Nime- 
guen  ended  what  was  in  a sense  the  first  act  of  the  drama, 
leaving  France  the  most  formidable  power  in  Europe,  and 
free  now  to  influence  other  continents. 

By  the  end  of  the  seventeenth  century  the  French  had 
established  a sure  footing  in  North  America.  It  was  no 
longer  by  Huguenots,  exiles  rather  than  colonists,  that 
settlement  was  attempted.  The  royal  government  itself 
moved  in  the  matter,  and,  the  year  after  the  foundation  of 
Jamestown,  Quebec  was  built,  itself  younger  than  Acadia. 
It  is  true  that  for  a long  time  Quebec  was  simply  a little 
place  whose  mountain  perch  was  essential  to  its  defence 
from  surrounding  Indians,  but  it  was  nevertheless  a true 
settlement  and  the  starting  point  for  French  influence  in 
what  was  to  become  Canada.  Montreal  followed,  and 
explorers,  missionaries,  and  voyageurs  gradually  pushed  up 
the  St.  Lawrence  to  the  Great  Lakes.  By  the  time  of 
Colbert,  Lrench  power  was  well  established  in  Canada  and 
on  the  north  coasts;  while  in  the  West  Indies,  among 
others,  Martinique  and  Guadaloupe  were  theirs,  and  buc- 
caneers had  paved  the  way  for  French  colonization  of  a 


i82 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


part  of  Santo  Domingo.  In  Africa,  the  French  power  was 
felt  in  Senegal  and  across  the  continent  in  Madagascar, 
while  in  India  there  were  French  factories  at  Surat  and 
Masulipatam.  All  of  these  were  only  beginnings,  but  they 
were  the  beginnings  of  true  colonization.  Colbert  had  be- 
come controleur  general , and  a little  later  minister  of  marine, 
commerce,  and  the  colonies,  and  he  saw  to  it  that  colo- 
nial taxation  was  light  and  that  the  immigrants  were  aided. 
Colbert,  more  than  anyone,  realized  the  importance  of  colo- 
nies. He  saw  that  much  of  the  commerce  of  the  world 
was  to  be  upon  the  western  seas  and  that  a strong  navy  was 
a necessity  for  France,  and  therefore  made  or  improved  five 
great  ports,  providing  suitable  arsenals,  shipyards,  and  the 
like.  On  the  Mediterranean  was  Toulon,  on  the  channel 
Dunkirk  and  Havre,  while  Brest  and  Rochefort  looked 
out  upon  the  Atlantic.  In  1672,  France  had  only  sixty 
vessels  of  the  line  and  forty  frigates,  carrying  sixty  thou- 
sand sailors.  Nine  years  later,  the  navy  included  one  hun- 
dred and  ninety-eight  war  vessels,  carrying  one  hundred 
and  sixty  thousand  men,  and  by  1690  it  amounted  to  seven 
hundred  and  sixty  men-of-war.  Great  naval  commanders 
were  also  forthcoming,  and  from  then  date  Tourville,  Jean 
Bart,  Duquesne,  and  others;  for  neither  Holland  nor  Eng- 
land was  to  remain  mistress  of  the  seas,  and  some  of  the 
French  admirals  were  perhaps  as  great  as  the  world  had 
ever  seen.  Schools  of  instruction  were  founded  at  Roche- 
fort, Brest,  Dieppe,  and  Toulon,  to  which  the  principal 
families  of  the  coast,  including  some  from  the  colonies, 
were  invited  to  send  their  sons  to  learn  to  be  officers.  Thus 
three  Le  Moyne  children  came  from  Canada,  one  being 
Pierre,  afterward  known  as  Sieur  d’Iberville;  they  spent  four 
or  five  years  in  these  schools  and  upon  war  vessels  in  actual 
service.  What  battles  they  were  in  we  do  not  know,  but 
it  was  the  time  of  the  Sicilian  war,  in  which  the  famous 
Dutch  admiral,  De  Ruyter,  was  killed,  the  time  when  Tour- 
ville won  Beachy  Head  over  the  British,  lost  La  Hogue, 
and  then  next  year  won  Lagos,  and  when  Jean  Bart  was  as 


LA  SALLE  FOUNDS  LOUISIANA 


l83 

successful  as  he  was  daring.  Colonial  sailors  might  meet 
foreigners  like  the  Italian  Henri  de  Tonty,  proud  to  lose  an 
arm  for  their  adopted  country,  and  even  students  in  seacoast 
towns  would,  like  La  Salle,  hear  and  see  what  would  fire 
them  to  explore  unknown  wilds.  To  us  absolutism  means 
the  deadening  of  all  ambition,  and  yet  the  age  of  Louis  can 
only  be  understood  in  Europe  and  America,  by  realizing  the 
contrary.  The  will  of  the  king  was  supreme,  but  the  abso- 
lute monarch  evoked  absolute  devotion  on  the  part  of  a 
brave  and  adventurous  nation.  Man’s  chief  end  was  to 
glorify  the  king.  His  glory  was  the  inspiration  of  his 
people.  By  the  Rhine  and  on  the  Indian  Ocean,  in  Hud- 
son Bay  and  on  the  Mississippi,  the  honor  of  Louis  le 
Grand  nerved  the  arm  and  called  into  play  all  that  was 
best  in  Frenchmen.  Belief  in  something  akin  to  fatalism 
had  not  long  since  inspired  the  Puritans  on  the  battlefield 
and  in  the  council,  and  zeal  for  an  earthly  ruler  hardly  less 
absolute  than  Deity  created  the  epoch  of  Louis  XIV.  It 
was  more  than  love  of  an  army  for  its  general,  for  the 
generals  were  but  his  servants.  It  was  more  than  admira- 
tion for  a ruler,  for  the  actual  rulers  were  his  ministers. 
The  king  was  the  State, — “L’etat  c’est  moi,” — but  he  was 
king  by  Divine  right,  and,  all  in  all,  was  idolized  until  the 
feeling  of  the  French  was  akin  to  adoration. 

In  England  we  have  seen  that  the  Virginia  Company 
had  long  since  been  dissolved,  but  the  East  India  and 
other  corporations  still  showed  active  life,  as  they  did  in 
Holland.  It  is  not  surprising,  therefore,  that  Colbert  also 
should  look  to  the  development  of  his  colonies  by  means 
of  corporations.  We  find,  in  1664,  the  formation  of  a 
privileged  East  India  Company,  although  Pondicherry  was 
not  to  come  for  a decade  and  the  French  interests  in  that 
quarter  were  small;  and  in  the  same  year  came  the  West 
India  Company,  to  take  in  charge  Canada  and  the  islands. 
This  latter,  however,  was  unsuccessful,  and  ten  years  later 
America  was  placed  under  the  direct  administration  of  Col- 
bert as  minister  of  marine.  A more  lasting  institution  was 


184 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


the  Company  of  the  West,  whose  zenith  was  yet  to  come. 
Thus  it  was  that  French  colonization  in  America  was  part 
of  a world  movement.  Our  field  is  limited  to  the  west,  but 
it  is  not  amiss  to  remember  that  this  was  only  a part  of  the 
colonial  enterprise  of  the  age  of  Louis  XIV.  In  the  east 
the  contest  of  France  was  to  be  mainly  with  the  Dutch, 
while  in  the  west  it  was  ultimately  with  the  English;  but 
for  the  time  being,  now  that  Spain  was  less  powerful,  it 
seemed  as  if  the  interior  of  America  was  open  to  the  first 
comer;  and  that  the  time  would  soon  come  when  Quebec 
would  be  a name  almost  as  familiar  as  Antwerp,  and  the 
as  yet  unknown  Mississippi  even  eclipse  the  Rhine.  For 
De  Soto  and  Menendez  we  must  now  read  French  names, 
and  study  minds  and  men  who  could  make  plans  greater 
even  than  those  absorbing  the  attention  of  the  cabinets  of 
Europe. 

To  such  an  extent  did  Canada  embody  French  plans, 
that  with  the  neighboring  coasts  it  received  the  name  of 
New  France.  A few  facts  of  its  history  are  necessary  to 
our  story,  because  out  of  Canada  and  its  interests  sprang 
the  French  enterprises  in  the  interior.  Just  as  in  France 
Richelieu  had  instituted  intendants  in  all  the  provinces  to 
look  after  finance,  so  in  Canada,  from  the  time  it  ceased 
to  be  a mission,  we  find  the  government  conducted  by  a 
governor  representing  more  especially  the  military  side,  and 
an  intendant  who  was  at  the  head  of  finance,  justice,  and 
commerce.  In  the  earlier  settlements  of  France  and  Spain 
we  have  not  seen  this  distinction,  and  it  was  due  to  the 
reforms  of  Richelieu.  Well  as  it  worked  in  France,  where 
the  intendants  superseded  the  older  nobility  and  had  the 
real  administration  of  affairs,  it  was  a division  not  suitable 
to  the  new  conditions  of  America.  If  the  people  were 
not  to  be  taken  into  account,  the  proprietary  or  palatine 
form  which  we  have  noticed  in  English  enterprises  was 
the  best.  One  man  could  better  govern  than  two,  and 
yet  it  is  characteristic  of  the  jealousy  of  the  king  that  as 
in  France  he  employed  spies  on  everyone,  in  the  colonies 


LA  SALLE  FOUNDS  LOUISIANA 


185 


he  divided  what  should  have  been  one  strong  central  power 
into  two,  in  order  that  they  might  be  checks  and  spies  on 
each  other. 

One  of  the  earlier  intendants , Jean  Baptiste  Talon,  was 
a man  after  Colbert’s  own  heart.  He  was  not  content 
with  developing  the  settlements  along  St.  Lawrence  River, 
but  looked  forward  to  the  future.  France,  it  is  true,  had 
some  tropical  islands,  but  the  occupation  of  the  coast  by 
Spain  and  England  after  the  unfortunate  events  about  Fort 
Caroline  had  forced  her  to  colonize  in  a bleaker  climate. 
On  account  of  the  fisheries,  Acadia  and  Newfoundland  were 
their  own  excuse;  but  the  river  St.  Lawrence  did  not  pass 
through  a country  of  mines  or  agriculture,  and  was  not 
worth  much  in  itself.  The  inhospitable  climate  led  Talon 
to  urge  the  acquisition  from  the  Dutch  and  English  of  the 
Hudson  valley  and  its  commodious  harbor,  so  as  to  have  a 
more  southern  outlet  for  the  commerce  wThich  came  to  the 
St.  Lawrence.  This  was  found  impossible,  but  Talon’s 
plan  for  a southern  port  was,  all  unconsciously  to  himself 
and  to  his  contemporaries,  to  be  carried  out  further  to 
the  west  and  in  a different  way.  The  daring  Jesuits  had 
long  since  pressed  forward  among  the  Iroquois  and  all  but 
made  a new  Paraguay  among  the  Hurons  in  the  triangle 
between  their  lake  and  Lake  Erie.  Further  yet  had  they 
gone  and  founded  missions  for  the  salvation  of  the  western 
savages:  at  Sault  Ste.  Marie, where  Lake  Superior  discharges 
its  water  through  rapids  and  falls,  and  St.  Ignace  at  Michili- 
mackinac,  not  far  away,  overlooking  the  outlet  of  Lake 
Michigan ; and  even  beyond,  missions  were  located  at  dif- 
ferent times  at  the  extreme  west  end  of  Superior,  on  its 
southern  bank,  and  on  the  waters  tributary  to  the  western 
shore  of  Michigan.  In  such  schools  were  brought  up  Joliet 
the  trader  and  Marquette  the  priest;  but  providing  lonely 
chapels  for  the  conversion  of  souls  was  not  the  object 
of  the  French  government.  The  missionaries  were  ex- 
plorers, but  political  and  commercial  influence  must  follow 
them  if  France  was  to  gain  any  advantage  from  their  labors. 


1 86 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


Voyageurs,  whether  religious  or  secular,  must  give  place  to 
others,  and  other  interests  came. 

The  fur  trade,  especially  in  beaver  skins,  had  now  grown 
from  casual  and  small  beginnings  until  it  was  an  organi- 
zation of  which  the  State  took  cognizance;  and  at  certain 
seasons  of  the  year  canoes  of  peltries  swarmed  down  the 
lakes  to  the  St.  Lawrence,  the  natives  carrying  their  freight 
around  the  great  falls  of  Niagara  or  through  Georgian  Bay 
across  to  the  waters  of  the  Ottawa,  to  float  them  to  Mon- 
treal and  Quebec.  Emissaries  among  the  various  Indian 
tribes  bought  peltries  or  themselves  hunted  and  brought 
furs  down  the  lakes  and  river,  so  that  the  explorer  gave 
way  to  the  trader,  voyageurs  to  the  coureurs  de  hois , of 
whom  possibly  the  greatest  was  Tonty’s  cousin,  Daniel 
Greysolon  Du  Lhut.  Firearms  and  liquor  constituted  a 
large  part  of  the  consideration  paid  the  Indians,  with  the 
result  of  changing  their  barbarism  into  a semi-civilization 
which  had  few  of  the  virtues  and  most  of  the  vices  of  the 
French.  To  drink  became  their  consuming  desire,  and  it 
was  necessary  for  the  government  to  forbid  traders  from 
going  among  the  Indians,  so  that  commerce  in  Canada 
could  be  under  proper  police  supervision.  This  restriction 
upon  trade  was  evaded,  and  priest,  governor,  and  intendant 
at  different  times  not  only  winked  at  its  infraction,  but 
themselves  shared  in  the  profits  of  the  illicit  fur  trade. 
Gradually  the  missions  became  military  outposts,  and  in 
1671  came  the  prise  de  possession  by  Deaumont  de  Saint- 
Lusson,  when,  raising  a clod  of  earth  at  Michilimackinac 
before  natives  and  followers  like  Le  Sueur,  he  claimed  the 
whole  country  tributary  to  the  Great  Lakes  for  Louis  XIV. 
Empty  claim  it  was  in  some  respects,  for  the  Jesuits  had 
been  driven  from  among  the  Iroquois,  and  the  Five  Nations 
had  almost  exterminated  the  Hurons  in  the  “reductions” 
of  the  new  Paraguay  and  forced  them  headlong  westward. 
Not  only  did  the  Five  Nations  by  their  savage  wars  make 
themselves  feared  and  at  this  time  the  masters  of  all  tribes 
near  the  Great  Lakes,  but  they  were  the  most  formidable 


LA  SALLE  FOUNDS  LOUISIANA 


187 


foes  of  Canada,  whose  governors  contended  with  them  in  war 
and  raid,  and  welcomed  peace  when  it  could  be  obtained. 

Thus  the  all-lake  route  to  the  west  was  long  impassable, 
and,  instead  of  using  Lake  Erie,  the  fur  trade  had  to  come 
through  Lake  Huron  and  the  Ottawa  portage  down  to  the 
St.  Lawrence.  And  yet,  the  other  lakes  were  now  be- 
coming commercialized,  a back  country  for  Canada,  and 
explorers  must  go  further  to  find  anything  new.  Rumors 
had  come  through  the  western  missions  of  the  great  river 
which  we  now  call  the  Mississippi,  and  it  was  discovered 
by  Marquette  and  Joliet  shortly  after  Talon  returned  to 
France  and  the  energetic  Frontenac  came  as  governor.  It 
is  sometimes  claimed  that  a Colonel  Wood  had  been  on  a 
branch  of  the  river  almost  twenty  years  before,  and  one  Cap- 
tain Bolton  on  the  Mississippi  itself  in  1670;  but,  if  so,  they 
have  been  less  fortunate  than  the  Frenchmen  in  their  chroni- 
clers. It  would  seem  that  La  Salle,  a young  man  from 
Rouen,  educated  among  the  Jesuits  and  come  to  America 
with  zeal  to  discover  something,  passed  down  Ohio  River 
to  the  falls  where  Louisville  now  stands  and  possibly  to  the 
Mississippi  itself;  at  all  events,  he  secured  the  confidence 
of  Frontenac  and  was  with  him  when  the  governor  in  1673 
built  a fort  named  for  himself  on  Lake  Erie  with  the  inten- 
tion of  controlling  a part  of  the  fur  trade.  With  the  nice 
dispute  whether  this  was  done  for  the  benefit  of  the  colony 
or  for  that  of  the  governor  we  are  not  concerned,  nor  with 
the  accusation  that  the  Jesuits  opposed  it  because  it  would 
divert  some  of  the  trade  from  the  old  Ottawa  route,  by 
which  the  missions  profited.  More  important  is  it  that 
next  year  La  Salle  carried  back  to  Colbert  a letter  from 
Frontenac  highly  recommending  him,  and  acquired  through 
the  great  minister  the  grant  of  the  fort  and  the  signiory 
around  it,  and  three  years  later  was  there  in  command, 
having  among  his  Recollet  priests  Louis  Hennepin,  of 
famous  memory.  La  Salle  was  soon  again  in  France,  and 
with  the  minister  planned  exploration  and  colonization  of 
the  interior  country  tributary  to  the  great  river,  then  known 


1 88 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


as  the  Colbert.  Marquette  and  Joliet  had  descended  far 
enough  to  be  satisfied  that  it  emptied  into  the  Gulf  of 
Mexico,  and  La  Salle  was  to  go  to  the  mouth  and  verify 
this.  Then  in  the  prime  of  his  power  was  the  Prince  de 
Conti,  not  yet  in  the  debauched  old  age  by  which  he  is 
generally  remembered,  and  from  the  Italian  wars  of  the 
king  the  prince  had  brought  with  him  to  Paris  an  Italian 
who  was  to  be  no  unworthy  second  to  La  Salle, — Henri  de 
Tonty,  whose  ingenious  father  had  invented  the  scheme  of 
insurance  now  called  by  his  name.  The  prince  at  this 
time  took  a deep  interest  in  the  widening  field  of  coloniza- 
tion opening  up  to  France,  and  recommended  this  Italian 
to  La  Salle,  who,  even  on  the  voyage  across  the  Atlantic, 
found  that  the  fact  that  Tonty  had  lost  an  arm  by  the  explo- 
sion of  a grenade  in  Sicily  did  not  impair  the  singular  force 
and  usefulness  of  the  man.  La  Salle  was  to  accomplish 
the  greater  work,  but  it  would  have  been  almost  impossible 
without  his  lieutenant,  the  beauty  and  vitality  of  whose  life 
and  character  made  him  the  Bayard  of  colonization. 

The  wealth  of  his  relatives  enabled  La  Salle  to  recon- 
struct his  fort  of  stone,  but  it  was  to  be  less  a resting  place 
than  a point  of  departure  for  his  future  life.  The  Iroquois 
pacified,  he  built  the  beginnings  of  Fort  Niagara,  and  above 
the  falls  constructed  the  first  home-built  boat  of  the  upper 
lakes.  This  Griffin  was  to  carry  him  further,  and  in  1679 
his  party  ascended  the  lakes,  passing  St.  Ignace  at  Michili- 
mackinac,  and,  loading  her  for  a return  voyage,  La  Salle, 
through  the  St.  Joseph  and  its  portage,  reached  the  Illinois. 
The  next  year  saw  the  building  of  Fort  Crevecoeur,  on  Illi- 
nois River.  The  Griffin  had  been  sent  back  with  furs  from 
Michilimackinac,  but  perished  on  the  way,  and  La  Salle 
returned  overland  to  Fort  Frontenac  only  to  learn  the  loss 
of  the  ship  from  France  bringing  him  supplies.  As  if  the 
archer  thrice  must  strike,  the  Iroquois,  jealous  of  the  fur 
trade  and  of  his  growing  influence  on  the  lakes,  in  a rapid 
expedition  dispersed  and  destroyed  the  Illinois  who  had 
gathered  around  La  Salle’s  camp,  and  drove  off  even  Tonty 


LA  SALLE  FOUNDS  LOUISIANA 


189 

and  his  men.  Father  Hennepin  had  been  sent  by  La  Salle 
to  explore  the  upper  Mississippi,  and  this  he  did  with  some 
success,  and  named  the  Falls  of  St.  Anthony  for  the  Paduan 
saint.  Years  afterward  he  was  to  disgrace  the  gray  gown 
and  cord  of  St.  Francis  by  claiming  also  to  have  descended 
to  the  mouth  of  the  river,  but  this  was  after  the  death  of 
La  Salle. 

It  required  much  exertion,  money,  and  courage  to  gather 
his  resources  again,  but  this  La  Salle  did,  and  in  1681  all 
was  ready  to  his  satisfaction  for  the  descent  of  Mississippi 
River  to  its  mouth.  His  original  plan  before  the  loss  of 
the  Griffin  had  been  to  make  the  voyage  in  a large  boat  so 
as  to  bring  back  buffalo  hides  acquired  in  trade,  and  thus 
pay  the  expenses  of  the  expedition ; but  he  now  resolved  to 
go  on  in  canoes.  His  party  embraced  in  all  fifty-four  people, 
of  whom  eighteen  were  French  and  the  rest  Indians,  some  of 
these  being  Abnakis  and  others  who  had  been  vanquished 
in  contest  with  the  New  England  settlers  and  had  found 
their  way  to  Crevecoeur.  All  went  down  the  Illinois,  and 
on  February  6th  entered  the  broad  Colbert,  or  Mississippi. 
Descending,  they  saw  the  muddy  Missouri,  later  the  Ohio, 
and  toward  the  end  of  the  month  built  a stockade  fort  on 
the  Third  Chickasaw  Bluff,  naming  it  Prudhomme  for  a 
hunter  who  was  temporarily  lost.  As  they  rowed  south- 
ward spring  became  more  and  more  apparent  and  the  beau- 
ties of  nature  began  to  appeal  to  them.  Although  ever  and 
anon  they  saw  Indians,  generally  they  were  well  received. 
In  March  they  were  with  the  Kappas,  or  Quapaws,  near  the 
mouth  of  Arkansas  River,  and  found  there  not  only  corn 
and  beans,  but  peaches  and  domestic  fowl,  turkeys  and  tame 
bustards, — opening  up  an  interesting  question  as  to  the 
origin  of  the  fowl.  Gravier,  in  1700,  saw  numerous  cocks 
and  hens  among  the  Houmas,  who  did  not  eat  them.  The 
stock  of  the  Bayogoulas  was  said  to  have  come  from  a ship- 
wreck, but  off  Mobile  Bay  in  1685  La  Salle  was  himself  to 
take  aboard  Indians  who  already  had  “ moutons,  cochons, 
poules,  coqs  d’Inde,  et  vaches.”  Marquette  had  years 


190 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


before  seen  guns  among  the  Akanseas,  as  among  the  Chicka- 
saws  also,  indicating  trade  with  Mexico  or  Carolina.  Here 
La  Salle  proceeded  to  take  possession  of  the  country  in  the 
name  of  the  king  by  erecting  a cross  bearing  the  arms  of 
France,  the  priest  Membre  intoned  a hymn,  and  the  men 
shouted  uVive  le  Roy!”  Then,  continuing  their  journey, 
they  visited  the  great  town  of  the  Taensas,  or  Tensaws,  in 
which  were  large  square  buildings  of  adobe,  crowned  by  a 
dome  of  canes,  one  of  them  for  the  chief,  and  another  the 
temple  of  the  Sun.  Somewhat  similar  were  the  customs  of 
the  Natches,  whom  they  also  visited,  and  where  they  also 
erected  a cross  with  the  French  arms. 

And  thus  they  went  on  down  the  stream,  seeing  or  hear- 
ing of  various  tribes,  passing  Red  River  and  sundry  bayous, 
until  on  the  6th  of  April  they  came  to  the  three  passes  by 
which  the  Mississippi  discharged.  La  Salle  examined  the 
western,  Tonty  the  middle,  and  D’Autray  the  other.  Soon 
the  water  under  the  boats  changed  to  brine,  the  breeze 
itself  smelt  salt,  and  then  they  saw  before  them  the  Gulf 
of  Mexico — so  long  sought  and  dreamed  of,  now  at  last  a 
reality.  After  some  exploration  came  La  Salle’s  magnificent 
prise  de  possession. 

In  many  respects  it  was  the  grandest  event  since  the 
landing  of  Columbus,  grand  even  in  its  simplicity.  At 
some  place,  now  lost,  above  where  the  passes  separate,  dry 
and  not  subject  to  inundation,  they  landed  and  prepared  a 
column  and  cross.  On  the  column  they  painted  the  arms  of 
France,  with  the  inscription:  Louis  le  Grand , Roy  de  France 
et  de  Navarre , regne  le  oe  Avril  1682.  Everyone  being  under 
arms,  they  chanted  the  Te  Deurn , Exaudiat , the  Domine 
salvum  fac  regem , and  then,  after  salvoes  of  musketry  and 
shouts  of  “Vive  le  Roy!”  La  Salle  erected  the  column,  and 
at  its  foot,  according  to  the  official  report,  made  the  following 
address : 

“ On  the  part  of  the  high,  powerful,  invincible,  and  vic- 
torious Prince,  Louis  le  Grand,  by  the  grace  of  God  king 


LA  SALLE  FOUNDS  LOUISIANA 


I9I 

of  France  and  Navarre,  fourteenth  of  the  name,  to-day  the 
9th  of  April,  1682,  by  virtue  of  the  commission  of  his 
Majesty  which  I hold  in  my  hand  open  to  the  inspection  of 
all  whom  it  may  concern,  I have  taken  and  in  the  name 
of  his  Majesty  and  his  successors  I do  take  possession  of 
this  country  of  Louisiana,  its  seas,  harbors,  ports,  bays,  the 
straits  adjacent,  and  all  nations,  peoples,  provinces,  cities, 
towns,  villages,  mines,  mining  rights,  fisheries,  rivers,  and 
streams  within  the  bounds  of  said  Louisiana,  from  the 
mouth  [embouchure]  of  the  great  River  St.  Louis  from 
the  east,  otherwise  called  Ohio,  Olighinsipou,  or  Chuka- 
goua,  and  this  by  consent  of  the  Chaouesnons,  Chicachas, 
and  other  peoples  who  live  there  with  whom  we  have  made 
alliance,  and  also  for  the  length  of  the  River  Colbert  or  the 
Mississippi  and  streams  which  discharge  into  it  from  its 
origin  beyond  the  country  of  the  Sioux  or  Nadouesioux,  and 
with  their  consent  and  that  of  the  Ototantas,  Islinois,  Mat- 
sigamea,  Akansas,  Natchez,  and  Koroas,  who  are  the  largest 
nations  which  dwell  there  with  whom  we  have  made  alli- 
ance by  ourselves  or  people  for  us,  to  its  mouth  in  the  sea 
or  gulf  of  Mexico  about  the  twenty-seventh  degree,  to  the 
embouchure  of  [the  river  of]  Palms,  upon  the  assurance 
which  we  have  had  from  all  these  nations  that  we  are  the 
first  Europeans  who  have  descended  or  ascended  the  said 
River  Colbert.  I protest  against  all  those  who  may  under- 
take to  seize  all  or  any  of  said  countries,  bays,  and  lands  above 
specified  to  the  prejudice  of  the  right  of  his  Majesty  so 
acquired  with  the  consent  of  the  above  named  nations,  of 
which  and  of  all  which  should  be  done  I call  to  witness 
those  who  hear  me,  and  I demand  the  certificate  of  the 
notary  present  to  serve  for  confirmation.” 

Thereupon  everybody  shouted  “Vive  le  Roy!”  and  dis- 
charged musketry,  and  La  Salle  placed  in  the  ground,  at  the 
foot  of  the  tree  to  which  was  attached  the  cross,  a lead  plaque, 
engraved  on  the  one  side  with  the  arms  of  France  and  this 
inscription  in  Latin : Ludovicus  Magnus  regnat  nono  Aprilis 


192 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


1682 ; and  on  the  other:  Robertus  Cavelier , cum  domino  de 
Tonty , legato , R.  P.  Zenobio  Membre , Recollecto , viginti 

Gallic,  primus  hoc  fumen , zVwfe  ab  Ilineorum  pago  enavigavit , 
ejusque  ostium  fecit  pervium  nono  Aprilis  anni  1682.  Quite 
characteristic  of  the  time  was  it  that  he  should  add  that  his 
majesty,  as  elder  son  of  the  Church,  never  acquired  land  for 
his  crown  without  making  it  his  principal  care  to  establish 
there  the  Christian  religion,  and  in  evidence  of  this  La  Salle 
erected  a cross,  before  which  those  assembled  chanted  the 
Vexilla  and  the  Dornine  salvum  fac  regem , finishing  the  cere- 
mony with  shouts  of  “Vive  le  Roy!”  To  the  proces  verbal 
made  by  Jacques  de  la  Metairie,  notary  of  Fort  Frontenac, 
were  signed  twelve  names  besides  that  of  the  notary,  and 
among  them  were  those  of  De  La  Salle,  the  Recollet  Zenobe, 
Henri  de  Tonty,  and  Nicolas  de  La  Salle. 

It  will  be  observed  that  La  Salle  says  little  as  to  the  Ohio 
and  gives  no  eastern  boundary  on  the  Gulf.  A chart  later 
made  or  used  by  him,  however,  makes  a branch  of  the  Mis- 
sissippi empty  into  what  we  call  Mobile  Bay;  and  the  almost 
contemporary  map  of  Franquelin  indicates  the  boundaries  as 
extending  on  the  coast  from  the  Rio  Grande  to  Mobile,  be- 
yond which  in  both  directions  lay  the  Spanish  possessions, 
and  in  the  interior  includes  the  whole  Mississippi  basin,  ex- 
tending to  the  summits  of  the  mountains  on  the  east  and 
west,  and  on  the  north  bounded  by  the  watershed  separating 
the  Great  Lakes  from  the  Mississippi.  The  domain  thus 
acquired  was  more  valuable  than  all  Canada,  and  the  sub- 
sequent history  of  Louisiana  was  one  long  effort  to  turn 
La  Salle’s  challenge  into  reality, — Spain  and  England  to  the 
contrary  notwithstanding. 

It  seems  to  have  been  La  Salle’s  original  plan  to  sail  to 
Santo  Domingo  or  elsewhere,  but,  coming  in  canoes  and 
not  the  larger  vessel  planned,  nothing  was  left  except  to 
ascend  the  river  to  the  Illinois  again.  This  they  slowly  did, 
and,  realizing  that  the  destiny  of  the  great  valley  was  not 
to  be  necessarily  the  same  as  that  of  Canada,  with  which 
for  the  present,  nevertheless,  it  must  be  connected,  La  Salle 


Robert  Cavelier,  Sieur  de  la  Salle.  From  the  engraving  by 
Henri  IValtner. 


LA  SALLE  FOUNDS  LOUISIANA 


I93 


erected  on  Starved  Rock,  overhanging  Illinois  River,  a more 
permanent  fortification  than  the  palisades  of  Crevecoeur. 
To  it  he  gave  the  name  St.  Louis,  and  then  endeavored  by 
negotiations  to  make  it  the  centre  of  French  influence  on 
the  Mississippi.  Indeed,  about  it  soon  gathered  thousands 
of  the  Illinois  and  neighboring  Indians,  including  the  Shawa- 
noes,  or  Shawnees,  from  the  lower  Tennessee  and  Cumber- 
land Rivers ; and  he  even  sought  to  attract  the  Chickasaws, 
who  were  so  long  to  hold  the  key  to  the  history  of  Louisiana. 
The  Illinois  were  agricultural,  raising  especially  corn  and 
squash,  unlike  the  Sioux  beyond  the  Mississippi.  La  Salle, 
possibly  having  in  mind  the  “reductions”  of  his  enemies  the 
Jesuits,  wished  gradually  to  make  all  the  Indians  agricul- 
tural, and  thus  about  Fort  St.  Louis  were  the  beginnings 
of  civilization  in  the  great  valley  and  of  the  harvests  of  the 
Illinois  region,  so  important  ever  since.  The  next  year 
brought  only  disaster,  for  Le  Fevre  de  La  Barre  succeeded 
Frontenac  and  did  all  he  could  to  belittle  La  Salle’s  achieve- 
ment, interrupt  his  trade,  and  draw  off  his  followers.  Worse 
yet,  Colbert  was  dead,  and  Seignelay,  the  son  who  succeeded 
him,  was  not  to  take  the  same  interest  in  colonial  affairs. 
Even  the  king  was  convinced  by  La  Barre  that  the  great 
discovery  was  useless,  and  La  Salle  found  it  necessary  to 
repair  to  France.  There,  however,  such  was  his  energy  that 
everything  succeeded  to  his  wish.  Louis  changed  his  mind 
as  to  the  value  of  the  discovery,  remembering  that  Colbert 
had  thought  a port  on  the  Gulf  necessary  for  his  glory  and 
the  commerce  of  France.  La  Salle  did  not  fail  to  point  out 
that  the  English  were  in  danger  of  hemming  in  the  existing 
French  settlements  as  in  a vise  between  their  establishments 
on  Hudson  Bay  and  in  New  England,  and  his  remedy  would 
be  a countermove  by  which  the  great  Mississippi  valley  should 
become  French  and  the  English  in  their  turn  confined  be- 
tween the  mountains  and  the  ocean.  To  do  this  a fort  was 
needed  about  sixty  leagues  above  the  mouth  of  the  Missis- 
sippi, and  La  Salle  had  the  address  to  suggest  also  that  by 
Red  River,  which  he  called  the  Seignelay,  he  could  conduct 


194 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


an  expedition  westwardly  and  strike  rich  Mexican  mines 
like  Santa  Barbara  in  New  Biscay.  There  was  a short  war 
in  progress  at  the  time  with  Spain,  and  La  Salle  may  have 
counted  on  peace  as  relieving  him  from  this  part  of  the  plan, 
although  he  may  not  have  known  that  it  was  impracticable 
because  the  wilds  of  Texas  intervened;  but  it  may  have  had 
its  effect  on  the  king  and  his  ministers. 

As  with  the  king,  so  with  France.  Great  interest  was 
excited  in  the  proposed  expedition  to  the  Gulf  of  Mexico. 
A Spanish  decree  in  the  time  of  Philip  II.  attempted  to 
close  the  Gulf  to  all  foreigners,  but  it  was  now  the  time 
of  Louis  XIV.  and  not  of  Philip.  The  French  proposed 
to  override  the  claims  of  Spain,  and  prepared  a fleet  of  four 
vessels  at  La  Rochelle.  It  was  in  1684,  the  year  before 
the  Revocation  of  the  Edict  of  Nantes  was  to  banish  from 
France  so  many  of  her  best  and  most  industrious  citizens, 
but  it  was  not  the  wish  of  the  king  to  make  this  a colony 
of  Huguenots.  If  any  went  along,  it  was  not  because  they 
were  wanted,  and  yet  the  people  who  were  gathered  up 
from  the  streets  for  colonization  might  far  better  have  been 
of  the  industrious  Reformed.  It  is  sometimes  hinted  that 
the  commander  of  the  expedition,  Beaujeu,  was  a friend  of 
those  persistent  enemies  of  La  Salle,  the  Jesuits;  at  all 
events,  it  was  the  misfortune  of  the  explorer  now  as  so  often 
to  fall  out  with  superiors  and  inferiors  alike.  Intent  upon 
his  own  plans  and  ambitions,  he  expected  all  to  obey  and 
none  to  share  his  counsels. 

The  expedition  sailed  and,  after  touching  at  Santo  Do- 
mingo to  refresh  the  many  sick,  proceeded  to  the  Gulf.  One 
vessel  was  unfortunately  captured  by  the  Spaniards,  and  thus 
La  Salle  lost  what  was  in  it  and  could  only  expect  opposi- 
tion now  that  his  plans  were  known.  The  6th  of  January, 
1685,  the  fleet  probably  passed  the  mouth  of  the  Mis- 
sissippi, but,  from  misjudging  the  currents,  thought  they 
were  much  further  to  the  east,  and  so  continued  on  their 
way,  until  Beaujeu  claimed  that  the  supplies  of  the  ships 
threatened  to  run  short  and  insisted  upon  returning.  Making 


LA  SALLE  FOUNDS  LOUISIANA 


195 


a virtue  of  necessity,  La  Salle  and  his  colonists  went  ashore 
at  what  we  now  call  Matagorda  Bay.  Minet,  the  engineer, 
seems  to  have  returned  with  Beaujeu  and  made  a map  which 
has  survived,  showing  exploration  after  leaving  La  Salle, 
thus  proving  that  the  pretence  was  false  as  to  shortness  of 
provisions. 

In  a sense  the  colony  planted  on  what  we  now  know 
as  Texan  soil  is  beyond  our  scope,  and  yet  it  was  in 
Louisiana  and,  as  La  Salle  thought,  near  a western  effluent 
of  the  Mississippi.  There  was  one  series  of  misfortunes 
from  the  start.  In  landing,  the  vessel  Aimable  was  wrecked, 
and  in  exploring  not  long  after  the  Belle,  given  him  by  the 
king  himself,  was  also  lost;  and  worst  of  all,  they  soon 
found  that,  so  far  from  being  near  the  Mississippi,  they 
were  in  an  inhospitable  wilderness  far  to  the  west,  separated 
from  it  by  many  a weary  league  and  by  almost  impassable 
rivers.  This,  of  course,  settled  the  matter  with  La  Salle. 
His  desire  was  not  to  plant  a feeble  French  colony,  doubt- 
less ultimately  to  share  the  fate  of  Fort  Caroline.  If  he 
was  not  near  the  Mississippi,  it  was  necessary  to  move  the 
colony  there. 

This,  too,  was  impossible,  and  after  a year,  seeing  never 
a sail  except  some  Spanish  ships,  which  fortunately  did  not 
see  them,  he  undertook  to  go  with  a few  men  overland  to 
the  Illinois  for  aid,  just  as  he  had  gone,  on  the  wreck  of  the 
Griffin , to  Canada  from  the  Illinois.  With  him  went  Joutel, 
an  old  retainer  of  the  family,  besides  La  Salle’s  brother, — 
Cavelier  the  priest, — and  others.  After  interminable  suffer- 
ings some  of  the  men  became  mutinous,  and  at  last,  on 
March  19,  1687,  near  the  bank  of  Trinity  River,  La  Salle 
was  murdered  from  an  ambuscade.  Several  of  his  friends 
were  killed  at  the  same  time,  and  the  murderers  took  charge 
of  everything.  The  priest  and  Joutel  were  compelled  to 
go  along,  but  after  a while  the  assassins  fell  out  among 
themselves,  and  Joutel  and  Cavelier  managed  to  make  their 
way  to  the  Arkansas,  where  they  found  some  Frenchmen. 
These  the  faithful  Tonty  had  left  when,  in  1686,  he  heard 


196 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


of  La  Salle’s  trouble  and  went  to  the  Gulf.  He  had  explored 
for  miles  in  each  direction  along  the  coast,  and  left  a letter 
with  the  Indians  on  the  Mississippi  for  La  Salle — a letter  to 
have  so  strange  a future.  From  the  Arkansas,  with  this 
assistance,  the  wanderers  made  their  way  to  Fort  St.  Louis, 
and  thence  by  Canada  to  France,  concealing  La  Salle’s 
death  for  various  unworthy  motives  until  they  reached  the 
court. 

With  the  death  of  the  leader  the  government  seemed  to 
think  it  useless  to  make  any  attempt  to  relieve  the  colony, 
and  the  rest  is  soon  told.  The  anxious  Spaniards  had  not 
been  able  to  find  Fort  St.  Louis  of  Texas  from  the  sea,  and 
it  was  not  until  1689  that  an  expedition  by  land  under 
Alonzo  de  Leon,  guided  in  part  by  a French  deserter,  came 
upon  the  site  of  La  Salle’s  settlement.  They  found  it 
wrecked,  the  buildings  and  palisades  dismantled,  and  the 
only  trace  of  human  beings  consisted  of  bones,  some  with 
long  hair,  evidently  of  women.  Not  strong  at  best,  they  had 
fallen  victims  to  attacks  of  the  Indians  and  perished  almost 
as  completely  as  Raleigh’s  colony  at  Roanoke. 

The  second  settlement  of  the  French  in  the  more  south- 
ern parts  of  North  America  had  failed  as  completely  as  the 
first.  It  had  not  needed  a Menendez  to  finish  the  story.  It 
seemed  as  if  the  fatality  which  had  accompanied  Spanish 
endeavors  to  find  and  utilize  the  Mississippi  had  fallen,  like 
the  fateful  shirt  of  Nessus,  upon  their  successors.  It  was  to 
need  no  decree  of  the  French  king  similar  to  that  of  Philip 
to  keep  his  subjects  from  further  exploration  of  what  Joutel 
calls  the  “fatal  river.”  France  had  entered  upon  a different 
career  from  that  which  had  seemed  hers  when  Colbert  was  at 
the  helm ; and  as  Virginia  was  to  Elizabeth,  and  Caroline  to 
Charles  IX.,  so  was  Louisiana  to  Louis  XIV., — named  for 
the  sovereign,  but  a name  of  sadness  and  not  of  inspiration. 
Stat  nominis  umbra. 


CHAPTER  X 


IBERVILLE  AND  MOBILE 

Louis  seemed  to  have  forgotten  Louisiana.  It  was  cer- 
tainly not  the  chief  object  of  his  diplomacy  and  conflict. 
His  personal  rule  was  from  Mazarin’s  death  in  1661  until 
his  own  in  1715,  and  it  is  sharply  divided  into  two  parts 
by  the  Revocation  of  the  Edict  of  Nantes.  In  the  earlier 
period  while  Holland  and  England  were  contending  for  the 
mastery  of  the  seas,  Louis  became  the  predominant  power 
upon  the  continent;  for  his  minister  Colbert  had  succeeded 
to  the  centralizing  policy  of  the  cardinals,  developed  the 
internal  resources  of  France,  and  for  the  first  time  turned 
the  attention  of  the  country  to  the  ocean  also.  France 
during  this  period  waged  two  wars  with  Holland,  her  old 
protege,  the  first  ending  on  the  formation  of  the  Triple 
Alliance  to  prevent  the  further  annexation  of  Flanders  and 
adjacent  provinces ; the  other  in  revenge  for  that  check, 
and  closed  by  the  Peace  of  Nimeguen. 

Thus  the  object  of  the  first  part  of  his  reign  had  been 
to  increase  the  resources  of  France  at  home  and  to  give 
her  an  adequate  frontier  toward  the  Rhine  and  the  Scheldt, 
but  from  the  death  of  his  great  minister  Louis’s  tendencies 
went  further.  France  being  already  developed,  economically 
speaking,  and  there  being  immediately  opposed  no  enemy 
worthy  of  the  French  army,  Louis  was  disposed  to  aban- 
don the  traditional  moderate  attitude.  By  attacking  Holland 
he  ceased  to  be  the  protector  of  the  Protestant  States,  and 

197 


198 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


by  the  Revocation  of  the  Edict  of  Nantes  in  1685  he  com- 
pelled the  Huguenots  either  to  apostatize  or  to  leave  the 
country.  Many  of  them  chose  the  latter  course,  and  in 
their  new  homes  in  Germany  and  England  helped  to  build 
up  the  manufactures  and  contribute  to  the  political  growth 
which  in  course  of  time  were  to  deprive  France  of  the 
supremacy  which  she  held  in  Europe.  Louis  now  aimed 
to  make  France  wholly  Catholic  at  home  and  to  pose  in 
international  politics  as  the  head  of  Catholic  Europe.  He 
felt  that  he  was  greater  than  Richelieu  and  could  abandon 
the  policy  inaugurated  by  Henry  IV. 

During  the  second  part  of  his  reign  Louis  was  still  intent 
on  extending  the  boundary  of  France  to  the  Rhine,  and  by 
“reunions”  or  annexations  based  on  old  claims  gradually 
succeeded,  even  during  peace.  For  the  Empire  had  no  cohe- 
sion, and  Germany  was  but  a geographical  term.  Thus  for 
a time  such  was  the  spell  which  he  had  woven  that  it  seemed 
possible  Louis’s  plan  of  aggrandizement  to  the  east  might 
succeed.  The  effects  at  home  might  come  more  slowly, 
but  in  disowning  and  even  attacking  the  Protestant  States  he 
at  once  brought  against  himself  coalitions  and  leaders  who 
could  adopt  and  make  their  own  the  strategy  and  tactics  of 
the  French.  A common  danger  at  last  led  to  putting  aside 
political  and  even  religious  jealousies,  and  several  German 
princes,  the  year  following  the  Revocation,  united  in  a league 
at  Augsburg  embracing  both  Protestant  and  Catholic  States; 
and  after  Louis  attacked  Germany  came  the  Grand  Alli- 
ance, which  in  effect  added  England  and  Holland  to  the 
older  coalition.  Turenne  and  Conde  were  dead,  while 
the  war  with  Holland  had  brought  to  the  front  William  of 
Orange,  who  realized  that  eternal  vigilance  against  France 
was  the  price  of  safety  for  his  country.  He  was  not  a suc- 
cessful general,  but  he  was  a wise  and  persevering  states- 
man; and  when  the  Revolution  of  1688  placed  him  on  the 
British  throne,  the  army  and  navy  of  the  two  leading  com- 
mercial nations  were  at  his  disposal.  He  had  to  encounter 
jealousies,  and  sometimes  could  hardly  hold  his  subjects 


IBERVILLE  AND  MOBILE 


l99 


under  command,  but  the  cause  appealed  to  them  in  the 
long  run  and  William  proved  the  most  formidable  foe  of 
Louis  XIV.  If  Louis  was  the  leading  figure  of  Catholic 
Europe,  he  had  created  a leading  figure  for  Protestant  Europe. 
If  he  had  made  France  a religious  unit,  it  was  at  the  sacri- 
fice of  commercial  diversity  and  the  banishment  of  many 
of  his  best  subjects  perforce  to  aid  the  enemy.  His  earlier 
years  had  taught  him  the  advantages  of  political  unity,  but, 
intoxicated  with  success,  he  had  translated  politics  into  re- 
ligion also.  It  was  to  require  all  the  resources  of  France 
to  sustain  him  in  the  struggle  which  he  had  unnecessarily 
invoked,  and  this  at  a time  when  flatterers  and  second-rate 
men  were  succeeding  to  the  ministers  and  generals  whom  he 
had  inherited. 

A new  feature,  if  only  an  incidental  one,  was  that  the 
colonies  of  France  and  England  were  now  for  the  first  time 
brought  into  the  active  sphere  of  European  war.  Louis 
had  rejected  a proposition  of  colonial  neutrality,  and  Port 
Royal  was  taken  and  retaken ; while  of  special  importance, 
at  least  to  us,  were  the  daring  expeditions  of  the  French 
against  the  English  forts  on  Hudson  Bay.  In  one  of 
these  the  Canadian  Iberville  performed  herculean  feats  and 
became  the  idol  of  the  northern  French.  He  likewise  sub- 
dued Newfoundland  from  Pemaquid,  but  an  attack  upon 
New  England  went  no  further  than  the  plan.  The  hardy 
Canadians,  despite  their  smaller  number,  were  of  greater 
assistance  to  their  sovereign  than  the  English  colonists  to 
theirs,  for  to  these,  except  in  New  England  and  New  York, 
the  war  was  almost  in  name  only. 

Louis  felt  that  he  could  not  gain  further  headway  for  the 
present,  and  in  1697  offered  such  concessions  that  negotia- 
tions for  peace  were  begun,  which,  after  dragging  wearily 
along,  ended  in  the  Peace  of  Ryswick,  which  brought  a truce 
of  five  years ; for  all  parties  were  looking  forward  to  the 
struggle  which  must  come  over  the  Spanish  succession  upon 
the  death  of  the  childless  Charles  II.  In  Europe  Louis 
gained  much,  although  far  less  than  he  wished,  while  in 


200 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


America  there  was  a mutual  restitution  of  all  countries, 
islands,  forts,  and  colonies,  wheresoever  situated,  captured 
during  the  war,  and  commissioners  were  appointed  to  carry 
out  this  arrangement. 

Peace  was  restored  in  Europe  by  the  treaty  of  Ryswick, 
and  the  importance  of  colonies  demonstrated  by  the  war 
that  led  to  it ; heed  was  at  last  paid  to  memorials  and  papers 
relating  to  Louisiana.  The  old  claims  of  Spain  had  not 
been  mentioned  one  way  or  the  other  in  the  treaty,  and  it 
was  on  the  discovery  and  actual  settlement  of  La  Salle  that 
France  was  to  rest  her  rights.  Even  the  old  plan  was 
recalled  for  a harbor  on  the  Gulf  of  Mexico  from  which 
the  Mississippi  valley  could  be  settled  and  communication 
maintained  with  France. 

A map  of  1699,  dedicated  to  William  III.  of  Great 
Britain,  was  made  by  the  Recollet  Hennepin,  and  shows 
the  knowledge  or  guesses  of  the  day.  The  Great  River  is 
there  depicted  as  the  Meschasypy,  and  to  the  east,  entirely 
distinct  from  that  stream,  is  the  large  harbor  of  Spirito 
Sancto,  with  Chicagua  as  the  name  of  Mobile  River. 
Virginia,  New  Netherlands,  and  New  England  fill  up 
the  coast  until  we  reach  New  France,  or  Canada,  while 
in  the  other  direction  we  find  on  the  Gulf  of  Mexico 
the  province  of  New  Spain.  No  tribes  are  shown  near 
Chicagua  River,  except  the  Cosa  far  to  the  northeast  near 
some  mountains,  although  many  are  placed  on  the  lower 
Mississippi. 

The  curiosity  of  the  French  was  now  directed  to  the 
Mississippi  region.  Remonville  visited  America,  and  in 
1697  wrote  a full  memorial,  urging  colonization  of  the 
region  about  the  Great  River  despite  La  Salle’s  failure. 
La  Salle’s  plan  became  a French  aspiration.  The  Missis- 
sippi valley  was  to  be  part  of  New  France,  which  as  Canada 
should  front  the  Atlantic  on  the  north,  as  Louisiana,  face 
the  Gulf  of  Mexico  on  the  south,  and  constitute  an  empire 
worthy  even  of  the  Grand  Monarque.  Forts  along  the  Great 
Lakes  and  rivers  would  protect  the  trading  posts,  serve  as 


IBERVILLE  AND  MOBILE 


201 


strategic  and  diplomatic  centres  for  French  influence  among 
the  Indian  tribes,  and  thus  hem  in  the  English  colonies 
between  the  mountains  and  the  sea. 

At  the  time  of  La  Salle’s  death  in  Texas  several  of  the 
Montreal  family  of  Le  Moyne,  who  were  to  carry  on  his 
work,  were  winning  laurels  to  the  north.  Charles  Le  Moyne 
had  emigrated  from  Dieppe  in  1641,  and  in  Canada  gradu- 
ally climbed  the  ladder  of  fame  and  fortune.  He  was  sol- 
dier, interpreter,  garde  magasin , procureur  general , and,  as 
proprietor  of  an  estate,  died  Sieur  de  Longueuil;  but  his 
real  title  to  fame  was  as  the  father  of  twelve  children,  of 
whom  three  sons  died  in  the  wars  with  England  and  all 
became  well  known.  The  oldest  son,  Charles,  succeeded 
to  the  signiory,  and  was  as  a father  to  the  youngest,  Jean 
Baptiste,  Sieur  de  Bienville;  while  among  the  others  were 
Iberville,  Chateauguay,  Serigny,  and  Saint-Helene.  Iberville 
was  perhaps  the  most  noted  of  these  sailor  brothers,  especially 
for  a combat  near  Fort  Nelson  in  1694,  where  his  vessel, 
the  Pelican , contended  with  three  English,  capturing  one 
and  putting  the  other  two  to  flight.  In  this  battle  Bienville 
commanded  a battery. 

Iberville  had  throughout  his  life  heretofore  been  thrown 
in  opposition  to  the  English  in  America.  It  seemed  to  him 
on  one  side  of  the  line,  as  it  did  afterward  to  Franklin  on 
the  other,  that  there  could  be  no  security  for  either  so  long 
as  the  opposing  country  retained  a foothold  in  America. 
Iberville  pointed  out  to  his  government  that  not  only  were 
the  French  fewer  in  number  than  the  English,  twenty  thou- 
sand as  against  two  hundred  thousand,  but  that  the  English 
had  the  choice  of  territory.  For  although  in  Europe  Eng- 
land was  further  north  than  France,  in  America  the  English 
occupied  the  south  Atlantic  coast,  while  the  French  were 
confined  to  Acadia,  the  St.  Lawrence,  and  the  frozen 
North.  He  therefore  advocated  the  following  up  of  La 
Salle’s  plan, — the  occupation  by  France  of  the  north  shore 
of  the  Gulf  of  Mexico  and  the  Mississippi  valley.  The 
French  expected  that  mines  would  be  found  and  that,  in 


202 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


any  event,  peltries  and  timber  would  furnish  considerable 
profit,  and  that  in  course  of  time  agriculture  might  become 
important. 

In  estimating  Iberville’s  work  we  must  remember  that 
every  step  was  opposed  by  Frenchmen.  The  Canadian 
authorities  were  hostile  to  the  establishment  of  Louisiana  be- 
cause they  thought  it  would  draw  to  the  Gulf  much  of  the 
commerce  of  the  upper  Mississippi,  particularly  in  beavers, 
which  passed  through  the  Great  Lakes  and  the  St.  Lawrence. 
So  Iberville  found  himself  at  odds  even  with  his  own  kins- 
people  in  Montreal;  and  Ducasse,  Governor  of  Santo  Do- 
mingo, opposed  the  new  colony  on  the  idea  that  it  would  lessen 
the  importance  of  his  own.  On  the  other  hand,  far-seeing 
men  advocated  its  establishment.  Henri  de  Tonty,  as  far 
back  as  1694,  when  Iberville’s  thoughts  were  confined  to 
Hudson  Bay,  had  prepared  to  continue  the  enterprise  of 
La  Salle  in  order  to  prevent  the  adventurous  English  from 
doing  the  same  thing,  and  Remonville,  a friend  of  La  Salle, 
but  a little  later  proposed  the  formation  of  a company  to 
colonize  Louisiana.  The  minister  of  the  marine  and  colo- 
nies had  been  Louis  de  Phelypeaux,  Comte  de  Pontchar- 
train,  until  in  1699  he  was  succeeded  by  his  son  Jerome, 
at  first  called  Maurepas,  but  also  known  as  Pontchartrain. 
In  some  respects  not  unworthy  successors  of  Colbert  and 
Seignelay,  they  became  personally  interested  and  sought  out 
survivors  of  the  earlier  attempt  and  collected  all  the  litera- 
ture of  the  subject.  And  none  too  soon,  for  it  was  reported 
that  the  renegade  Hennepin  had  interested  William  in  the 
Mississippi,  and  that,  as  an  English  company  was  organizing 
under  the  patronage  of  that  king,  France,  if  she  would  hold 
the  territory,  must  take  possession  first. 

The  correspondence  between  Iberville,  the  minister  of 
the  marine,  and  Begon,  intendant  at  Rochefort,  shows 
intense  interest  on  the  part  of  all  three,  resulting  in  the 
careful  equipment  of  an  expedition  consisting  of  the  Badine , 
of  forty  guns,  commanded  by  Iberville  himself,  and  the 
Marin , of  thirty,  under  command  of  the  Comte  de  Surgeres, 


IBERVILLE  AND  MOBILE 


203 


with  several  smaller  boats  to  carry  supplies,  and  a large 
vessel  of  war  to  meet  them  in  the  West  Indies. 

This  expedition  was  for  France  almost  what  that  of 
Columbus  was  for  Spain.  In  tropical  America  she  owned 
a part  of  Santo  Domingo  and  a few  other  islands ; on  the 
continent  in  temperate  zones,  nothing, — and  Iberville  sailed 
from  Brest  to  change  all  that.  He  stopped  at  Santo  Do- 
mingo, where  the  Marquis  de  Chateaumorant  joined  them 
with  the  Francois,  of  fifty  cannon ; and  for  pilot  they  took 
on  an  old  buccaneer  named  Laurent  de  Graff,  and  with  him 
made  good  progress  toward  their  destination. 

While  affairs  in  Europe  had  been  shaping  themselves 
toward  recolonization  of  Louisiana,  matters  had  not  stood 
still  in  America.  Canadian  opposition  was  active  against 
the  Mississippi  movement.  Tonty  had  been  checked  in 
every  way  possible  at  his  Fort  St.  Louis,  which  had  lately 
been  abolished  and  himself  confined  to  the  Mississippi  region. 
No  use  was  made  of  the  great  river  except  for  the  fur  trade, 
but  in  its  upper  reaches  even  the  Sioux  had  now  come 
within  the  sphere  of  French  influence,  and  Le  Sueur,  a 
kinsman  of  the  Le  Moynes,  had  built  up  considerable  com- 
merce among  them.  The  interest  of  the  Church  had  in- 
creased. The  Jesuits  as  usual  were  anxious  to  press  forward 
into  the  new  regions,  and  Father  Gravier,  stationed  among 
the  Indians  at  Kaskaskia,  made  the  earliest  permanent  set- 
tlement in  the  upper  valley;  but  the  advance  of  French 
control  was  not  to  be  through  the  Jesuits.  Bishop  Laval 
had,  or  assumed,  jurisdiction  over  the  Roman  Church  in 
Canada  and  preferred  to  foster  the  affairs  of  the  Church 
through  the  Seminary  of  Quebec,  an  offshoot  of  a similar 
institution  at  Rouen,  and  independent  of  the  great  orders. 
We  soon  find  several  stations  occupied  by  the  Seminarians  on 
the  Mississippi.  Saint-Cosme  was  placed  among  the  Tama- 
roas,  near  the  modern  St.  Louis,  and  afterward  among  the 
Natches;  Foucaut,  on  the  Arkansas;  Montigny,  among 
the  Natches;  and  the  most  interesting  of  them  all,  Davion, 
went  to  the  Tonikas  on  the  lower  Mississippi.  Their  success 


204 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


was  hardly  encouraging,  and  yet  they  labored  faithfully  on. 
Davion  kept  his  sacred  relics  in  the  trunk  of  a tree,  and 
built  a chapel  on  a rock  at  the  foot  of  a large  cross — Roche 
a Davion.  His  influence  was  great,  and  he  is  said  on  one 
occasion  to  have  fearlessly  destroyed  the  gods  of  the  Yazoos. 

On  the  Gulf  itself  were  very  different  settlers.  The 
Spaniards  had  finally  discovered  the  ruins  of  La  Salle’s 
colony,  and  apprehension  of  further  efforts  led  them  in 
1696  to  send  Don  Andres  de  Arriola  with  a force  to  oc- 
cupy the  Bay  of  Santa  Maria,  known  to  us  as  Pensacola, 
already  explored  three  years  before  by  Don  Andres  de  Pes. 
The  post  so  established  comprised  fortifications  at  the  west 
end  of  Santa  Rosa  Island  and  on  the  mainland  opposite, 
which  were  not  extensive,  and  consisted  as  usual  of  palisades. 
The  location  forbade  any  permanent  colonization.  The  soil 
was  sandy,  and  without  the  use  of  fertilizers,  then  almost 
unknown,  could  produce  little  in  the  way  of  fruits  or  vege- 
tables, even  had  the  Spaniards  been  able  to  overcome  their 
aversion  to  manual  labor.  This  post  was  designed  to  hold 
the  northern  coast  of  the  Gulf,  for  there  was  still  no  recog- 
nition of  any  French  right  to  Louisiana. 

Knowing  little  or  nothing  of  these  Spanish  settlements, 
the  fleet  of  Iberville  arrived  near  the  land  of  Florida  in  the 
last  days  of  January,  1700,  when  the  presence  of  masts 
behind  the  island  led  him  to  discover  the  Spaniards  already 
in  possession  of  the  harbor  of  Pensacola.  Despite  remon- 
strance, Iberville  continued  on  his  way  and  on  January  31st 
cast  anchor  off  Mobile  Point,  and  made  a careful  examina- 
tion of  the  entrance  which  was  to  become  so  familiar.  From 
the  skulls,  bones,  and  kitchen  utensils  found  on  a long  island 
vis-a-vis  it  was  named  Massacre  Island,  and,  when  permitted 
by  breaks  in  the  stormy  weather,  Iberville  made  his  way  over 
to  the  mainland  and  examined  the  bay.  The  flora  and  other 
features  of  the  district  were  carefully  noted,  and  after  taking 
on  wood  and  grass  he  sailed  to  seek  the  Mississippi.  On  the 
way  he  visited  and  named  the  chain  of  islands  forming  a 
landlocked  passage  to  the  west  along  the  coast,  and  had 


IBERVILLE  AND  MOBILE 


205 


friendly  intercourse  with  the  Indians  of  Biloxi.  The  mouth 
of  the  great  river  he  found  on  March  2d,  after  much 
trouble  and  no  little  danger,  for  it  was  hidden  by  sandbanks, 
reeds,  and  logs  like  a palisade.  La  Salle  could  not  see  it 
from  the  Gulf,  but  Iberville  was  as  fortunate  here  as  in 
everything  else. 

Iberville  went  upstream  in  boats  as  far  as  the  territory 
of  the  Houmas,  and  returned  to  his  ships  by  Bayou  Manchac 
and  the  lakes,  which  with  some  policy  were  called  for  Maure- 
pas  and  Pontchartrain.  Bienville,  however,  went  back  by 
the  main  stream,  and,  promising  a hatchet,  persuaded  the 
Indians  to  produce  the  letter  which  Tonty  had  written 
La  Salle  fourteen  years  before.  This  left  no  doubt  that  the 
river  was  the  Mississippi,  and  further  explorations  convinced 
them  that  Hennepin  had  never  been  on  it  below  the  Ohio. 

The  result  was  that,  while  Bienville  was  to  maintain  a 
fort  at  a comparatively  dry  place  some  leagues  above  the 
mouth,  Iberville  decided  that  the  swift,  tortuous  stream  did 
not  admit  of  sail  navigation  or  its  marshy  banks  of  habita- 
tion. A site  for  his  colonial  enterprise  must  therefore  be 
found  on  the  seashore  further  east. 

On  a bluff  behind  the  Louisville  and  Nashville  Railroad 
bridge  at  Ocean  Springs,  once  called  Biloxi,  under  beauti- 
ful oaks  commanding  a peaceful  prospect  over  the  water, 
there  are  still  dug  up  hatchets,  cannonballs,  and  even  iron 
shoes  of  tent  or  flag  poles,  and  there,  beyond  doubt,  was 
the  site  of  Fort  de  Maurepas.  Iberville  slept  on  the  spot 
which  he  selected,  and  there  supervised  the  erection  of  his 
fort  of  four  bastions,  two  of  stockade  and  two  of  logs, 
guarded  by  twelve  cannon  and  apparently  surrounded  by  a 
palisade.  There  was  no  town  laid  out,  for  this  was  in- 
tended only  as  a temporary  settlement,  of  whose  vicinity  a 
map  drawn  by  F.  Joussette  for  this  occasion  is  still  preserved 
in  the  archives  of  the  Marine  at  Paris,  showing  the  gulf 
and  shore,  with  soundings  and  islands.  The  Pascagoulas, 
Capinans,  Chichachas,  Passacolas,  and  Biloxis  came  to  smoke 
the  calumet,  and,  all  being  now  set  in  order,  Iberville  sailed 


206 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


for  France  to  report  his  success  and  obtain  instructions  and 
supplies. 

He  had  instructed  Bienville  to  explore  the  Mississippi 
and  its  tributaries  so  as  to  become  better  acquainted  with 
the  country.  While  returning  in  a rowboat  to  the  river 
mouth  from  one  of  these  expeditions,  Bienville  was  surprised 
to  meet  a vessel  which  turned  out  to  be  English,  under  the 
command  of  Captain  Bar.  So  the  threat  of  English  colo- 
nization was  not  an  idle  one,  for  he  had  come  under  the 
auspices  of  his  government,  bringing  a colony  of  Hugue- 
nots to  settle  on  the  river.  Bienville,  with  a diplomacy 
which  history  has  pardoned,  assured  Bar  that  they  were  not 
on  the  Mississippi  at  all,  but  on  a stream  already  occupied 
by  the  French,  and  that  Bar  must  go  further  west;  and  the 
unsuspecting  Briton  turned  around  at  what  has  ever  since 
been  called  the  English  Turn.  Bienville  had  some  inter- 
course with  the  proposed  colonists,  and  found  them  anxious 
to  settle  even  under  French  authorization,  and  forwarded 
their  requests  to  the  home  government.  What  became  of 
Bar  we  do  not  know,  but  the  French  government  dryly 
replied  to  the  suggestion  of  the  Huguenots,  that  the  king 
had  not  made  France  Catholic  in  order  to  have  his  colonies 
heretic. 

These  explorations  of  the  Le  Moynes  made  them  ac- 
quainted with  many  of  their  future  neighbors.  The  lowest 
large  tribe,  the  Houmas,  were  at  the  portage  via  Bayou  St.  Jean 
to  the  lakes,  and  above,  nearly  opposite  to  the  place  where 
Bayou  Manchac  branched  off  to  Lake  Pontchartrain,  was 
another  bayou  going  to  the  west,  named  from  the  Cheti- 
machas  upon  it,  and  later  known  as  the  Fork  [La  Fourche]. 
Yet  higher,  opposite  the  mouth  of  Red  River,  were  the 
Tonikas;  and  a little  above  them,  also  on  the  east  side,  was 
that  remarkable  race,  the  Natches.  The  Yazoos  came 
next  on  their  river,  and  the  Akanseas  on  the  west  bank  of 
the  Mississippi  completed  in  that  direction  what  was  to 
become  Louisiana.  There  were  smaller  tribes,  such  as  the 
Tchaouachas  below  the  Houmas,  the  Chapitoulas,  Colapissas, 


IBERVILLE  AND  MOBILE 


207 

Bayogoulas,  and  Coroas  not  far  above,  and  of  these  the 
Taensas,  near  the  Tonikas,  were  the  most  interesting. 

Sauvole,  governor  of  Fort  Maurepas  at  Biloxi  on  the 
Gulf,  also  gave  time  to  examining  and  sounding  the  coast, 
and  discovered  a harbor  at  the  east  end  of  Massacre  Island, 
while  from  the  Mobile  Indians  was  learned  the  fertility  of 
their  river  country.  Nor  did  the  French  lack  white  visitors. 
Davion  and  Montigny  came  from  their  posts,  and  Tonty 
with  peltries  from  the  Arkansas,  and  later,  diplomat  as  he 
was,  we  find  him  at  Biloxi  bringing  chiefs  of  the  Choctaw 
and  Chickasaw  nations.  Gravier  also  passed  through,  and 
there  were  coureurs  de  bois  from  the  upper  Mississippi  to  sell 
skins  and  help  to  consume  the  scanty  supplies. 

Less  welcome  were  Spaniards  from  Pensacola,  whose 
governor  came  early  to  protest  against  the  new  settlement. 
The  French  received  him  courteously  and  entertained  him 
well,  but  declined  to  acknowledge  any  right  on  the  part  of 
Spain.  It  so  happened  that  these  Spaniards  came  to  grief, 
for  they  were  wrecked  on  their  return  voyage  and  had  to 
make  their  way  back  to  Biloxi  to  ask  aid.  This  was 
promptly  given,  and  the  incident  closed. 

Interest  in  America  was  at  its  height  in  France,  and  plans 
to  complete  the  reduction  of  the  great  valley  were  pushed 
forward.  Iberville’s  reports  aroused  the  interest  of  science 
and  the  zeal  of  commerce,  and  encouraged  the  government  to 
greater  exertions.  The  Mississippi  was  surely  rediscovered 
and  open  to  French  enterprise.  Iberville  recommended 
also  the  acquisition  of  Pensacola,  and  the  court  tried  to 
obtain  it;  but  despite  the  fact  that  a grandson  of  Louis  XIV. 
had  mounted  the  throne  and  the  two  peoples  were  united 
against  Europe  for  the  right  of  the  peninsula  to  choose  its 
own  sovereign,  the  Spanish  Junta  declined  to  cede  the  port. 
There  might,  indeed,  be  no  longer  any  Pyrenees,  as  Louis 
declared,  but  there  was  still  a Mexican  Gulf,  the  sacred 
gift  of  popes  to  Spain. 

It  was  anent  this  negotiation  that  we  first  appreciate  the 
statesmanlike  grasp  of  Iberville.  The  Canadian  sailor  was 


208 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


in  these  southern  seas  and  lands  beyond  local  ties  and  in- 
terests. His  memorial  furnished  the  material  of  Pontchar- 
train’s  diplomacy,  and  in  it  Iberville  told  the  future  as  in  an 
unsealed  book.  The  claim  of  Spain  to  monopoly,  he  showed, 
was  without  basis,  and,  worse  than  that,  would  soon  be  dis- 
puted by  that  Protestant  country  whose  rulers  recognized 
no  papal  gifts,  whose  pioneers  on  the  American  seaboard 
were  increasing  at  a rate  that  would  soon  take  them  across 
the  mountains  to  contend  for  the  valleys  of  the  Mississippi 
and  its  tributaries.  In  less  than  a hundred  years,  said  this 
prophet,  the  English,  unless  opposed  by  growth  and  persist- 
ence like  their  own,  would  occupy  the  whole  of  America. 

Some  point  near  the  mouth  of  Mobile  River  would  serve 
Iberville’s  purpose  as  colonial  headquarters  even  better  than 
the  Natches  site  first  thought  of,  for  it  would  be  near  enough 
to  Pensacola  to  keep  an  eye  on  the  Spaniards,  near  enough  to 
the  Mississippi  to  be  the  port  for  the  valley  trade,  which  could 
come  through  Bayou  Manchac,  the  lakes  and  the  sound 
behind  sheltering  islands  to  Mobile  Bay,  and  with  a fort  on 
the  Mississippi  delta  could  guard  the  great  river.  Then 
also,  with  its  easy  river  communication  to  the  northwest 
and  northeast,  it  gave  means  of  influence  among  the  In- 
dians, and  even  access  over  the  mountains,  in  case  of  war, 
to  the  English  colonies  of  Carolina  and  Virginia. 

It  appears  that  Iberville  selected  the  new  site  after  ex- 
ploration before  his  return  to  Europe,  and,  when  he  came 
back,  his  plans  were  all  made  and  ready  for  execution. 
The  daring  fighter  was  transformed  into  a practical  colo- 
nizer. We  find  him  insisting  on  Spanish  sheep  instead  of 
French,  which  he  deemed  inferior,  a stallion  to  improve  the 
American  breed,  which  if  native  must  have  been  of  Spanish 
extraction,  for  the  Indians  originally  had  no  horses,  and  on 
taking  only  such  things  and  people  as  were  essential  to  the 
development  of  the  country.  No  one  realized  better  than 
he  the  sturdiness  necessary  for  pioneers.  He  wanted  no 
dependents,  for  the  weakness  of  French  colonies,  he  said, 
lay  in  sending  the  poor  and  giving  them  no  start. 


IBERVILLE  AND  MOBILE 


209 


He  called  at  Santo  Domingo,  refitted  his  vessels,  and  took 
on  horses,  cattle,  and  swine.  The  climate  of  the  tropics 
was  beginning  to  tell  upon  the  hardy  Canadian,  and  yet, 
although  sick  in  bed  at  Pensacola,  Iberville,  amid  protests 
of  the  Spanish  authorities,  arranged  the  details  for  placing 
his  colony  upon  what  was  intended  to  be  its  permanent  site. 
He  directed  that  Fort  Maurepas  should  be  abandoned  and 
everything  brought  by  way  of  Massacre  Island  to  a point  on 
Mobile  River  seventeen  leagues  from  the  island,  at  the 
second  bluff.  The  actual  removal  was  under  the  super- 
vision of  Bienville,  and  probably  the  middle  or  last  part  of 
January,  1702,  saw  the  foundation  of  Fort  Louis.  It  was 
of  logs,  “ piece  upon  piece,”  sixty  toises , or  fathoms,  square, 
with  four  bastions  thirty  feet  long,  six  guns  at  each  corner 
advanced  in  semicircle.  Within  were  four  buildings, — 
chapel,  gouvernement , and  officer’s  quarters,  magasin , and 
corps  de  garde , and  in  the  centre  a parade  forty-five  toises 
square.  The  barracks  for  the  privates  and  Canadians  were 
outside,  one  hundred  and  fifty  paces  to  the  left  upstream  on 
the  bank,  and  on  the  bluff  was  a powder  magazine  twenty- 
four  feet  square  by  ten  deep,  which  was  filled  for  a time  by 
the  heavy  rains.  Next  month  Iberville  was  able  to  come 
himself,  and  under  his  eye  were  laid  out  the  streets  of  the 
city.  This  Fort  Louis — named  for  the  king  and  not,  as  the 
others,  for  the  saint — was  nevertheless  called  by  the  people 
Mobile  from  the  beginning. 

The  same  problems  confronted  the  French  that  had  to 
be  overcome  by  the  English  on  the  Atlantic  coast.  The 
colony  had  to  be  considered  in  relation  to  the  natives  and 
to  the  hostile  Spaniards;  its  government  and  soldiers  must 
be  attended  to;  and  if  it  was  to  be  anything  more  than  a 
local  post,  not  only  had  immigration  to  be  induced,  but 
employments  found  for  the  inhabitants  which  would  pro- 
duce a surplus  for  export.  As  to  the  Spaniards,  there  was, 
beyond  protests,  little  to  fear,  for  this  was  a royal  colony 
and  the  courts  of  Spain  and  France  were  now  too  closely 
allied  to  admit  of  conflict.  More  trouble  might  come  in 


210 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


future  from  the  English  to  the  northeast,  and,  therefore, 
proper  treaties  must  be  entered  into  with  the  Indians.  The 
Mobilians,  near  whom  the  colony  was  placed,  are  supposed 
to  have  been  survivors  of  the  town  destroyed  by  De  Soto 
not  many  miles  above,  although  the  five  clay  figures  of 
man,  woman,  child,  bear,  and  owl  found  on  an  island  may 
not  have  been  the  work  of  the  Spaniards  of  that  day,  as 
Iberville  supposed.  Although  their  dialect  is  said  to  have 
been  the  trade  jargon  from  the  Mississippi  to  the  Atlantic, 
thus  pointing  back  to  a more  powerful  past,  the  Mobilians 
now  were  not  numerous  nor  were  they  the  predominant 
tribe  in  this  part  of  the  country.  The  river  upon  which 
Fort  Louis  stood  was  formed  a few  miles  above  by  the 
junction  of  two  great  streams  coming  from  far  in  the  inte- 
rior, their  headwaters  rising  in  the  foothills  of  the  great 
Appalachian  range.  The  one  from  the  northeast  was  by 
the  French  called  River  of  the  Alibamons,  from  the  lowest 
member  of  the  Creek  confederacy  on  its  banks,  the  upper- 
most town  of  which  was  the  Cosa  known  to  us  from  Tristan 
de  Luna  not  less  than  from  De  Soto.  The  river  coming 
from  the  northwest  was  generally  known  among  the  French 
as  that  of  the  Chichachas  [Chickasaws] , from  the  great 
tribe  which  flourished  between  its  upper  waters  and  the 
Mississippi,  and  below  this  tribe,  nearer  the  coast,  were 
the  Chactas,  known  to  us  as  Choctaws,  possibly  the  largest 
of  the  southern  tribes. 

La  Salle  had  been  impressed  by  the  Chickasaws,  and 
Iberville  now  sent  the  veteran  Tonty  to  call  them  to  a 
conference  at  Fort  Louis.  On  March  23d,  he  returned 
with  seven  chiefs  and  principal  men  of  the  Chickasaws, 
besides  four  Choctaw  chiefs.  Iberville  made  them  presents 
of  ammunition,  guns,  hatchets,  knives,  beads,  and  the  like, 
and  took  occasion  at  once  to  exhort  them  to  peace  among 
themselves  and  enmity  against  the  English,  who,  he  de- 
clared, aimed  at  making  slaves  of  all  natives.  He  announced 
his  influence  among  the  Illinois,  who  would  now  cease  to 
make  war  upon  them,  and  furthermore  promised  to  establish 


IBERVILLE  AND  MOBILE 


21 1 


a trading  station  where  they  could  obtain  everything  they 
wanted  in  exchange  for  skins  of  beef,  deer,  and  bear.  The 
talk  was  satisfactory  and  peace  was  arranged.  A French  boy, 
Saint-Michel,  was  sent  back  with  the  Chickasaws  to  learn 
the  language,  and  the  trading  station  was  arranged  on  the 
river  between  the  two  tribes,  not  far  from  where  a post  was 
ever  afterward  to  remain. 

Iberville  had  now  accomplished  his  object,  and  returned 
to  France  to  make  a report.  With  an  insight  foreign  to 
his  predecessors  of  whatever  nationality,  his  first  step  had 
been  not  only  to  conciliate  the  natives,  but  to  begin  a policy 
designed  to  hold  them  to  the  French  interests  and  unite 
them  against  his  enemies.  He  would  attract  the  Indians 
by  means  of  river  trade.  The  English  could  bring  their 
wares  only  by  painful  overland  journeys  across  the  Alle- 
ghanies,  while  the  French  would  command  the  Gulf  rivers, 
in  particular  the  Mississippi,  with  its  many  tributaries. 
Iberville  would  have  four  grand  posts  besides  the  capital  at 
Mobile,  and  would  distribute  them  judiciously.  One  he 
founded  low  on  the  Mississippi,  another  should  be  among 
the  Arkansas,  a third  on  the  Ouabache,  as  the  French  called 
the  lower  Ohio,  and  the  fourth  on  the  Missouri.  Perhaps 
we  may  say  that  he  thus  foresaw  the  necessity  for  New 
Orleans,  Memphis,  Louisville,  and  St.  Louis,  although  he 
did  not  select  their  sites.  A lake  city  like  Chicago  would  in 
his  division  of  territory  belong  to  the  St.  Lawrence  rather 
than  to  the  Mississippi  basin,  and  therefore  not  enter  into 
his  plans.  Mobile  was  the  key  without  which  the  others 
were  worthless,  and  from  Mobile  there  could  be  communi- 
cation by  horse  with  even  the  furthest  of  these  in  fifteen 
days.  At  each  he  would  have  a sergeant  and  corporal,  with 
at  least  ten  soldiers  as  a nucleus  for  a colony,  and  the  prin- 
cipal industry  would  be  tanning  buffalo  hides  and  deerskins 
for  shipment  to  Lrance.  His  plans  went  even  further,  and 
contemplated  the  resettlement  of  great  tribes  so  as  to  put 
them  nearer  his  river  commerce  and  influence.  The  total 
Indian  population  that  should  be  tributary  to  the  French 


212 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


amounted,  as  he  figured  it,  to  twenty-three  thousand  eight 
hundred  and  fifty  families.  Of  the  tribes,  the  most  populous 
were  the  Sioux  of  four  thousand,  the  Panis  [Pawnees]  of 
two  thousand,  the  Chactas  of  four  thousand,  the  Chichachas 
of  two  thousand,  the  Conchaques  [Appalachicolas]  of  two 
thousand  families,  the  Illinois  and  Tamaroas  estimated  at 
eight  hundred,  the  Missouris  at  fifteen  hundred,  the  Ouica- 
pous  [Kickapoos]  and  Mascoutens  at  four  hundred  and  fifty, 
and  the  Miamis  at  five  hundred  families.  These  Iberville 
would  move  like  men  upon  a chessboard  in  his  game  with 
the  English. 

The  first  tribal  change  he  contemplated  was  to  induce  the 
Indians  in  the  mountains  west  of  Maryland,  Carolina,  and 
Virginia  to  settle  nearer  Mobile,  doubtless  on  the  waters 
we  now  call  the  Tennessee  and  Coosa,  so  as  to  substitute 
French  for  English  influence.  Next  was  to  make  the  Oua- 
bache  [Ohio]  of  use  to  France.  More  than  one  hundred 
and  twenty  leagues  long,  it  had  not  an  Indian  on  its  banks, 
and  there  he  would  settle  the  Illinois  and  have  them  bring 
to  this  river  highway  the  buffalo  skins  of  their  chase.  With 
the  Illinois,  the  French  would  have  one  thousand  armed 
men  in  case  of  need,  and  their  old  grounds  would  then  be 
occupied  by  the  more  distant  Mascoutens  and  Kickapoos, 
who  were  heretofore  given  to  beaver  hunting,  and  who  would 
supply  four  hundred  and  fifty  friendly  warriors  more.  There 
were  as  many  Miamis,  who  sold  beavers  at  Chicagou,  and 
by  their  giving  up  that  trade  for  buffalo  and  deer  hunting 
about  the  Illinois  there  would  be  saved  the  expense  of  a 
fort.  The  Sioux,  also  devoted  to  beavers,  were  useless 
where  they  were,  as  were  the  Mahas  and  other  populous 
tribes  between  the  Missouri  and  the  Mississippi,  and  they 
should  be  placed  on  Monigona  [Des  Moines]  River.  The 
Akanseas  had  abandoned  their  former  habitat,  and  on  their 
river  he  would  place  the  Kansas,  Missouris,  and  Crevas. 
Like  the  Mahas,  they  did  not  use  firearms,  nor  had  they 
heretofore  traded  with  Europeans.  Up  that  river  were  the 
Mantons,  and  among  them  he  would  settle  the  Panis.  All 


IBERVILLE  AND  MOBILE 


213 


these  hunted  the  buffalo,  and  were  often  at  war  with  the 
Spaniards  of  New  Mexico  and  their  Indian  allies.  He 
admits  that  some  of  these  changes  would  injure  the  beaver 
trade  of  Canada,  but  only  to  give  it  an  easier  outlet  down 
the  Mississippi. 

The  expense  of  this  readjustment,  says  Iberville,  would 
not  exceed  twelve  thousand  livres  for  moving  all  these  twelve 
thousand  Indians,  and  part  could  even  be  met  with  knick- 
knacks.  In  four  or  five  years,  he  estimated,  there  could  be 
built  up  a trade  of  sixty  to  eighty  thousand  buffalo  hides, 
and  more  than  one  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  deer  and 
other  skins,  which  would  bring  in  France  more  than  two 
million  five  hundred  thousand  livres  per  annum.  Each  skin 
would  yield  four  or  five  pounds  of  good  wool,  which  brought 
twenty  sous,  and  two  pounds  of  hair  at  ten  sous.  Besides 
this,  one  would  get  each  year  more  than  two  hundred  thou- 
sand livres  of  other  peltry,  such  as  bears,  wolves,  wildcats, 
foxes,  and  martens,  whose  customs  duties  would  bring  the 
king  annually  more  than  two  hundred  and  fifty  thousand 
livres.  There  would  also  be  the  products  of  numerous  lead 
mines,  while  silver  could  be  found  near  New  Mexico,  and 
copper  too  was  abundant.  But,  no  doubt,  Iberville  dwelt 
even  more  fondly  on  another  result  of  these  proposed 
changes.  Not  to  mention  tribes  further  west,  he  could 
count  on  twelve  thousand  good  warriors  to  invade  Mary- 
land, Virginia,  and  Carolina  as  a part  of  his  plan  to  check, 
if  not  to  annihilate,  the  English  colonies,  and  in  this  way 
there  would  be  no  need  of  many  French  soldiers  except  as 
officers.  In  short,  he  aimed  less  at  interior  colonization  on 
a great  scale  than  at  building  up  a native  empire  subject  to 
France,  like  that  which  the  French  were  already  beginning 
in  India.  How  far  the  government  would  adopt  this  com- 
prehensive scheme  remains  to  be  seen.  At  least  here  was 
a definite  plan  proposed  by  a man  who  could  carry  it  out 
if  anyone  could. 

Transpositions  of  Indians  on  a smaller  scale  did  occur,  and 
soon  we  find  above  Fort  Louis  the  two  obscure  settlements 


214 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


of  Tchaouachas  and  Chaouanons,  names  sometimes  spelled 
differently.  The  former  would  seem  to  be  one  of  the 
Alibamon  tribes  from  up  the  river,  attracted  by  trade  or  driven 
by  civil  war;  the  other,  possibly  a distant  and  wandering 
offshoot  of  the  great  Shawnee  connection  from  the  Ken- 
tucky region.  And  it  was  characteristic  of  the  diplomacy  of 
Bienville  that,  finding  the  Apalaches  driven  away  from  the 
east  by  the  English,  he  gave  them  also  as  early  as  1705  a 
new  home  on  Mobile  River.  The  power  of  this  tribe  was 
now  broken,  but  the  onslaught  of  the  English  had  been  due 
to  their  prominence.  Bienville  considered  that  all  enemies 
of  the  English  were  friends  of  the  French,  and  never  had 
cause  to  regret  his  kindness  to  these  fugitives,  who  always 
remained  the  most  civilized  of  the  neighbors  of  the  colony, 
preserving  their  Spanish  names  and  customs. 

As  to  the  white  population,  colonists  under  Iberville’s 
supervision  were  brought  from  time  to  time,  and  the  sight 
of  women  and  children  in  the  new  town  ceased  to  be  un- 
usual. There  had  been  priests  from  the  beginning,  and 
Father  Davion  soon  took  up  his  abode  permanently  at  the 
fort  until  a regular  cure  should  be  sent  out  by  the  Bishop 
of  Quebec.  Iberville  visited  the  town  now  and  then,  but  the 
War  of  the  Spanish  Succession,  which  broke  out  in  the  year 
Fort  Louis  was  founded,  drew  him  into  other  fields;  and 
even  in  1704,  when  he  was  to  have  come  over,  he  had  to 
seek  relief  from  sickness  at  mineral  springs.  The  Pelican 
therefore  came  without  him,  bringing  live  stock,  food,  and 
merchandise,  besides  a cure,  artisans,  seventy-five  soldiers, 
and,  best  of  all,  under  the  charge  of  two  gray  nuns,  twenty- 
three  virtuous  maidens,  who  were  all  married  in  less  than  a 
month,  except  one  unusually  coy  and  hard  to  please.  She 
would  have  no  man  in  the  colony;  somewhat  later  they 
all  rebelled  against  corn  bread  and  other  Southern  luxuries; 
and  what  is  called  the  “ Petticoat  Insurrection  ” took  up  a 
good  deal  of  the  time  and  patience  of  the  bachelor  com- 
mandant. The  cure  was  Henri  Roulleaux  de  la  Vente, 
missionary  apostolic  of  the  diocese  of  Bayeux;  and  on  the 


IBERVILLE  AND  MOBILE 


215 


28th  of  September,  Davion  placed  him  in  charge  of  the  pa- 
rochial church  of  Fort  Louis  by  formal  entrance,  sprinkling 
holy  water,  kissing  the  high  altar,  touching  the  Mass  book, 
visiting  the  most  sacred  sacrament  of  the  altar,  and  ringing 
the  bells,  opposed  by  no  one,  all  as  recorded  on  the  first  page 
of  the  venerable  records  of  Mobile,  witnessed  by  Davion, 
Bienville,  Boisbriant,  and  De  La  Salle.  The  colonists  were 
distributed  in  eighty  one-story  thatched  houses,  and  the 
census  shows  a number  of  cows,  bulls,  calves,  kids,  one 
hundred  hogs,  and  four  hundred  chickens.  Indian  slaves 
there  were,  one  belonging  to  the  king,  as  did  a bull  and 
some  oxen.  Negroes  did  not  come  in  for  three  years,  and 
in  number  not  until  much  later. 

This  was  a fateful  season,  for  the  Pelican  had  touched  at 
Santo  Domingo,  and  from  there  brought  what  seems  to  have 
been  the  first  visitation  of  yellow  fever.  Half  her  crew, 
thirty  of  the  newly  arrived  soldiers,  Father  Douge,  and,  worst 
of  all,  Henri  de  Tonty,  died  in  that  dreadful  September.  A 
setback  it  must  have  been  in  any  event,  but  the  loss  of  the 
gentle  and  heroic  explorer  was  possibly  the  greatest  blow 
that  could  have  been  given  the  colony.  Bienville,  in  the 
absence  of  his  brother,  was  in  charge,  but  even  his  death 
would  have  been  less  deplorable  on  account  of  the  expe- 
rience and  influence  of  the  one-armed  Italian.  Where  the 
cemetery  was  we  do  not  know,  but  it  must  have  been  in 
the  woods  behind  the  little  town ; and  there  in  an  unknown 
grave  they  laid  the  remains  of  one  of  America’s  great 
men,  with  murmuring  river  and  sobbing  pines  to  keep  his 
vigil.  By  a sad  coincidence,  it  was  soon  the  fate  of  Iber- 
ville to  encounter  the  same  disease.  In  1706,  with  eleven 
vessels  carrying  three  hundred  men,  he  captured  the  British 
island  of  Nevis  with  its  seventeen  hundred  soldiers  and 
many  people,  and  then  sailed  north  to  attack,  no  longer  a 
plate  armada  from  Mexico  and  Peru  bound  for  Spain,  but 
a merchant  fleet  from  Virginia  and  Carolina  to  England.  At 
Havana  he  was  himself  attacked  by  yellow  fever,  and  death 
came  on  July  5th.  His  remains  were  placed  in  the  parish 


2l6 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


church  of  St.  Christopher,  where  for  a while  were  also  the 
bones  of  Columbus. 

Thus  doubly  orphaned,  the  colony  of  Louisiana  had  to 
go  forward  under  the  leadership  of  young  Bienville.  He 
found  himself  unable  to  carry  out  the  great  transposition 
of  Indians  planned  by  his  brother,  and  it  is  doubtful  if 
anyone  could  have  accomplished  it  in  the  face  of  the  exist- 
ing war.  Bienville’s  policy  was  devoted  to  building  up 
such  trade  as  was  possible  with  the  Indians,  and  there 
seems  to  have  been  an  honest  endeavor  to  introduce  agri- 
culture; but  cotton  was  unknown,  and  it  seemed  much 
easier  to  buy  maize  and  provisions  from  the  Indians  than 
to  raise  them  in  quantity.  Little  garden  patches  there  were, 
attached  to  houses,  but  they  did  not  even  suffice  for  local 
needs;  and  when  supplies  did  not  come  from  France,  it  was 
sometimes  necessary  to  disperse  at  least  the  unmarried  colo- 
nists among  the  friendly  Indians — a measure  of  distress, 
it  is  true,  but  one  of  policy  also.  In  the  Relation  of  the 
contemporary  Penicaut  we  have  charming  accounts  of  such 
expeditions,  in  which  the  fiddle  sometimes  played  a part,  and 
love-making  always,  and  which  only  drew  the  ties  tighter 
together  between  the  French  and  the  natives.  The  church 
registers  indicate  many  occupations,  the  military  of  course 
ranking  first,  while  there  were  also  locksmiths,  armorers,  and 
a number  of  tradesmen  [marchands],  carpenters,  and  cabinet- 
makers; almost  every  man  was  a hunter;  several  industries 
were  at  least  planned,  such  as  tar  kilns,  sawmills,  and  tanner- 
ies. The  local  name  Fondlou  is  the  creole  rendering  of  Fond 
de  l’Ours  [bear  ground],  and  even  the  site  of  the  settlement 
is  still  known  traditionally  as  Vieux  Fort.  There,  yearning 
for  beautiful  France,  and  straining  the  eye  to  catch  the  first 
glimpse  of  boats  from  Dauphine  Island,  colonial  life  began 
and  went  on  henceforth  with  all  its  lights  and  shadows. 

Corresponding  to  Virginia  Dare  on  the  Atlantic  coast, 
the  first  creole  born  in  Louisiana  was  Jean  Francois,  son 
of  Jean  Le  Camp,  locksmith  of  the  colony,  and  his  wife, 
Magdelaine  Robert;  for  in  the  church  records  the  maiden 


IBERVILLE  AND  MOBILE 


21  7 


name  of  the  mother  is  always  given.  This  is  confirmed  by 
a civil  report  recently  found  in  the  State  records  in  France, 
that  for  some  reason  is  particular  to  say  he  was  the  first 
male.  There  is  a curious  entry  a number  of  years  later 
that  Robert  Talon,  master  cabinetmaker,  was  then  the 
“ first  creole  of  the  colony,”  and  the  same  office  or  title 
occurs  afterward.  It  would  seem  therefore  as  if,  not  un- 
naturally, the  fact  became  a mark  of  distinction,  possibly 
the  next  oldest  holding  it  in  turn.  There  can  be  no 
reasonable  doubt  that  Jean  Francois  Le  Camp  was  the  first 
child  born  to  the  French  upon  the  soil  of  Louisiana,  but 
what  became  of  him  afterward  we  do  not  know,  although 
his  father  we  can  trace  for  a number  of  years. 

The  government  was  essentially  military  and  from  the 
beginning  lacked  every  trace  of  representation  of  the  people. 
The  king’s  lieutenant  or  governor  was  at  the  head  and 
was  assisted  by  the  commissaire  or  ordonnateur , who  was  in 
charge  of  the  stores  and  apparently  had  some  civil  functions, 
and  other  officials,  varying  from  time  to  time,  but  making 
up  what  was  called  the  Superior  Council.  This  was  the 
court  of  first  and  last  instance,  although  as  the  colony 
developed  some  of  its  functions  became  vested  in  lower 
officials.  Unfortunately,  it  seemed  that  whenever  a body 
of  men,  of  whatever  nationality,  were  sent  to  America  to 
found  a colony,  they  would,  instead  of  uniting  for  the  com- 
mon good,  fall  out  and  waste  the  energies  of  the  enterprise 
in  quarrels  over  matters  unimportant.  Nicolas  de  La  Salle, 
the  commissary,  quarrelled  with  Bienville,  accusing  him  of 
wasting  stores  and  favoring  the  Canadians,  and  the  cure 
La  Vente  soon  found  himself  also  in  opposition  on  account 
of  Bienville’s  preference  for  Jesuits  and  told  his  grievances 
in  letters  to  the  government  at  home.  On  his  side,  Bien- 
ville did  not  mince  words,  and  accused  the  cure  of  keeping 
shop  like  a Jew  and  stirring  up  the  commissary  against  him. 
Between  them  they  at  last  convinced  Pontchartrain  that 
there  should  be  a change,  and  in  1708  the  Renommee  arrived 
with  royal  orders  to  that  effect.  De  Muys  would  have  been 


2 1 8 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


the  new  governor  if  he  had  not  died  at  Havana,  and  Diron 
d’Artaguette  succeeded  La  Salle.  D’Artaguette  remained 
friendly  with  Bienville,  and  henceforward  affairs  moved  on 
more  smoothly. 

The  strength  and  reputation  of  the  settlement  were  shown 
by  hostilities  with  the  Indians  to  the  east.  There  had  earlier 
been  warfare  with  the  Alibamons  on  account  of  an  inroad, 
and  on  the  Mississippi  the  murder  of  a missionary  had  been 
avenged ; but  the  most  serious  matter  was  a formidable 
alliance  in  this  year  between  the  Cheraquis  [Cherokees], 
Abikas,  Cadapouces  [Catawbas]  , and  Alibamons.  This  was 
significant  and  alarming  in  many  ways,  and  it  is  impossible 
not  to  see  in  it  the  hand  of  the  English  trying  to  avenge  the 
attack  of  the  French  and  Spaniards  upon  Charlestown  in 
1 706.  In  numbers  the  allied  Indians  amounted  to  four  thou- 
sand warriors;  but  the  French  were  put  on  their  guard,  and 
the  expedition  melted  away  with  the  destruction  of  the  Mo- 
bilian  cabins  a few  miles  above  the  fort.  And  yet,  such  evi- 
dence of  hostility  boded  ill  for  the  future.  The  Cherokees 
inhabited  the  mountains  northwest  of  Carolina  and  were  in 
many  respects  the  most  formidable  as  well  as  interesting 
natives  of  the  southeast.  The  Catawbas  were  only  less  to 
be  feared  because  of  their  exhausting  wars  with  the  Iroquois, 
passing  the  Shenandoah  Valley  in  raid  and  counter  raid. 
The  Abikas  came  from  near  the  sacred  town  of  Coosa; 
while  the  Alibamons  were  also  members  of  the  Creek  con- 
federacy, although  originally  possibly  a distinct  nation,  pre- 
serving many  independent  traits  and  customs.  It  would 
appear,  therefore,  that  at  the  beginning  the  French  were 
more  successful  with  the  Indians  to  the  northwest  and  on 
the  Mississippi  than  with  those  lying  toward  the  English 
settlements  of  the  Atlantic  coast.  Here  was  a problem  for 
the  future. 

This  invasion  in  a sense  showed  the  intimate  connection 
of  Europe  and  America,  for  it  was  a part  of  the  War  of 
the  Spanish  Succession,  which  may  be  said  to  constitute  a 
third  period  in  the  reign  of  Louis  XIV.  In  the  first,  France 


IBERVILLE  AND  MOBILE 


219 


posed  as  of  old  as  protector  of  the  Protestant  States  of 
Europe,  and  thus  gained  territory  for  herself  at  the  expense 
of  the  House  of  Austria.  With  the  death  of  Colbert  and 
the  growing  influence  of  Madame  de  Maintenon,  especially 
from  her  secret  marriage  with  the  king,  came  the  different 
policy  of  making  France  wholly  Catholic,  both  at  home  and 
in  her  influence  abroad,  the  principal  effect  of  which  was 
the  war  with  Holland  and  England  terminated  by  the  Peace 
of  Ryswick.  A continuation,  perhaps  an  intensification,  of 
the  same  policy  followed,  but  the  peculiar  circumstances 
of  the  time  entitle  the  last  part  of  the  king’s  reign  to  be 
classed  almost  as  a separate  epoch.  Just  as  Louis  had  been 
seeking  through  his  late  queen  to  claim  provinces  to  the 
east  and  northeast,  so  now  after  her  death  he  was  led  to 
take  a deeper  interest  in  Spain.  It  is  true  that  on  his 
accession  he  had  renounced  all  pretensions  to  that  throne 
arising  through  his  wife,  but  when  Charles  II.  died  be- 
queathing it  to  the  Due  d’Anjou,  her  grandson,  Louis  was 
prompt  to  accept  the  bequest.  Unwelcome  as  this  was  to 
Europe,  it  is  probable  that  Philip’s  claim  would  not  have 
been  seriously  disputed  had  not  Louis  at  the  same  time  given 
way  to  sentiment  at  the  deathbed  of  the  exiled  James  II. 
and  promised  to  support  the  claims  of  his  son  to  the  throne 
of  England.  This  alarmed  Great  Britain,  strengthened  the 
hands  of  William  of  Orange,  and  resulted  in  a formidable 
European  coalition.  The  old  generals  of  Louis  were  gone, 
William  himself  soon  died,  but  there  came  to  the  front 
Marlborough  and  Eugene.  While  the  war  was  at  first 
varying  in  its  fortunes,  in  1704  Louis  suffered  the  disastrous 
defeat  of  Blenheim,  Spain  the  loss  of  Gibraltar,  and  thence- 
forth the  struggle  of  France  was  largely  defensive.  Louis 
was  willing  to  make  great  concessions,  but  when  required 
to  wage  war  against  his  grandson  he  nobly  refused,  saying 
that  if  he  must  fight  it  would  be  against  his  enemies  and  not 
against  his  kindred. 

The  details  of  the  admirable  resistance  of  France,  backed 
only  by  Spain,  against  the  resources  of  Europe  are  of  absorbing 


220 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


interest,  but  we  can  only  take  into  account  the  consequences 
of  the  struggle.  The  war  was  carried  on  with  energy  until 
the  whole  country  became  almost  a wilderness.  Industries 
of  all  kinds  were  paralyzed,  and  the  government  racked  its 
brains  to  discover  new  objects  of  taxation  to  meet  the  ever 
growing  deficit.  Few  people  of  wealth  were  left,  and  the 
Crozats  were  rather  exceptions  than  instances  of  riches,  espe- 
cially among  merchants  interested  in  maritime  commerce. 

The  effect  of  all  this  on  America  can  readily  be  imagined. 
The  principal  uses  of  fleets  were  not  known  or  had  been 
forgotten  in  France,  and  England  was  mistress  of  the  ocean; 
so  that  even  had  the  means  existed  at  home,  there  was  no 
way  of  regularly  sending  supplies  and  colonists,  and  Louisi- 
ana had  to  get  along  as  best  it  could.  Thus  while  Pontchar- 
train  had  selected  what  is  called  Twenty-seven  Mile  Bluff 
as  the  seat  of  the  colony,  when  in  1710  this  was  overflowed 
by  a freshet  and  the  neighboring  Indian  farms  drowned  out 
which  had  supplied  much  of  the  maize  consumed,  Bienville 
needed  no  special  instructions  to  remove  his  fort  and  city 
to  the  mouth  of  the  river,  where  Mobile  has  ever  since  re- 
mained. On  a bluff  separated  from  the  river  by  marshy 
land  at  ordinary  tide  was  laid  out  a town,  its  front  street 
called  Royal  along  the  stream,  and  two  thoroughfares  at 
right  angles  bearing  the  names  Dauphin  and  Conti  for 
the  princes  so  well  known  in  France.  The  fort,  a little 
to  the  south  and  extending  nearer  to  the  river,  was  named 
Louis.  Trees  were  spared  or  planted  on  its  esplanade,  and 
squares  were  laid  off  around  it,  ten  fronting  the  river  and  two 
deep,  while  thirty  more  were  projected  through  the  pine 
woods  behind  for  expansion  of  the  capital  of  Louisiana. 

The  death  of  Iberville  had  defeated  the  execution  of  his 
grand  plan  for  resettlement  of  the  Indians,  and  the  War 
of  the  Spanish  Succession  had  prevented  his  brother  from 
carrying  out  the  more  modest  but  more  feasible  policy 
of  attaching  them  to  the  French  by  a trade  which  should 
upbuild  the  colony  and  attract  immigrants  from  France. 
It  is  true,  something  had  been  done,  for  there  were  settlers 


IBERVILLE  AND  MOBILE 


221 


along  the  Mobile  waters  and  coast  as  far  as  Pascagoula,  and 
French  influence  was  known  throughout  the  Mississippi 
valley.  But  agriculture  had  not  flourished,  although  en- 
couraged from  home,  and  war  had  prevented  much  develop- 
ment of  trade.  The  king  felt  compelled  to  make  a different 
arrangement  as  to  Louisiana,  and  Pontchartrain  sought  for 
several  years  to  secure  the  formation  of  a company,  at  first 
of  St.  Malo  merchants,  who  should  take  it  over.  At  last,  in 
1712,  with  the  Illinois  struck  from  its  boundaries,  it  was 
turned  over  to  Antoine  Crozat  to  exploit  commercially  for 
fifteen  years,  while  for  a more  limited  period  the  govern- 
ment should  maintain  forts  and  forces.  Hostilities  had 
ceased,  although  the  Peace  of  Utrecht  did  not  come  until 
next  year,  and  the  future  was  brighter.  Crozat  naturally 
wished  to  change  the  whole  system  of  management,  and 
sent  as  governor  La  Mothe  Cadillac,  a man  of  experience, 
who  almost  the  same  year  Mobile  was  founded  had  estab- 
lished Detroit,  the  better  to  control  the  lake  traffic,  now  that 
the  Iroquois  gave  less  trouble.  His  present  instructions 
were  especially  to  seek  for  mines  and  to  open  trade  with 
the  Spanish  possessions.  In  the  former  he  was  unsuccess- 
ful, although  at  one  time  he  went  far  up  in  the  northwest 
for  the  precious  metals.  Minerals  there  were,  although  not 
in  quantity  and  location  to  attract  attention.  Nor  did  he 
neglect  commerce.  Something  was  done  with  Pensacola, 
but,  despite  the  intimacy  of  the  two  courts,  Spain  remained 
unwilling  to  open  her  ports  even  to  the  French.  At  least 
three  attempts  were  made  in  the  direction  of  Mexico.  Thus 
Louis  de  Saint-Denis,  an  adventurous  character,  at  one 
time  in  command  of  the  fort  on  the  lower  Mississippi,  led 
a famous  expedition  up  Red  River  for  that  purpose,  and 
somewhat  later  he  undertook  a larger  one  by  way  of  the 
Natchitoches,  but  won  nothing  for  his  principals.  On 
another  occasion  we  find  Crozat  sending  a vessel  under 
Durigouin  to  Vera  Cruz  on  a similar  mission;  but  all  in 
vain.  The  Spaniards  would  not  trade,  and  all  such  efforts 
had  to  be  abandoned. 


222 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


Mines  were  elusive,  agriculture  not  a success,  foreign 
commerce  unattainable,  but  at  least  a good  deal  of  exploring 
was  done  and  some  posts  founded  that  were  to  mean  much 
in  future.  In  the  very  direction  from  which  the  great 
Indian  peril  had  lately  come,  Crozat  was  in  1714  able  to 
extend  French  influence.  During  jealousy  of  the  Creeks 
toward  the  English,  possibly  growing  out  of  the  Yamasi 
and  Tuscarora  wars,  application  was  made  by  the  chief 
called  the  Emperor  of  the  Creeks,  asking  the  French  to 
build  a fort  among  them.  Bienville  or  La  Tour  agreed  to 
this,  and  Fort  Toulouse,  named  for  Crozat’s  birthplace  or 
Louis’s  son,  rose  in  the  fork  of  Coosa  and  Tallapoosa  Rivers, 
the  centre  of  the  district  known  to  the  colony  as  Aux  Ali- 
bamons.  There  were  two  guns  in  each  of  the  four  bas- 
tions, and  because  of  its  location  the  fortress  had  a power 
far  beyond  its  garrison  and  equipment.  Situated  almost  at 
the  head  of  navigation,  among  the  foothills  of  the  Allegha- 
nies,  it  was  to  encourage  French  trade  and  block  any  mili- 
tary advance  of  the  English  around  the  mountains,  and  from 
this  time  Coxe,  in  his  Carolana , dates  the  decrease  of  English 
influence  among  the  Indians.  In  the  same  year  an  Eng- 
lishman, Price  Hughes,  was  captured  on  the  Mississippi, 
and  Bienville  gave  shelter  and  a home  on  Mobile  River  to 
the  Taensas  fleeing  in  one  of  the  exterminating  wars  on  the 
Mississippi.  He  also  inflicted  upon  the  Natches  severe 
chastisement  for  robbing  and  murdering  traders,  and  two 
years  later  the  French  built  Fort  Rosalie  among  them. 

The  death  of  Louis  XIV.  and  the  beginning  of  the  Re- 
gency in  1715  made  no  change  in  Louisiana;  but  Cadillac 
spent  so  much  of  his  time  in  complaining,  that  Crozat  in 
1717  replaced  him  by  L’Epinay,  rewarding  Bienville  with 
the  much-coveted  cross  of  the  military  order  of  St.  Louis. 
There  was  local  improvement  in  that  the  palisaded  fort 
heretofore  known  as  Fort  Louis  was  rebuilt  of  brick  destined 
to  endure  for  centuries,  and  in  honor  of  the  great  man  who 
unfortunately  no  longer  conducted  the  military  affairs  of 
France  it  was  renamed  Fort  Conde.  And  yet,  the  year  was 


IBERVILLE  AND  MOBILE 


223 


a fatal  one  for  Mobile.  Vessels  from  France  had  always 
been  required  to  transship  their  goods  at  the  little  port  on 
Massacre  Island,  and  naturally  a village  had  grown  up  there, 
and  a breastwork  and  palisaded  fort  commanded  the  ap- 
proach. A public-spirited  captain  had  even  built  a church, 
and  Port  Dauphin  enjoyed  a fame  almost  as  great  as  the 
city  on  the  mainland.  There  it  was  that  L’Epinay  had 
been  welcomed  by  twenty-four  Indian  tribes,  and  when  we 
are  told  that  Grandville’s  house  was  worth  sixteen  thousand 
livres  we  are  less  surprised  that  a pirate  from  British  Jamaica 
should  be  able  to  destroy  property  worth  fifty  thousand  livres. 
And  now,  in  one  of  those  sudden  storms  not  unknown  on 
the  Gulf,  the  sand  from  Pelican  Island  was  washed  into  the 
channel,  and  the  harbor  of  Massacre  Island  was  a thing 
of  the  past;  except  for  light-draught  vessels,  the  port  and 
the  bay  were  bottled  up.  If  this  was  not  the  last  straw  on 
Crozat’s  back,  at  all  events,  on  August  23,  1717,  the  council 
in  France  at  his  request  accepted  a surrender  of  the  colony. 
It  had  grown  from  four  hundred  inhabitants  to  seven  hun- 
dred, and  since  the  Peace  of  Utrecht  had  shown  some 
vitality.  But  a success  commercially  it  was  not.  What 
the  regent  would  have  done  with  it  if  left  to  his  own  re- 
sources it  is  hard  to  say;  but  a greater  than  the  regent  was 
abroad  in  France,  and  Louisiana  was  suddenly  to  leap  into 
fame  and  favor. 


CHAPTER  XI 


THE  MISSISSIPPI  BUBBLE 

Out  of  the  War  of  the  Spanish  Succession  France  had 
emerged  with  resources  impaired ; all  lost  save  honor.  The 
old  ministers  were  gone,  and  yet  the  State  had  more  need 
of  such  than  ever  to  cure  the  economic  distress  caused  by 
long  wars  and  expensive  establishments.  The  king  himself 
when  young  had  been  famous  for  his  amours,  while  the  last 
years  of  his  life  had  been  devoted  to  Madame  de  Maintenon, 
his  wife,  and  the  rigid  observance  of  all  that  the  Church 
demanded.  There  was  poverty  in  the  provinces  and  en- 
forced piety  in  the  palace.  As  he  was  dying,  Madame  de 
Maintenon  deserted  his  bedside  for  her  foundation  of  St.  Cyr ; 
and  when  death  came,  the  joy  of  the  people  could  not  be 
restrained.  Such  was  the  end  of  one  who  of  all  French 
sovereigns  had  played  the  greatest  part  in  history!  His 
successor  was  a little  child,  and  the  will  named  the  Due 
d’Orleans  as  regent;  but  a codicil  made  in  the  last  few  days 
of  his  life  under  the  influence  of  Madame  de  Maintenon 
appointed  his  legitimated  son,  the  Due  de  Maine,  tutor  with 
such  extensive  powers  as  practically  to  put  the  regent  at  his 
mercy.  The  Parlement  of  Paris  had  in  times  past  en- 
deavored to  uphold  its  own  privileges,  and  incidentally  the 
rights  of  the  people,  and  now  had  as  a law  court  the  function 
of  registering,  perhaps  we  might  say  probating,  the  instru- 
ment left  by  Louis  XIV.  Before  it  the  Due  d’Orleans  suc- 
ceeded in  having  the  codicil  rejected  as  obtained  by  undue 
influence,  and  he  became  regent  with  extensive  powers. 

225 


226 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


This  nephew  of  the  late  king  was,  according  to  his  inti- 
mate friend  Saint-Simon,  of  considerable  ability,  pleasing 
address,  and  some  eloquence,  and  withal  not  only  dissolute 
to  the  last  degree,  but  an  utter  sceptic  as  to  honesty  in  man 
and  virtue  in  woman.  His  principal  adviser  was  the  Abbe 
Dubois,  a man  after  his  own  heart;  and  while  the  regent’s 
days  were  spent  in  application  to  State  affairs,  his  evenings 
and  nights  were  given  up  to  debauchery  in  the  Palais  Royal, 
upon  which  no  business  of  whatever  importance  was  allowed 
to  intrude.  On  the  other  hand,  it  is  only  fair  to  remember 
that  his  mistresses  and  his  roues  were  not  sharers  of  the 
secrets  of  State,  that  he  kept  out  of  foreign  wars  and  com- 
plications as  much  as  possible,  even  making  an  alliance 
with  England,  and  cast  about  for  some  way  of  relieving  the 
financial  embarrassment  of  the  treasury.  Public  bankruptcy 
was  urged  upon  him,  but  he  refused  to  take  a step  which 
would  in  his  opinion  ruin  France  before  the  world.  He 
tried  to  economize  with  one  hand,  but  was  too  easy-going 
to  refuse  pensions  and  gifts  with  the  other.  He  could 
hardly  be  dissuaded  by  Saint-Simon  from  demolishing  Marly 
in  order  to  save  expenses,  while  his  other  friend,  John  Law, 
had  no  difficulty  in  inducing  him  to  buy  for  two  million 
livres  the  great  diamond  secretly  brought  from  India  by  a 
soldier,  and  which,  named  for  the  regent,  is  still  the  priceless 
jewel  of  France. 

Before  the  time  Dr.  Samuel  Johnson  could  say  of  the 
scenery  of  Scotland  that  the  finest  view  a Scotchman  ever 
enjoyed  was  the  road  to  London,  this  John  Law  left  his 
native  Edinburgh  to  become  distinguished  in  the  southern 
capital  until  an  affair  of  honor  drove  him  abroad  ; for  he 
had  the  misfortune  to  kill  his  man  in  a duel  in  London  and 
the  good  fortune  after  sentence  to  escape  from  prison ; 
and  his  strange  previous  history  was  to  be  eclipsed  by  that 
yet  to  come.  Proficient  in  everything  relating  to  mathe- 
matics, the  Bank  of  England  recently  established  attracted 
his  attention,  and  during  his  exile  upon  the  continent  the 
even  more  famous  institution  at  Amsterdam  was  studied 


THE  MISSISSIPPI  BUBBLE 


227 


closely.  He  thus  became  a master  of  finance,  and,  the  truth 
to  tell,  not  less  a master  in  the  art  of  gaming.  Indeed,  to 
his  mind  the  two  went  together,  for  there  was  in  both  cases 
only  the  application  of  fixed  rules;  to  him  there  was  no 
element  of  chance  in  either.  He  worked  out  a scheme  of 
national  banking,  which  he  tried  to  introduce  in  Scotland, 
but  his  canny  countrymen  did  not  take  kindly  to  the  idea 
that  abundance  of  money  makes  the  State  wealthy.  On 
applying  to  the  Duke  of  Savoy,  that  prince  suggested  that 
he  was  not  powerful  enough  to  ruin  himself,  and  that  Law 
should  go  to  France.  Louis  XIV.  would  not  consider  his 
plans,  and  the  lieutenant  of  police  drove  him  away  because 
he  knew  too  much  of  the  game  of  faro,  which  he  intro- 
duced. Nevertheless,  Law,  with  his  scientific  gambling, 
managed  to  accumulate  a fortune  of  sixteen  hundred  thou- 
sand livres,  and  this  he  took  to  Paris  when  his  friend  the 
. Due  d’Orleans  became  regent,  with  a State  debt  to  meet 
of  two  billions  and  a half.  After  some  changes  in  plans, 
Law  succeeded  in  getting  the  regent  to  issue  letters  patent 
on  May  2,  1716,  registered  shortly  afterward  by  Parlement, 
authorizing  what  was  called  the  Banque  Generale.  It 
had  a capital  of  six  millions,  divided  into  twelve  hundred 
shares  payable  in  four  instalments,  three  of  which  were  to  be 
in  State  paper,  and  it  had  power  to  discount  paper  and  issue 
notes  payable  in  coin  of  the  weight  and  value  of  the  date 
of  their  issue.  Thus  the  public  paper  found  a use  and  was 
gradually  absorbed,  while  the  new  banknotes  had  a stability 
heretofore  unknown,  with  the  result  that  the  debt  was  re- 
duced and  confidence  gradually  restored.  Next  year  the  notes 
were  made  legal  tender  for  taxes,  and  thus  circulated  all  over 
France.  There  is  no  doubt  that  much  good  was  effected, 
and  if  Law’s  institution  had  continued  on  this  basis  he  would 
have  been  justly  called  the  financial  savior  of  the  country. 

The  dissatisfaction  of  Crozat  coincided  in  time  with  the 
rise  of  Law.  How  far  the  resignation  of  one  was  caused 
by  the  ambition  of  the  other  we  do  not  know,  but  the  ac- 
ceptance of  Crozat’s  surrender  was  contemporaneous  with 


228 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


letters  patent  of  August,  1717,  authorizing  the  corpora- 
tion called  the  Compagnie  d’Occident,  sometimes  also  the 
Compagnie  des  Indes  Occidentals,  to  take  over  Louisiana. 
Crozat’s  right  had  been  commercial;  that  of  the  Compagnie 
was  of  absolute  sovereignty,  political  and  commercial,  over 
Louisiana,  upon  the  sole  condition  of  rendering  fealty  and 
homage  to  the  king.  The  capital  was  one  hundred  million 
livres,  divided  into  two  hundred  thousand  shares,  payable 
like  the  subscriptions  to  the  bank.  The  progress  of  Law 
was  not  without  opposition.  Parlement  was  hostile  to 
him,  and  at  one  time,  but  for  the  support  of  the  regent, 
would  have  seized  and  hanged  him  in  its  own  court;  while 
the  brothers  Paris,  with  their  new  company  called  Anti- 
System,  obtained  a concession  of  the  general  taxes.  But 
Law  triumphed  over  all,  and  on  January  1,  1719,  his 
became  the  Royal  Bank,  the  king  guaranteeing  the  notes, 
and  Law  becoming  director.  He  now  had  the  opportunity 
of  carrying  into  effect  his  theory  as  to  banking,  which  was 
that  while  it  is  necessary  to  have  a solid  foundation  for 
money  this  need  not  necessarily  be  specie.  He  perceived 
clearly  enough  that  the  bulk  of  business  transactions  were 
founded  on  credit,  and  conceived  the  idea  of  making  the 
public  credit  the  basis  of  money.  The  State  with  its  taxes 
and  powers  was  the  source  of  all  security,  and  why  not  make 
this  confidence  the  foundation  of  the  medium  of  exchange? 
The  possibility  of  overissue  of  notes,  particularly  with  such 
a superior  as  the  extravagant  regent,  was  one  which  might 
become  a reality;  but  this  did  not,  at  least  at  first,  appear 
to  Law  as  a danger.  The  issue  did  attain  to  one  hundred 
million  livres,  and  branches  of  the  bank  were  established  in 
different  large  cities  such  as  Lyon,  La  Rochelle,  Tours, 
Orleans,  and  Amiens,  where  all  payments  above  six  hun- 
dred livres  must  be  made  in  notes.  Becoming  a Catholic 
convert,  Law  was  made  controleur  general. 

The  System  continued  to  grow.  In  May,  1719,  the 
company  received  the  monopoly  of  commerce  from  Cape 
of  Good  Hope  to  the  southern  seas,  with  similar  rights  in 


THE  MISSISSIPPI  BUBBLE 


229 


Madagascar,  Bourbon,  Isle  de  France,  Sofola,  the  Red  Sea, 
Persia,  India,  Siam,  China,  and  Japan,  including  also  the 
commerce  of  Senegal.  Naturally,  it  became  now  the  Com- 
pagnie  des  Indes,  and  increased  its  capital  by  fifty  thou- 
sand shares  more;  and  the  increase  of  stock  gave  rise  to  the 
names  of  “ mothers  ” for  the  original  shares,  “ daughters  ” for 
the  new,  and  in  time  we  find  also  “ granddaughters  ” for  pay- 
ment for  the  privilege  of  minting  the  State  coin.  Thus,  step 
by  step,  Law  in  effect  substituted  his  Compagnie,  or  System 
as  it  was  called,  for  the  financial  officials  of  the  State,  and 
paper  money  had  a vogue  never  known  before  or  since. 
The  colony  of  Louisiana,  generally  spoken  of  as  the  Mis- 
sissippi, was  the  Mecca  of  all  hopes,  and  was  painted  in 
colors  which  now  only  raise  a smile.  Gold  was  washed 
down  by  its  rivers,  while  silver  was  too  plentiful  to  be 
regarded,  the  air  was  balmy,  the  soil  fruitful,  and  the  Song 
of  Solomon  was  but  a prophecy  of  Louisiana.  The  Arabian 
Nights  were  outdone,  for  the  dew  overnight  even  congealed 
into  diamonds.  It  was  like  the  pictures  of  Virginia  in 
Ben  Jonson’s  time,  but  it  was  a picture  sanctioned  by  the 
government.  Fortunes  were  made  in  a day,  and  Rue  Quin- 
campoix  and  Place  Vendome  were  crowded  with  the  wildest 
speculators. 

The  new  era  was  accompanied  by  a new  American  ad- 
ministration, and  on  February  9,  1718,  three  ships  arrived 
at  Dauphine  Island,  bringing  Pierre  Duque  de  Boisbriant  as 
royal  lieutenant  commanding  Mobile  and  Dauphine  Island, 
and  a commission  dated  September  20,  1717,  for  Bienville 
as  governor  representing  the  Compagnie  d’Occident.  The 
original  reason  for  the  colony  had  been  the  possible  use 
of  the  great  Mississippi,  and  the  plan  of  the  new  governor 
was  to  make  an  establishment  upon  it  which  should  help  to 
justify  the  dreams  of  Law.  Although  he  was  opposed  by 
the  commissary  Hubert,  the  closing  of  the  port  of  Dauphine 
Island  made  some  change  necessary,  and  a compromise  was 
effected  by  selecting  what  was  spoken  of  as  New  Biloxi, 
on  the  western  side  of  the  bay  originally  settled  by  the 


230 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


French.  Nevertheless,  Bienville  examined  the  Mississippi 
and  selected  the  site  of  a city  which,  in  compliment  to  the 
regent,  was  named  New  Orleans.  He  established  also  a 
post  at  Natchitoches,  on  Red  River,  where  he  stationed 
Blondel,  and  recognized  the  importance  of  the  Illinois 
region  by  sending  Boisbriant  there  to  build  Fort  Chartres. 
Bienville  himself  asked  for  a fief  on  Pearl  River  to  bear  his 
name,  and  got  Horn  Island  instead  in  socage,  and  built  a 
handsome  house  and  garden  just  below  Mobile  on  a height 
on  the  bay  side.  In  France  it  was  a time  of  extravagance, 
but  this  chateau  on  the  water  was  as  close  as  was  allowable 
in  America  to  Iberville’s  old  plan  for  a Le  Moyne  comt'e 
which  should  embrace  the  upper  shores  of  the  bay. 

Military  fiefs  were  not  to  flourish  in  Louisiana,  although 
they  were  common  enough  in  Canada,  but  lands  were 
granted  out  in  extensive  tracts  to  concessionnaires  who  agreed 
to  people  them.  The  Compagnie  itself  undertook  to  bring 
inhabitants,  and  was  not  very  particular  as  to  whom  it 
obtained.  As  colonists  did  not  rapidly  offer  themselves, 
hospitals  and  jails  were  resorted  to,  and  scenes  not  unusual 
when  the  Huguenots  were  harried  out  of  the  country  were 
reenacted  now.  Many  a man  and  woman  was  carried  away 
unwillingly.  Spite  played  its  part,  and  a whisper  in  the 
right  quarter  rid  one  of  an  incongenial  wife  or  husband,  or 
put  folks  who  would  not  die  out  of  the  way  of  hungry 
heirs.  Manon  Lescaut  may  never  have  come  to  Louisiana, 
but  many  a one  of  other  name  but  similar  character  found 
there  a grave;  for  if  the  Compagnie  was  indifferent  as  to  how 
it  secured  colonists,  it  was  even  more  so  as  to  what  became 
of  them.  Huddled  together  before  leaving  France,  without 
proper  food  and  attention  on  shore  and  at  sea,  they  were 
dumped  upon  Dauphine  Island  and  died  by  hundreds  before 
reaching  the  concessions  on  the  Mississippi  or  elsewhere, 
and  of  the  remainder  others  fell  victims  to  the  climate.  In 
March,  1719,  the  warship  Comte  de  Toulouse  brought  a hun- 
dred, and  a month  later  other  vessels,  under  the  Sieur  de 
Serigny,  brought  more,  besides  soldiers  and  workmen.  Law 


THE  MISSISSIPPI  BUBBLE 


231 


himself  had  an  extensive  grant  upon  the  Arkansas,  whither 
he  sent  industrious  Germans,  and  the  Mississippi,  at  least  on 
the  map,  was  now  lined  with  grants,  some  of  them  inhabited. 
Thus,  near  Natchez,  the  Compagnie  made  concessions  to 
Hubert,  the  royal  commissary,  or  commissaire  ordonnateur , 
and  to  a company  of  St.  Malo  merchants;  at  Natchitoches 
on  Red  River,  to  Benard  de  La  Harpe;  at  Tunicas,  to 
Sainte-Reine ; at  Pointe  Coupee,  to  De  Meuse.  The  site  of 
the  town  of  Baton  Rouge  was  conceded  to  Diron  d’Arta- 
guette;  the  right  bank  of  the  Mississippi,  opposite  Bayou 
Manchac,  to  Paris  Duvernay;  the  Tchoupitoulas  lands,  to 
De  Muys;  the  Houmas,  to  the  Marquis  d’Ancenis;  the 
Cannes  Brulees,  to  the  Marquis  d’Artagnac;  the  opposite 
bank  of  the  river,  to  De  Guiche,  De  La  Houssaye,  and  De 
La  Houpe;  the  Bay  of  St.  Louis,  to  Mme.  de  Mezieres; 
and  Pascagoula  Bay,  to  Mme.  de  Chaumont.  Grants  on 
Yazoo  River  were  made  to  a private  company  composed 
of  Le  Blanc,  secretary  of  state,  the  Comte  de  Belleville,  the 
Marquis  d’Auleck,  and  Le  Blond,  who  later  was  commander- 
in-chief  of  the  engineers  of  the  province. 

Almost  contemporaneously  with  Law’s  Compagnie  came 
the  real  establishment  of  negro  slavery.  There  had  been 
some  few  negroes  before,  and  we  know'  that  from  the  begin- 
ning the  French  held  Indian  slaves,  in  this  only  copying  the 
example  of  the  Indians  themselves.  The  Church  records 
early  name  a number  of  “ Schittimacha,”  as  well  as  some 
Natchitoches,  Chichacha,  Alibamon,  Taensa,  and  even  Pa- 
douca  [Comanche]  slaves.  Many  were  enslaved  in  child- 
hood to  make  them  more  tractable,  but  Indian  slavery  has 
never  been  successful.  The  example  of  the  Spaniards  in 
the  West  Indies  affected  the  French  of  Louisiana,  as  it 
had  the  French  of  the  islands  and  the  English  of  Virginia 
one  hundred  years  before,  and  in  1719  came  the  first  cargo 
of  Africans,  two  hundred  and  fifty  in  number,  who  from 
Dauphine  Island  were  distributed  among  the  concessions. 
This  was  but  the  beginning,  and  even  three  years  later  we 
read  that  the  supply  was  still  quite  unequal  to  the  demand. 


232 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


There  came  a temporary  interruption  of  exploitation,  in 
the  shape  of  a war  with  Spain.  In  the  time  of  Louis  XIV. 
such  an  event  would  not  have  been  possible,  and  the 
friendliness  of  the  two  countries  made  it  almost  fratricidal 
even  now.  The  cause  was  not  important,  for  it  was  due 
to  the  ambition  of  Cardinal  Alberoni,  an  Italian  who  had 
accompanied  Philip’s  new  queen  into  Spain  and  had  been 
shrewd  enough  to  gain  complete  control  over  the  royal 
couple.  Although  of  short  continuance,  the  conflict  had 
the  effect  of  enabling  Bienville  and  his  brother  Chateauguay 
to  get  together  an  army  of  eight  hundred  French  and  Indians 
at  Mobile  for  a land  attack  on  Pensacola,  while  Serigny 
sailed  thither  with  four  vessels.  The  place  was  invested 
on  May  14th,  and  soon  succumbed.  Chateauguay  was  left  in 
command  with  three  hundred  men,  and  the  Spaniards  were 
repatriated  to  Cuba.  The  governor  there,  however,  seized 
the  ships  bringing  the  prisoners,  and  fitted  out  an  expedition 
which  speedily  recovered  Pensacola,  captured  Chateauguay, 
took  him  to  Havana,  and  undertook  to  attack  Mobile  in 
return.  A powerful  fleet  lay  twelve  days  before  Dauphine 
Island,  but  Louis  Saint-Denis  with  his  two  hundred  troops 
and  Indians  drove  them  off.  A gunboat  succeeded  in 
entering  the  bay,  and  plundered  a place  on  Mon  Louis 
Island;  but  on  the  second  attempt,  Mobile  Indians  killed 
and  captured  a number  of  the  invaders.  The  natives  took 
them  to  Mobile,  where  they  were  clubbed  to  death. 

Another  act  was  now  played  in  the  drama,  for  Bienville 
and  Saint-Denis  by  land  and  Champmeslin  by  sea  reinvested 
respectively  the  large  fort  on  the  mainland  and  the  little 
one  on  the  point  of  Santa  Rosa  Island,  and  captured  them 
again,  hanging  forty  deserters  whom  they  found.  The 
French  flag  continued  to  wave  over  the  little  Spanish  town 
during  the  rest  of  the  war;  but  this  was  only  a short  time, 
for  peace  was  made  in  the  next  year,  when  Pensacola  was 
restored  and  the  prisoners  were  released  on  both  sides. 

The  forward  movement  which  Law  had  instituted  went 
on.  Concessions  increased,  more  people  came,  some  to  die 


THE  MISSISSIPPI  BUBBLE 


233 


and  some  to  live;  figs,  oranges,  and  other  fruits  were  intro- 
duced, and  agriculture  began  to  play  some  part  in  the  life 
of  the  colony.  But  the  master  spirit  was  no  more.  In  Feb- 
ruary, 1720,  disenchantment  began  at  Paris,  and  a panic 
was  threatened.  The  price  of  the  shares  in  the  Compagnie 
fell.  Forced  measures  for  the  circulation  of  notes  were 
necessary,  becoming  more  and  more  stringent,  and  soon  it 
seemed  necessary  even  to  interdict  the  hoarding  of  gold 
and  silver,  and  then  of  diamonds  and  precious  stones,  so 
as  to  leave  no  other  standard  of  value  than  notes.  The 
union  of  the  bank  and  the  Company  of  the  Indies  did  not 
improve  affairs.  Uneasiness  finally  gave  way  to  indigna- 
tion, and  the  general  control  of  the  finances  was  taken 
away  from  Law.  Next,  the  bank  was  abolished  and  the 
Compagnie  was  deprived  of  taxes,  of  public  collections, 
and  of  the  monopoly  of  tobacco  which  it  had  held,  and 
henceforth  remained  exclusively  commercial.  Such  was 
the  end  of  the  bubble,  which  all  but  ruined  the  country. 
In  the  month  of  December,  1720,  Law,  after  having  been 
protected  by  guards,  found  it  necessary  to  leave  France, 
taking  only  two  thousand  livres.  He  remained  for  a time 
near  Brussels,  in  expectation  of  a recall  which  never  came, 
and  then  spent  the  last  nine  years  of  his  adventurous  life  in 
Venice.  There  he  died  in  almost  complete  poverty. 

The  Compagnie  des  Indes  moved  on,  actually  disown- 
ing Law,  and  gradually  meeting  with  some  success.  The 
population  of  Louisiana  increased  to  such  an  extent  that 
the  Compagnie,  which  was  the  sole  buyer  and  seller,  fixed 
prices  of  imports  and  exports.  The  standard  was  the  figure 
controlling  at  Mobile  and  Dauphine  Island,  to  which  was 
added  five  per  cent  for  goods  delivered  at  New  Orleans, 
ten  per  cent  for  those  at  the  Natches,  thirteen  per  cent  at 
the  Yazoos,  twenty  per  cent  at  Natchitoches,  and  fifty 
per  cent  at  the  Illinois  and  on  the  Missouri;  while  the 
Compagnie  bought  colonial  produce  at  its  own  ware- 
houses in  Mobile,  Ship  Island,  New  Orleans,  and  the  new 
capital  at  Biloxi.  Or,  at  another  time,  in  New  Orleans, 


234 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


Biloxi,  and  Mobile  the  profit  was  to  be  fifty  per  cent  upon 
the  cost  in  France;  at  the  Natches  and  the  Yazoos,  where 
was  a new  establishment  named  Fort  Claude,  at  seventy  per 
cent;  while  at  the  Arkansas  it  was  to  be  double  the  cost, 
although  the  Alibamon  post,  far  up  in  the  interior,  was 
placed  on  an  equality  with  Mobile  on  the  Gulf  because  of 
the  competition  arising  from  the  British  colonies  to  the  east. 
Thus  early  did  the  law  of  international  competition  appear 
in  America.  France,  following,  perhaps  unconsciously,  the 
precedent  of  Spain  and  England  long  before,  forbade  the  cul- 
tivation of  anything  which  could  compete  with  her  own 
products,  and  thus  the  vine,  hemp,  flax,  and  some  other 
things  were  prohibited.  Rice,  however,  and  tobacco  were 
encouraged,  and  in  course  of  time  cotton  came  into  notice, 
although  the  difficulty  of  removing  the  seed  prevented  it 
from  becoming  of  the  same  importance  as  the  other  crops. 
Upon  the  request  of  the  local  council  the  Compagnie  had 
issued  copper  sous,  of  which  many  are  still  found  in  the 
Gulf  country,  showing  on  the  one  side  a double  L crossed 
and  on  the  other  the  words  Colonies  Francoises , with  the  date, 
generally  1721,  and  the  mint  mark,  frequently  of  La  Ro- 
chelle. Law’s  money  does  not  figure  in  Louisiana  finance 
to  any  great  extent,  for  pistoles  and  dollars  were  generally 
used,  their  value  being  fixed  by  decrees,  which  unfortunately 
showed  great  variation  and  were  just  grounds  of  complaint. 
In  the  sales  of  the  Compagnie  it  was  arranged  that  slaves 
should  be  sold  for  six  hundred  and  sixty  livres  each,  on  three 
years’  credit,  payable  in  equal  instalments,  sometimes  in 
tobacco  and  sometimes  in  rice, — thus,  showing,  as  in  Virginia 
and  Carolina,  how  naturally  a standard  of  value  passes  into  a 
medium  of  exchange  in  the  absence  of  the  precious  metals. 
Ultimately  the  Compagnie  issued  bonds  or  notes,  which 
constituted  a large  part  of  the  currency. 

The  growth  of  Louisiana  had  now  become  such  that 
it  was  advisable  to  divide  the  country  into  districts  for 
better  government,  each  under  a commandant  and  judge, 
from  whom  an  appeal  lay  to  the  Superior  Council  at  Biloxi. 


THE  MISSISSIPPI  BUBBLE 


235 


These  nine  departments  were  Biloxi,  Mobile,  Alibamons, 
New  Orleans,  Natchez,  Yazoo,  Natchitoches,  Arkansas, 
and  Illinois,  having  in  all  a white  population  of  five  thou- 
sand four  hundred  and  twenty,  besides  six  hundred  negroes, 
though  the  Compagnie  had  transported  up  to  May,  1721, 
seven  thousand  and  twenty  people.  The  expense  of  ad- 
ministering this  new  country  with  its  scattered  population 
was  very  great,  amounting  at  this  time  almost  to  five  hun- 
dred thousand  livres,  and  somewhat  later  it  was  calculated 
that  the  cost  of  each  inhabitant  was  the  extravagant  sum 
of  one  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  livres.  Only  three  years 
later,  we  are  told  by  La  Harpe  that  the  white  population 
had  diminished  to  seventeen  hundred,  while  the  blacks  had 
risen  in  number  to  thirty-three  hundred,  and  of  domestic 
animals  in  the  latter  year  we  find  eleven  hundred  cows  and 
three  hundred  bulls,  but  only  two  hundred  horses,  one  hun- 
dred sheep,  besides  sundry  other  animals,  including  goats, 
hogs,  and  fowls.  The  importance  attached  to  horses  and 
horned  animals  is  attested  by  a law  punishing  with  death 
their  killing  or  maiming,  and  one  had  to  obtain  lawful  per- 
mission to  slay  even  his  own  animal,  under  a penalty  of 
three  hundred  livres.  It  may  be  there  is  some  mistake 
about  La  Harpe’s  numbers,  for  immigration  almost  ceased 
for  a while  after  1721,  and  yet  ten  years  later  we  know  the 
white  population  amounted  to  five  thousand  people.  The 
government  had  made  a decree  forbidding  the  further  im- 
portation of  convicts  and  vagabonds,  but  it  is  uncertain  how 
far  this  was  carried  out.  Even  in  the  year  of  the  decree, 
while  three  hundred  colonists  arrived  for  the  Chaumont 
concession  at  Pascagoula,  eighty  girls  from  La  Salpetriere, 
a house  of  correction  in  Paris,  were  sent  over  as  wives  for 
the  colonists. 

Of  life  at  New  Biloxi,  of  the  interregnum  between  Mo- 
bile and  New  Orleans,  we  have  a desultory  but  interesting 
memorial  in  the  journal  of  Sieur  Bouques,  secretary  of 
the  council,  relating  to  the  year  1722.  The  troubles  of  the 
Compagnie  in  France  were  fully  reflected  at  the  provincial 


236 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


capital,  where  people  suffered  greatly  from  lack  of  provisions 
and  other  necessaries,  and  on  the  arrival  of  the  Profond  and 
other  relief  ships  they  chanted  a Te  Deum.  Nevertheless, 
they  did  not  fail  in  military  ceremonies.  They  blessed  the 
flags,  appointed  officers  at  the  head  of  the  troops,  fired 
salutes,  and  Bienville  from  time  to  time  gave  a state  dinner 
or  supper.  Indians  would  come  to  a council  or  to  bring 
scalps,  Canadians  descended  with  furs  or  news,  and  a buc- 
caneer ship  called  from  time  to  time.  The  news  would 
be  of  what  was  happening  at  Natchitoches,  at  the  Illinois, 
or  on  the  Mississippi,  and  commonly  related  to  inroads  of 
the  Indians  or  to  what  the  Spaniards  were  doing.  Possi- 
bly the  occurrence  that  happened  oftenest  was  desertion.  At 
one  time  some  twenty-two  soldiers,  sailors,  and  inhabitants 
made  off  with  a chaloupe  to  go  to  the  Spanish  possessions  to 
the  east.  At  another,  even  a Swiss  company,  instead  of 
going  up  to  New  Orleans  to  work  on  the  public  improve- 
ments, forced  the  captain  of  a traversier  to  put  to  sea,  de- 
claring that  they  had  had  enough  of  misery.  Later,  three 
formats  [convicts]  stole  a pirogue  and  left  for  parts  un- 
known. This  was  the  time  when  the  short  war  with  Spain 
was  terminated,  and  Wachop  and  Spinola  came  with  their 
suite  from  Vera  Cruz  to  bear  a letter  from  the  Marquis  de 
Balero.  French  officers  received  them  on  the  seashore  and 
conducted  them  to  Bienville’s  house,  where  troops  were 
under  arms.  The  letter  related  to  the  double  alliance  be- 
tween France  and  Spain  through  the  marriage  of  the  king 
with  the  Infanta  and  that  of  the  Prince  of  Asturias  with 
Mile,  de  Montpensier,  and  the  delivery  of  Pensacola  back 
to  the  Spaniards  in  the  condition  it  was  first  captured. 
La  Tour,  as  lieutenant-general  of  the  colony,  gave  the  visi- 
tors and  the  French  officers  a magnificent  dinner,  as  did 
De  L’Orme,  the  directeur  ordonnateur.  Nor  were  these  com- 
pliments confined  to  the  officers,  for  there  were  public  re- 
joicings, including  a Te  Deum  for  all  in  the  chapel,  feux  de 
joie , and  artillery  salutes  from  the  fort,  responded  to  by  all 
vessels  in  the  harbor.  We  are  told  that  from  the  beginning 


THE  MISSISSIPPI  BUBBLE 


237 


of  the  year  until  the  last  of  August  the  Church  registers 
recorded  eleven  marriages,  twelve  children  baptized,  and 
fifteen  deaths, — showing  a balance  on  the  wrong  side;  but 
life  at  Fort  Louis,  as  was  the  name  of  the  post,  was  now 
coming  to  an  end.  La  Tour  sounded  the  river  mouth  and 
went  to  New  Orleans  to  superintend  the  public  works, 
and  all  improvements  stopped  at  Biloxi.  The  vessels  in 
port  were  used  for  the  evacuation,  and  everything  was  taken 
up  to  the  new  capital.  There  the  first  interest  seemed  to 
be  in  experiments  with  indigo  and  with  rice,  both  of  which 
were  to  play  so  great  a part  in  colonial  life,  for  the  Com- 
pagnie  desired  interest  in  plantations  to  supersede  that  in  the 
Indian  trade,  and  explorations  for  copper  and  silver  up 
the  Mississippi  were  set  on  foot.  At  the  same  time,  the 
harvests  of  the  Illinois  attracted  attention  and  it  was  noted 
that  a mine  of  coal  was  in  use. 

One  of  the  greatest  acts  of  Bienville  was  the  foundation 
of  New  Orleans,  his  selection  of  a site  prevailing  over  the 
preference  of  the  officials  of  the  Compagnie  for  Bayou  Man- 
chac  as  higher  and  offering  a bayou  as  well  as  the  longer 
river  route  to  the  Gulf.  The  place  he  chose  was  where 
the  river  and  the  lakes  were  closest  together,  requiring  only 
a short  portage  between  the  Mississippi  and  Bayou  St.John, 
although  low  and  subject  to  overflow,  which  happened  sev- 
eral times,  and  made  it  necessary  to  ditch  the  streets  on 
each  side.  As  the  water  to  some  extent  remained,  every 
block  was  an  island,  and  within  it  each  lot  was  similarly 
ditched,  presenting  from  above,  if  one  had  been  able  to  get 
the  view,  the  curious  spectacle  of  a town  even  more  aquatic 
than  Venice.  The  front  on  the  river  was  eleven  squares, 
the  depth  six,  each  lot  being  sixty  feet  by  about  one  hun- 
dred and  twenty.  The  streets  were  named  from  the  nobility 
of  that  day,  as  Chartres  for  the  son  of  the  regent,  Maine  and 
Toulouse  for  the  illegitimate  sons  of  Louis  XIV.  by  Mme. 
de  Montespan,  of  whom  the  latter  was  efficient  in  the  naval 
administration.  Bourbon  recalls  the  royal  family,  and  Conti, 
Royale,  and  Dauphine  other  famous  names,  as  at  Mobile. 


238 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


We  possess  several  plans  of  New  Orleans  in  its  first 
stages.  A picture  purporting  to  date  from  1719,  two  years 
after  its  foundation,  shows  the  lake,  or  bend,  which  has  given 
it  the  name  of  the  Crescent  City,  and  at  its  apex  are  several 
long  houses.  The  legend  says  that  the  quarters  of  the  bour- 
geois are  surrounded  by  water  during  three  months  of  the 
year,  although  it  also  notes  that  there  is  a levee  in  front 
and  a ditch  behind  the  town.  The  plan  in  Du  Mont  shows 
the  place  d’armes  by  the  river,  faced  by  the  parochial  church 
of  St.  Louis,  flanked  by  the  Capuchin  quarters  and  a guard- 
house. Above  the  town  are  a powder  house  and  a mill, 
while  below  are  a brickyard,  a convent  of  the  Ursulines, 
the  Hotel  Dieu,  and  several  mills  on  a stream,  and  back  of 
all  Bayou  St.  John  wanders  in  numerous  curves  through  the 
forest.  This  plan  also  shows  a levee,  as  does  a plan  in 
Le  Page  du  Pratz,  on  the  bend  in  the  river  which  is  not 
apparent  in  Du  Mont.  The  other  buildings  are  much  the 
same,  including  in  the  block  above  the  place  the  intendance , 
conseil , and  caserne,  while  opposite  the  place  are  a caserne  and 
magasins.  The  indications  of  private  residences  on  all  these 
plans  are  scanty,  and  we  evidently  have  the  city  in  its 
infancy.  There  could  not  yet  have  been  much  of  a levee, 
and  the  indication  of  the  Ursulines  betrays  a later  touching 
up.  In  1719  La  Tour  was  instructed  to  see  if  the  loca- 
tion was  suitable,  and  three  years  later  streets  were  cut 
through.  Previously,  according  to  Pauger,  there  were  only 
some  barracks  in  the  forest. 

Such  was  the  beginning  of  New  Orleans.  After  the 
removal  of  the  government  thither  in  1722  it  grew  faster, 
and  during  Bienville’s  second  term  became  a town  of  some 
importance.  The  low  houses,  at  first  of  wood  and  after- 
ward of  brick,  separated  by  narrow,  unpaved  streets,  ill 
lighted,  reproduced  in  America  the  French  town  of  the 
eighteenth  century.  The  population  was  a mixed  one,  con- 
sisting of  the  middle  class  as  well  as  the  refuse  of  France, 
together  with  some  of  its  best  families.  Withal  it  was  a 
gay  place,  laughter  and  song  were  often  heard,  and  apart 


THE  MISSISSIPPI  BUBBLE 


239 


from  the  deaths  caused  before  acclimatization  the  mortality 
was  small,  for  the  habits  of  the  people  were  simple  and 
healthful.  They  did  not  take  life  too  strenuously  in  the  long 
summer  months,  and  the  second  generation  learned  to  think 
of  Louisiana  as  home. 

The  negroes,  owing  to  their  increasing  number,  began  to 
be  a subject  of  uneasiness.  It  would  seem  as  if  at  this 
time  they  outnumbered  the  whites,  if  La  Harpe  be  correct, 
and  the  council  through  the  governor  enacted  a code  taken 
largely  from  the  royal  laws  in  force  in  Santo  Domingo.  Its 
name  of  Black  Code  has  been  misleading  as  to  the  contents, 
for  it  was  not  so  much  black  in  its  provisions  as  in  its  sub- 
ject— that  is,  it  related  mainly  to  the  negroes.  The  in- 
tolerance of  Louis  XIV.  was  reflected  in  the  two  articles 
decreeing  that  Jews  should  be  expelled  from  the  colony  and 
prohibiting  the  exercise  of  every  form  of  worship  except  the 
Catholic;  but  the  code  goes  on  to  compel  masters  to  give 
religious  instruction  to  the  slaves,  and  thus  only  five  years 
after  the  real  introduction  of  negroes  disposed  of  a difficulty 
which  long  troubled  the  English  on  the  Atlantic.  To  effect 
this  more  readily,  negroes  placed  under  the  direction  of  any- 
one except  a Catholic  were  to  be  confiscated,  and  to  aid 
observance  of  Sundays  and  holidays,  slaves  made  to  work 
on  these  days  should  also  be  confiscated.  Intermarriage  of 
whites  with  blacks  was  prohibited,  all  priests  were  forbidden 
to  solemnize  such  alliances,  and  concubinage  was  placed 
under  severe  penalties.  The  negroes,  bond  and  free,  were 
permitted  to  marry  with  permission  of  the  master  interested, 
the  children  following  the  status  and  ownership  of  the 
mother,  and  Christian  slaves  were  to  be  buried  in  conse- 
crated ground.  Slaves  were  forbidden  to  carry  weapons  and 
to  gather  in  assemblies,  under  pretext  of  weddings  or  other 
cause.  Their  clothing,  subsistence,  and  protection  were 
provided  for,  masters  to  be  punished  if  this  article  (twenty) 
of  the  code  was  not  observed,  and  slave  families  were  not 
to  be  broken  up  by  voluntary  sales.  Manumission  was 
permitted  and  was  equivalent  to  an  act  of  naturalization, 


240 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


although  the  powers  of  freedom  thus  granted  were  restricted 
and  freedmen  were  commanded  to  show  the  profoundest  re- 
spect to  their  former  owners.  Masters  were  responsible  for 
what  negroes  did  by  their  command  or  in  the  line  of  their 
business.  The  crimes  of  slaves  were  particularly  set  out  and 
were  punished  corporally,  as  by  whipping  and  branding  in 
some  cases,  or  ears  were  to  be  cut  off,  the  prisoner  ham- 
strung, and  in  extreme  cases  death  inflicted.  We  find  also 
provisions  as  to  runaways,  their  capture  and  punishment, 
and,  in  fact,  few  cases  were  left  unprovided  for. 

As  to  government,  the  Canadian  system,  by  which  the 
governor  and  the  intendant  were  naturally  spies  on  each 
other,  had  been  in  effect  adopted  in  Louisiana  from  the 
beginning.  The  governor  had  military  command,  while 
civil  affairs  were  placed  under  an  official  whose  title  varied 
from  time  to  time,  but  whose  duty  of  keeping  watch  and 
reporting  the  acts  of  the  governor  remained  the  same.  Even 
at  Fort  Louis,  when  there  was  but  one  settlement,  the 
commissary  was  to  do  this,  and  under  the  Compagnie  Hu- 
bert and  others  did  the  same.  The  quarrel  sometimes  was 
acute,  and  the  capital  found  itself  placarded  with  pasquin- 
ades, which  occasionally  led  to  duels.  This,  of  course,  could 
not  continue,  and  at  last  Bienville  had  the  mortification  of 
finding  himself  summoned  to  France  to  answer  charges. 
This  he  did  with  dignity,  but  unsuccessfully,  and  he  saw 
Perier  in  1726  appointed  in  his  stead,  and  Chateauguay  and 
other  relatives  retired.  De  la  Chaise  and  Perier  were  thus 
able  to  begin  their  administration  with  new  assistants. 

A letter  of  the  time  described  Louisiana  at  the  beginning 
of  this  regime  as  a country  without  religion,  without  justice, 
without  discipline,  without  order,  and  without  police,  so  that 
it  was  fortunate  that  the  year  1727  marked  the  coming  of 
the  Ursuline  nuns  and  the  Jesuits.  The  Ursulines  took 
charge  of  the  recently  established  Charity  Hospital  in  New 
Orleans,  and  were  given  a plantation  south  of  the  city, 
although  their  town  residence  was  built  on  Rue  Conde, 
where  they  lived  for  a century.  The  Jesuits  were  placed 


Map  of  part  of  the  Province  of  Texas,  sent  by  the  Viceroy  of  New  Spain 
on  April  i 8 , 1757.  7 'raced  from  the  original,  especially  for  this  --work,  by 
D.  Pedro  Torres  Lanzas,  Chief  of  the  Archi-ues,  from  the  hitherto  unpublished 
original  in  the  Archives  of  the  Indies,  Se-ville. 


THE  MISSISSIPPI  BUBBLE 


241 


on  the  other  side,  in  a plantation  somewhat  above  what  has 
become  Canal  Street,  but  they  were  not  the  controlling  re- 
ligious force  of  the  colony.  The  Seminarians  of  Quebec 
had  long  since  relinquished  Louisiana,  and  the  Compagnie, 
by  contract  with  the  ecclesiastical  authorities,  now  recog- 
nized the  colony  as  divided  into  three  districts,  of  which 
the  Mississippi  shore  up  to  the  Illinois  was  the  domain 
of  the  Capuchins,  the  Mobile  waters  were  under  the  Carmel- 
ites, while  the  Jesuits  received  the  Ouabache  and  the  Illinois 
country,  with  the  right  of  a settlement  in  New  Orleans  with- 
out jurisdiction.  The  boundaries  were  not  strictly  observed, 
for  the  Jesuit  Beaudouin  later  lived  among  the  Choctaws, 
and  reported  misdeeds  of  Indians  and  French  commandants, 
and  was  in  turn  charged  with  misconduct.  Even  in  New 
Orleans  conflicts  of  religious  jurisdiction  occurred. 

Perier  marked  the  beginning  of  his  government  by  erect- 
ing a much-needed  levee  in  front  of  New  Orleans,  eighteen 
hundred  yards  long,  and  on  its  summit  eighteen  feet  across, 
while  it  was  continued  in  smaller  proportions  eighteen  miles 
above  and  below  the  city.  He  planned  also  a canal  from 
the  rear  of  the  town  to  Bayou  St.John,  but  this  water  com- 
munication with  the  lakes  was  not  to  be  carried  out  until 
Spanish  times. 

Outside  of  New  Orleans  and  Mobile,  the  most  consider- 
able settlements  of  Louisiana  were  those  at  Natchitoches, 
Natchez,  and  about  the  Arkansas.  As  the  former  on  Red 
River  was  to  keep  an  eye  on  the  Spaniards,  it  will  concern 
us  later.  The  Akanseas,  who  had  moved  from  the  Ohio, 
were  located  on  the  Mississippi,  rather  than  on  the  Arkansas, 
in  three  villages,  of  which  that  of  the  Quapaws  seems  to 
have  been  the  best  known.  De  Soto  died  and  was  buried 
not  far  away,  and  under  the  name  of  Akansea  their  settle- 
ment was  the  southernmost  point  of  the  voyage  of  Mar- 
quette and  Joliet.  It  was  there,  we  remember,  that  La  Salle, 
in  1682,  took  solemn  possession  for  the  King  of  France 
and  Membre  planted  the  cross.  Tonty  in  vain  had  asked 
for  confirmation  of  La  Salle’s  grant  of  it  to  him,  and  had 


242 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


guided  Saint-Cosme  thus  far  on  his  voyage  down  the  Mis- 
sissippi in  1699.  A Jesuit  had  ministered  at  Tonty’s 
Arkansas  fort,  and  at  the  time  of  Iberville’s  first  voyage  the 
Minister  of  the  Marine,  at  the  request  of  the  Superior  of 
Foreign  Missions,  directed  him  to  take  with  him  a missionary 
to  join  those  already  among  the  Akanseas. 

The  river  Arkansas  is  said  to  have  had  some  exploration 
as  early  as  Crozat’s  time,  but,  if  so,  nothing  came  of  this,  and 
its  nature  may  be  inferred  from  the  fact  that  the  mines  on 
which  the  Mississippi  Bubble  was  based  were  supposed  to 
be  in  a mountainous  country  high  up  on  this  stream.  Even 
the  more  modest  plan  of  colonizing  its  mouth  was  not 
carried  out  properly.  Law  was  to  have  settled  on  Arkansas 
River  nine  thousand  Germans  from  the  Palatinate,  and 
Charlevoix  pronounced  the  country  second  only  to  the  Illi- 
nois in  capacity  for  grain  ; but  when  he  passed,  the  settlement 
was  a ruin,  although  the  Compagnie  still  had  a magazine 
and  clerk  on  the  Mississippi  somewhat  higher  up.  In  1722 
La  Harpe  made  an  elaborate  exploration  of  the  river,  but 
under  many  inconveniences.  One  hundred  colonists  in 
that  year  came  via  Ship  Island  under  the  direction  of 
M.  Elias,  and  required  thirty  bateaux  to  take  all  their  goods 
and  effects.  De  La  Boulaye  was  directed  to  move  from 
the  Yazoo  country  and  build  a fort  on  Arkansas  River. 

The  ultimate  result  of  the  Arkansas  experiments  was 
abandoned  ruins  there  and  the  reestablishment  of  the  Ger- 
man colonists  lower  down  the  Mississippi  at  a place  known 
from  them  as  the  German  Coast.  Only  a post  of  thirty 
men  was  retained,  to  reach  which  required  a trip  of  six  weeks 
in  the  case  of  the  Jesuit  Du  Poisson  in  1727.  He  gives 
a graphic  account  of  the  trip  in  canoes  at  the  time  when 
the  banks  were  overflowed  and  the  current  ran  swift.  He 
suffered  many  hardships,  especially  from  mosquitoes.  “The 
greatest  torment,”  says  Du  Poisson,  “in  comparison  with 
which  all  the  rest  would  be  but  sport,  which  passes  all 
belief,  and  has  never  been  even  imagined  in  France,  still 
less  actually  experienced,  is  that  of  the  mosquitoes,  the 


THE  MISSISSIPPI  BUBBLE 


243 


cruel  persecution  of  the  mosquitoes.  The  plague  of  Egypt, 
I think,  was  not  more  cruel.  This  little  insect  has  caused 
more  swearing  since  the  French  have  been  in  Mississippi, 
than  had  previously  taken  place  in  all  the  rest  of  the  world.” 
Further  on,  in  his  baire  we  recognize  our  own  mosquito  bar, 
and  his  boucane  was  the  frame  for  quickly  drying  meat  not 
uncommon  still  among  us,  and  which  gave  the  name  to  the 
unsettled  buccaneers  of  the  Gulf. 

The  Natches  live  in  history  on  account  of  their  native 
civilization  and  fire  worship,  described  by  Penicaut,  and 
because  of  their  tragic  extermination.  Pere  Montigny  was 
among  them  a short  time,  but  labored  unsuccessfully. 
Traders  fared  better,  and  Cadillac  established  a bureau 
there  in  1713  under  MM.  de  Fa  Loire  to  counteract  the 
English,  who  already  traded  even  to  the  Mississippi.  The 
Indians  were  friendly  for  a while,  but  at  last  murdered 
some  French  on  the  river,  and  Bienville  in  1715  exacted 
redress.  He  seized  chiefs,  had  the  murderers  punished,  and 
even  obtained  a site  for  a fort.  Pailloux,  who  had  built 
the  forts  at  Mobile  and  Toulouse,  now  erected  Fort 
Rosalie,  the  first  permanent  settlement  of  the  French  in 
the  Mississippi  valley  below  Kaskaskia.  Such  was  the 
origin  of  Natchez.  The  Indian  tribe  of  this  name  was  in 
many  respects  the  most  civilized  and  interesting  in  the  whole 
southern  country,  and  it  was  unfortunate  that  so  arbitrary  a 
man  as  Chopart  should  in  Perier’s  time  be  in  control  of 
relations  with  them.  He  took  a notion  that  a certain  hill, 
occupied  by  their  village  of  White  Apple,  should  receive  a 
French  settlement,  and  acted  with  a high  hand.  The  result 
was  that  the  Natches  apparently  yielded,  but,  gaining  a res- 
pite, employed  their  time  in  concocting  a great  conspiracy, 
embracing  the  Choctaws  and  many  other  tribes.  The  tradi- 
tion is  that  a friendly  Indian  woman  revealed  the  plot,  and 
by  abstracting  some  sticks  from  the  bundle  which  indicated 
the  days  precipitated  a conflict,  so  that  the  Natches  acted 
almost  alone.  Two  hundred  and  fifty  men  were  killed  in 
the  ensuing  massacre,  and  many  women  and  children  taken 


244 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


prisoners,  while  terror  spread  throughout  all  the  French 
settlements,  not  excepting  New  Orleans  and  Mobile.  For- 
tunately, the  Choctaws  took  no  active  part,  and  the  colony 
was  enabled  to  rally  from  the  blow.  Perier  promptly  enough 
got  together  a small  army,  embracing  Choctaws  also,  and 
proceeded  against  the  enemy,  while  the  Indians  on  the  other 
side  used  some  artillery,  captured  with  Fort  Rosalie,  and 
served  them.  The  French  were  finally  successful,  and  the 
Natches  were  dispersed,  the  main  body  to  the  bayou 
country  to  the  west,  others  taking  refuge  with  the  Chicka- 
saws.  A second  expedition  was  undertaken  against  those 
in  the  west  and  that  body  also  broken  up.  The  captured 
were  sold  into  slavery  in  the  French  West  Indies,  among 
them  the  squaw  who  had  given  notice  of  the  intended  mas- 
sacre. The  war  reflected  little  credit  upon  the  French,  and 
the  extremes  to  which  they  went  only  exasperated  the 
Natches,  who  far  and  near  cut  off  parties  and  attacked 
settlements.  Negroes  had  served  against  the  Natches, 
fighting  bravely,  and  one  method  now  adopted  by  the  In- 
dians to  harm  the  whites  was  by  stirring  up  a black  insur- 
rection. It  was  fortunately  discovered  in  time,  and  Samba, 
the  chief,  a negro  of  the  tribe  of  Banbara,  was  broken 
on  a wheel  with  several  companions.  It  seems  that  these 
Banbaras  intended  to  kill  the  whites  and  keep  all  other 
negroes  than  their  own  nation  as  slaves,  electing  a king  or 
other  leader  from  time  to  time. 

Finally,  matters  quieted  down,  and  the  chief  concern  was 
as  to  home  affairs.  In  the  first  place,  the  authorities  at 
home  at  last  perceived  that  prostitutes  and  abandoned  women 
would  make  poor  mothers  for  a growing  colony,  and  sent 
over  twenty-three  girls  of  good  raising  and  irreproachable 
character,  each  provided  with  a trousseau  in  a trunk,  or 
cassette.  They  naturally  were  in  great  demand  and  married 
without  difficulty.  They  were  called  u cassette  girls,”  and 
have  a high  place  in  local  history,  although  it  is  not  neces- 
sarily true,  as  is  sometimes  said,  that  their  descendants  were 
the  aristocrats  of  the  colony.  There  was  another  question 


THE  MISSISSIPPI  BUBBLE 


245 


as  to  women,  but  this  time  it  was  as  to  Indian  wives.  The 
law  of  Paris  being  that  of  the  whole  colony,  the  question  of 
the  property  of  Frenchmen  who  had  married  Indians  often 
came  up.  La  Vente  had  favored  such  marriages,  and  the 
Church  soon  found  it  a matter  of  necessity  to  recognize 
what  were  called  mariages  naturels.  In  any  event,  the  widow 
had  half  of  the  succession;  and  if  there  was  no  child,  all 
the  property  went  to  the  wife  or  her  heirs,  in  preference 
to  the  French  heirs  of  the  husband.  But  the  Indian  widows 
ran  away  and  debts  were  not  paid,  and  so  there  was  just 
ground  of  complaint.  The  Superior  Council  met  the  diffi- 
culty by  decreeing  that  there  should  be  a tutor  or  curator 
to  keep  the  property  together,  paying  one-third  of  the 
revenue  to  the  widow  so  long  as  she  remained  in  a civilized 
community. 

The  Compagnie  after  the  Natches  war  seems  to  have 
lost  heart.  It  had  expended  twenty  million  livres,  and  its 
obligations  were  more  than  it  could  meet.  So  in  1731 
it  surrendered  its  charter  and  property,  the  latter  worth 
two  hundred  and  sixty-three  thousand  livres,  mainly  in 
slaves,  and  its  debts,  being  quite  largely  in  paper  money, 
called  billets  de  caisse , and  the  government  resumed  the 
colony.  Whatever  else  may  be  said  about  the  Compagnie, 
it  had  increased  the  population  from  five  hundred  whites  to 
five  thousand  and  from  twenty  negroes  to  twenty-five  hun- 
dred, had  developed  agriculture  quite  extensively,  although 
there  were  still  not  infrequent  famines,  and  had  made  im- 
portant settlements  at  Natchez,  Tchoupitoulas,  Cannes 
Brulees,  Baton  Rouge,  Manchac,  and  Pointe  Coupee,  besides 
more  distant  towns  of  which  we  have  spoken.  Exploration 
had  increased  knowledge  of  the  country,  and  the  Ohio, 
Missouri,  Arkansas,  and  Red  Rivers,  besides  the  Mississippi, 
Alabama,  Tombigbee,  and  Mobile,  were  the  seats  of  trade 
and  to  some  extent  of  settlement,  and  the  coast  was  claimed 
from  Matagorda  Bay  to  the  Perdido;  for  the  increase  of 
French  settlements  caused  even  the  Spaniards  to  concede 
that  Louisiana  extended  beyond  Mobile  Bay  to  the  east. 


246 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


One  cannot  help  but  compare  the  ending  of  the  two 
great  colonizing  companies  of  North  America,  that  of 
England  and  that  of  France.  The  Virginia  Company  had 
the  longer  life  by  a few  years,  and  its  success  was  more 
striking,  for  its  colony  was  self-sustaining  when  the  State 
attacked  the  charter.  In  fact,  it  was  this  success  that  drew 
down  the  hostility  of  the  king  and  made  him  wish  to  resume 
its  powers.  The  Compagnie  d’Occident,  on  the  other  hand, 
met  no  royal  opposition.  The  French  court  was  only  too 
willing  to  continue  its  commercial  privileges,  even  though 
they  embraced  somewhat  of  sovereignty  also.  Its  surrender 
was  voluntary  and  because  the  enterprise  was  too  great  for 
its  means.  It  had  found  no  agricultural  product  which 
made  the  colony  independent,  and  it  had  established  no 
representative  government  which  would  give  the  people 
self-reliance.  The  commercial  monopoly  which  was  the 
foundation  of  most  companies  was  more  burdensome  in 
Louisiana  than  in  Virginia  on  this  account.  The  English 
Company  found  its  child  growing  almost  too  large  for 
tutelage,  and  rejoiced  in  it;  the  French  Compagnie,  after 
spending  much  time  and  money,  was  still  a paternal  despot- 
ism which  reaped  no  commensurate  returns.  In  each  in- 
stance the  powers  of  the  company  were  surrendered  to  the 
crown,  the  future  only  could  tell  with  what  result. 


CHAPTER  XII 


THE  ILLINOIS  COUNTRY 

To  the  French  the  district  on  both  sides  of  Mississippi 
River  above  the  junction  of  the  Ohio  was  known  as  the 
Illinois,  from  the  large  tribe  of  Indians  that  Marquette  and 
La  Salle  found  on  the  river  which  aided  their  descent  to  the 
south.  Marquette  long  hoped  and  prayed  to  be  a missionary 
among  them,  and  the  more  secular  La  Salle  founded  Creve- 
coeur  on  its  banks,  as  afterward  Fort  St.  Louis  on  a great 
rock  overhanging  the  stream.  Henri  de  Tonty,  called  the 
Iron  Hand,  succeeded  La  Salle  in  possession  of  the  fort,  but 
the  jealousy  of  the  Canadian  authorities  ultimately  secured 
orders  from  France  which  caused  its  abandonment  and 
placed  Tonty  upon  the  Mississippi.  The  Iron  Hand  after- 
ward joined  Iberville  in  the  south,  and  for  a while  the  Illi- 
nois region,  although  remaining  French,  was  without  other 
French  representatives  than  the  Jesuits  of  Kaskaskia  and 
the  coureurs  de  boh. 

There  was  long  a contention  as  to  whether  the  region 
properly  belonged  to  Canada  or  to  Louisiana.  Iberville’s 
claim,  following  La  Salle’s,  was  that  Louisiana  embraced 
everything  draining  into  the  Mississippi,  and  at  first  this 
was  sustained  by  the  home  authorities,  although  when  the 
king  came  to  make  his  grant  to  Crozat  he  embraced  in  it 
the  river  St.  Louis,  or  Mississippi,  from  the  sea  only  as  far 
as  the  Illinois, — thus  annexing  the  Illinois  to  Canada.  The 
Mississippi,  or  St.  Philippe,  and  the  Ouabache,  with  their 

247 


248 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


tributaries,  remained  parts  of  Louisiana,  whose  boundaries 
the  king  reserved  the  right  to  extend  if  he  saw  fit,  which, 
however,  was  not  done  until  the  time  of  the  Compagnie 
d’Occident.  For  our  purposes  we  may  consider  the  Illinois 
as  a unit,  despite  these  changes. 

To  modern  minds,  Illinois  embraces  the  country  between 
the  Ohio  and  the  lower  part  of  Lake  Michigan  on  the  one 
hand,  and  between  the  Mississippi  and  the  Wabash  Rivers 
on  the  other,  and  this  has  always  been  the  heart  of  the  dis- 
trict. The  lake  posts  at  Sault  Ste.  Marie,  Michilimackinac, 
and  even  Fort  St.  Joseph  and  the  several  missions  and  posts 
on  the  western  side  of  Lake  Michigan  and  on  Lake  Superior, 
were  subject  to  the  authorities  of  Canada.  The  Illinois  dis- 
trict embraced  in  a sense  the  Missouri  banks,  and  it  extended 
south  of  the  Ohio  for  a varying  distance.  Thus  the  mines 
of  the  Merameg,  or  Meramec,  on  the  little  river  below  the 
present  St.  Louis,  were  within  its  limits,  as  was  Vincennes 
in  what  is  now  Indiana.  It  is  true  that  at  the  beginning 
these  several  districts  had  different  origins  and  different 
histories,  but  finally  we  shall  see  them  converging  into  one 
system. 

The  beginnings  of  every  country  depend  upon  water 
communication.  It  requires  means,  skill,  and  peace  to 
construct  roads,  none  of  which  are  common  in  primitive 
times,  while  boats  in  one  shape  or  other  have  been  known 
ever  since  the  dawn  of  history.  There  must  be  an  inter- 
change of  products  to  create  wealth,  and  this  means  the 
institution  of  government  in  some  shape  to  afford  police 
protection.  The  region  about  Paris,  the  nucleus  of  France, 
owed  much  of  its  development  to  the  interlacing  of  its 
streams  with  those  of  Flanders;  and  the  use  of  portages, 
thus  old  at  home,  was  to  play  a great  part  also  in  New 
France.  If  Louisiana  and  Canada  were  to  be  one  country, 
even  if  they  were  to  be  only  connected,  there  must  be 
means  of  going  from  the  waters  tributary  to  the  St.  Law- 
rence and  the  lakes  to  those  tributary  to  the  Ohio  and  the 
Mississippi.  Such  portages  were  numerous  from  Presqu’Ile, 


THE  ILLINOIS  COUNTRY 


249 


the  modern  Erie,  around  the  lakes  to  that  which  created 
Chicago  and  that  by  Illinois  River,  the  favorites  of  the  In- 
dians and  the  French.  Not  a few  of  the  portages  then  used 
have  given  place  to  canals,  and  some  of  them  are  repre- 
sented by  railroads,  but  the  old  method  and  its  sites,  once 
so  common  and  of  so  far-reaching  utility,  have  passed  even 
from  the  map. 

The  earliest  discoverers  of  these  carrying  places  were, 
of  course,  the  coureurs  de  bois  and  the  missionaries,  behind 
whom  soon  followed  the  fur  traders.  One  of  the  greatest 
of  the  coureurs  was  Du  Lhut,  sometimes  spelled  “ Duluth,” 
who  has  given  his  name  to  the  modern  city.  His  operations 
were  largely  about  Lake  Superior,  and  he  even  crossed  the 
Mississippi;  in  fact,  he  was  for  a time  in  the  country  of 
the  Sioux,  then  called  the  Nadowessioux,  where  he  desired 
to  make  an  establishment  from  which  to  explore  toward  the 
Pacific,  or  the  Vermilion  Sea.  The  king  disapproved  such 
far-reaching  aspirations,  and  Du  Lhut  restricted  his  research 
to  nearer  regions. 

Le  Sueur  had  come  over  to  Canada  in  1683,  and  went 
by  way  of  Lake  Superior  and  Wisconsin  River  to  the  Sioux, 
and  six  years  later  was  with  Nicolas  Perrot  in  his  ex- 
plorations, and  at  some  time  discovered  Minnesota  River, 
which  he  called  the  St.  Pierre.  One  account  says  that  in 
1693  he  was  sent  by  Cadillac,  Governor  of  Detroit,  to  the 
Sioux,  while  La  Harpe  has  it  that  in  this  year  he  built  a fort 
on  an  island  in  the  upper  Mississippi  by  order  of  Frontenac, 
effected  a peace  between  the  Chippewas  and  the  Sioux,  and 
descended  with  the  chief  of  each  nation  on  a visit  to  Mon- 
treal, thus  bringing  them  under  French  control.  In  1697, 
while  in  France,  he  received  a short-lived  permission  to 
open  mines,  but  in  the  interval  before  coming  with  Iberville 
he  was  in  captivity  with  the  English,  and  in  his  absence  his 
Mississippi  fort  was  abandoned. 

Pierre  Le  Sueur  was  therefore  a fit  man  to  explore  the 
northwest,  and  by  royal  permission  ascended  the  Mississippi 
to  the  Sioux  country  in  April,  1700,  in  a chaloupe  with 


250 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


twenty-five  men.  On  the  way  they  found  an  English  trader 
among  the  Akanseas,  who  gave  the  French  some  supplies 
and  saluted  their  flag,  although  travelling  under  passport  of 
the  Governor  of  Carolina  by  way  of  the  Ohio  [Ouabache] 
River.  They  found  Pere  Davion  among  the  Tonikas,  speak 
of  seeing  Montigny,  passed  Ecores  a Margot,  Ecores  a 
Prudhomme,  the  Arkansas,  Ohio,  Illinois,  Missouri,  and  the 
bluffs  near  where  St.  Louis  now  stands,  and  met  Frenchmen 
on  the  way.  The  expedition  received  a warm  welcome 
among  the  Illinois,  somewhat  below  the  mouth  of  the  Mis- 
souri, from  a settlement  of  thirty  of  Le  Sueur’s  old  acquaint- 
ances, among  them  Berger,  Bouteville,  Saint-Cosme,  and 
two  Jesuits.  The  Illinois  River  Le  Sueur  notes  as  the 
route  to  Canada  via  the  Chicago  country  from  the  south, 
and  the  Ouisconsin  with  another  portage  to  Lake  Michi- 
gan as  the  way  from  Canada  for  traders  among  the  Sioux 
[Scioux] . Higher  was  the  fort  named  for  Perrot,  and  near 
it  an  islet  on  which  traders  wintered.  They  were  stopped 
by  the  falls  of  St.  Anthony,  and  turned  up  the  St.  Pierre  and 
its  branch  Green  [Blue]  River,  to  build  their  Fort  L’Huilier, 
named  for  that  one  of  the  farmers-general  who  had  assayed 
the  copper  which  Le  Sueur  had  taken  to  France. 

Le  Sueur  had  numerous  talks  with  the  Sioux,  and  himself 
returned,  although  the  expedition  wintered  at  the  fort  in 
what  is  now  Minnesota.  He  brought  back  one  thousand 
three  hundred  pounds  of  green  earth,  which  he  took  to 
France,  but  it  led  to  no  settlement  and  the  troops  were 
soon  withdrawn.  The  green  earth,  whose  nature  is  not 
mentioned,  was  highly  esteemed  in  France,  for  the  supply 
from  Germany  was  running  short.  Le  Sueur  was  the  con- 
stant cause  of  fear  and  suspicion  to  the  company  and  the 
authorities  of  Canada,  who  accused  him  of  engaging  in 
the  beaver  trade.  In  October  of  this  year  we  find  his  wife 
coming  from  Montreal  to  show  Callieres  a letter  from  the 
home  government  allowing  his  associates  to  send  to  the  Sioux 
the  goods  which  had  already  been  two  years  at  Montreal. 
But  the  governor  thought  that  two  hundred  guns  had  no 


THE  ILLINOIS  COUNTRT 


251 


proper  connection  with  such  trade,  and  made  her  exchange 
them  for  other  goods.  We  know  that  Le  Sueur  took  his 
family  to  Mobile,  where  they  were  long  prominent,  and 
that  there  he  applied  for  the  position  of  judge,  with  the 
salary  of  five  hundred  escus.  Pontchartrain  refused  his 
request,  but  told  Iberville  the  king  would  pay  Le  Sueur 
when  he  was  travelling  on  official  business  among  the  Sioux 
and  Illinois.  He  is  said  to  have  died  on  the  way  thither 
from  France. 

Penicaut’s  “Arkansaw  traveller”  came  from  Carolina  by 
way  of  Ohio  River,  and  the  French  early  explored  this 
region.  La  Salle  had  been  in  doubt  whether  the  Ohio, 
also  called  St.  Louis  or  Chicagou  River,  emptied  into  Bay 
St.  Esprit,  and  Iberville  at  first  suspected  the  same  thing 
when  he  heard  of  English  from  St.  George’s  threatening 
the  west  by  way  of  the  Ouabache.  Le  Sueur  had  already 
pointed  out  this  danger  years  before.  Iberville  recom- 
mended in  the  same  letter  of  July,  1701,  that  Juchereau 
de  Saint-Denis,  of  Montreal,  a different  man  from  Louis 
of  Texas  fame,  be  granted  a land  concession  at  the  mouth  of 
the  Ouabache;  for  with  eight  or  ten  men  Juchereau  could 
establish  tanneries  and  stop  the  beaver  trade  between  the 
coureurs  de  bois  and  the  English  colonies.  Tonty  desired 
the  place  and  a whole  company  to  guard  it,  but  Iberville’s 
preference  prevailed,  the  more  readily,  perhaps,  because 
Juchereau  was  in  Paris  to  plead  for  himself.  Juchereau 
left  Michilimackinac  for  his  new  post  in  the  fall  of  1703, 
to  the  joy  of  Iberville,  who  had  heard  with  much  misgivings 
rumors  of  an  establishment  of  English  from  Carolina  or 
Maryland  at  the  junction  of  the  Ohio  and  the  Ouabache. 
He  pressed  frequently  for  a fuller  exploration  of  the  Ohio, 
which  name  at  first  was  confined  to  the  river  above  the 
Wabash  junction.  So  far  as  Saint-Denis  was  concerned, 
however,  the  experiment  was  short-lived,  for  in  September 
of  next  year  we  find  Bienville  desirous  of  bringing  down  his 
Canadians  to  Mobile  on  account  of  the  death  of  Juchereau 
in  the  preceding  year. 


252 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


In  1710  Remonville  even  advised  that  Detroit  be  aban- 
doned and  the  inhabitants  go  to  Mobile  or  some  be  settled 
where  the  Ouabache  empties  into  the  Mississippi,  on  ac- 
count of  the  copper  and  lead  and  because  hunting  was  good 
there.  But  this  was  not  done,  and  indeed  next  year  it  was 
alleged  that  the  Miamis  and  Mascoutens  of  that  region 
avoided  the  French  at  Mobile  because  of  injuries  received 
at  Detroit.  Charlevoix  found  no  settlement  when  he  passed, 
although  Law  instructed  Duvergier  that  one  of  the  principal 
objects  of  the  Compagnie  was  to  locate  troops  upon  the 
Ouabache  to  keep  out  the  English  and  establish  a tannery 
there.  Late  maps  show  that  the  French  actually  had  a 
fort  at  the  mouth  and  a stockade  on  the  Ohio  where  the 
Wabash  empties. 

Cadillac  had  explored  up  the  Mississippi  to  find  minerals, 
and  reports  of  lead  and  copper  were  so  persistent,  together 
with  the  unquestionable  productiveness  of  the  soil,  that  one 
of  the  first  acts  of  the  Compagnie,  within  whose  territory 
it  was  comprised,  was  to  send  Pierre  Duque  Boisbriant  in 
1718  as  commandant  at  the  Illinois,  which  on  account  of 
the  distance  from  Mobile  was  equivalent  to  making  him  a 
semi-independent  governor  of  the  north.  It  needed  two 
years  to  build  Fort  Chartres  on  the  Mississippi,  sixteen 
miles  above  the  Indian  village  of  Kaskaskia,  the  early  seat 
of  Jesuit  missions.  The  fort  was  made  of  palisades,  and 
within  it  and  its  bastions  were  barracks  and  commandant’s 
house,  besides  storehouse  and  hall  for  the  Compagnie.  The 
name,  like  that  of  the  New  Orleans  street,  was  given  in 
compliment  to  the  son  of  the  regent.  Among  the  early 
arrivals  was  Renault,  who,  from  being  a banker  in  Paris, 
had  become  director-general  of  the  mines,  and  now  brought 
with  him  two  hundred  and  fifty  miners  and  soldiers,  be- 
sides blacks  from  Santo  Domingo.  When  Charlevoix  passed 
next  year  he  found  the  country  beginning  to  build  up  be- 
tween the  fort  and  Kaskaskia.  In  the  village  at  the  gates 
the  Jesuits  erected  the  church  of  Ste.  Anne,  whose  records 
are  still  preserved;  and,  curiously  enough,  the  book  destined 


THE  ILLINOIS  COUNTRY 


253 


for  use  in  this  distant  wilderness  begins  with  a decree  of 
Louis  XV.  in  1716  regulating  church  etiquette,  showing 
how  the  governor-general,  intendant , commander  of  troops, 
and  others  should  march  in  procession  and  be  seated  in 
church, — reminding  us  somewhat  of  the  state  held  by  the 
first  governors  of  Virginia.  The  civil  official,  corresponding 
to  the  intendant  in  Canada  and  commissaire  in  Louisiana,  was 
La  Loire  des  Ursins,  principal  director  of  the  Compagnie, 
and  these  with  one  other  formed  the  provincial  council 
which  made  grants  of  land  and  dispensed  justice.  It  is  said 
that  a large  tract  patented  to  Renault  near  Fort  Chartres 
until  lately  remained  marked  upon  maps  as  his  property. 

When  Boisbriant  succeeded  Bienville  at  New  Orleans, 
he  gave  place  to  Desliettes  in  the  Illinois,  who  made  way  for 
Saint-Ange  de  Belle  Rive,  and  Pierre  d’Artaguette,  younger 
brother  of  the  D’Artaguette  of  Mobile,  was  in  turn  ap- 
pointed commandant  for  bravery  in  the  Natches  war.  His 
tragic  end  came  in  the  first  Chickasaw  expedition,  whither 
he  took  many  of  his  garrison,  a company  of  volunteers, 
almost  all  the  Kaskaskias,  besides  Illinois,  Miamis,and  even 
Iroquois.  Vincennes  also  accompanied  him  from  his  post 
on  the  Wabash.  On  account  of  delays,  Bienville  did  not 
meet  him  promptly,  and  then  it  was  that  D’Artaguette,  Vin- 
cennes, the  Jesuit  Senat,  and  a younger  Saint-Ange  were 
taken  prisoners  and  burned  at  the  stake.  The  remainder 
of  the  troops  returned  to  the  Illinois  without  meeting  the 
French  from  the  south.  During  the  second  Chickasaw 
expedition  the  Illinois  was  also  represented  by  Frenchmen 
and  natives,  troops  came  also  from  Canada,  and  warriors 
from  many  tribes  between  it  and  the  Illinois. 

Thus  it  would  seem  that  the  earlier  troubles  with  the 
Fox  and  other  Indians  had  ceased,  for  agriculture  flourished 
and  the  Illinois  became  the  granary  of  lower  Louisiana. 
Other  settlements  grew  up,  such  as  Prairie  du  Rocher  and 
St.  Philippe,  all  looking  to  Fort  Chartres  and  its  church  of 
Ste.  Anne  as  their  head.  The  old  village  community  re- 
appeared under  its  French  form  of  house  lots,  commons, 


254 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


and  fields,  which  to  some  extent  have  left  their  impress 

until  now.  Thus  it  is  said  that  Prairie  du  Rocher  still 

derives  revenue  from  commons  dating  back  to  French  time. 
The  paternal  nature  of  the  government  is  shown  in  the 
reasons  given  here  as  elsewhere  in  Louisiana  for  some  of 
the  grants.  Thus,  a young  man  receives  land  because  he 
is  the  first  creole  of  Illinois  to  marry,  while  another  gets  a 
tract  for  each  of  his  seven  children. 

Bertel  was  long  in  command;  and  after  he  left,  Makarty 
came  with  new  companies  of  troops  and  rebuilt  Fort 
Chartres  of  stone,  at  a total  cost  of  a million  crowns.  The 

quarries  may  still  be  seen  across  the  little  lake,  but  the 

finer  stone  of  the  gateways  and  buildings  came  from  over 
the  Mississippi.  A description  given  of  the  fort,  of  a later 
date,  but  no  doubt  applicable  to  the  middle  of  the  century 
also,  shows  it  with  an  arched  gateway  fifteen  feet  in  height, 
while  above  was  a cut-stone  platform  reached  by  steps  with 
a balustrade.  The  walls  of  the  fortress  were  eighteen  feet 
high,  and  in  each  of  the  four  bastions  were  forty-eight 
loopholes,  eight  embrasures,  and  a sentry  box.  In  the 
interior  the  two-story  warehouse  was  ninety  feet  long  by 
thirty  feet  wide,  and  there  were  besides  a guardhouse  large 
enough  to  have  two  rooms  above  for  chapel  and  similar 
uses,  and  a governor’s  house  eighty-four  feet  long  by  thirty- 
two  wide,  boasting  iron  gates,  stone  porch,  coachhouse,  and 
a well,  all  of  stone.  Within  also  were  a house  for  the 
intendant , also  of  stone  and  iron,  two  barracks  one  hundred 
and  twenty-eight  feet  long,  a magazine  thirty-eight  feet 
long  and  thirteen  high,  a bakehouse  with  two  ovens  and  a 
well,  a prison  of  four  cells  with  iron  doors,  and  a large 
relief  gate.  This  extensive  fortress  enclosed  an  area  of 
four  acres,  and  was  probably  in  some  respects  the  most 
formidable  held  by  the  French  king  in  Louisiana;  for  those 
at  New  Orleans  were  smaller,  and  the  older  Fort  Conde  at 
Mobile  was  only  of  brick. 

While  the  government  of  Canada  extended  to  the  water- 
shed between  the  lakes  and  the  streams  flowing  south,  on 


THE  ILLINOIS  COUNTRY 


255 


account  of  the  portages  there  was  need  for  a complete 
understanding  between  the  military  authorities  of  the  lakes 
and  those  of  the  rivers.  It  will  be  recalled  that  the  French 
thought  of  the  Wabash  as  the  principal  river  and  of  the 
Ohio  above  their  confluence  as  a branch  and  not  the  main 
stream.  This  was  due  in  part  to  the  falls  and  to  the  fact 
that  the  Ouabache  with  its  portage  to  Lake  Erie  was  one 
of  the  great  lines  of  communication  between  the  Mississippi 
region  and  Canada.  There  is  said  to  have  been  a Jesuit 
mission  about  the  site  of  Vincennes  as  early  as  1702,  but 
it  is  not  quite  clear  as  to  when  military  possession  was 
taken.  In  1725  Boisbriant  was  advocating  the  establish- 
ment of  a post  upon  the  Ouabache,  although  he  said  it  did 
not  seem  as  if  this  would  be  done  before  the  English  acted. 
However,  the  Compagnie  took  the  hint  and  instructed  him 
to  write  to  Vincennes  at  the  Miamis  on  the  subject,  and 
take  steps  through  all  officers  reporting  to  the  Canadian 
government  to  protect  the  post  which  the  Compagnie  was 
establishing  and  keep  the  English  from  penetrating  toward 
the  river.  The  letter  of  the  Compagnie  to  Governor  Perier 
next  year  also  showed  that  it  was  fully  alive  to  the  situation. 
It  recognized  that  besides  the  Ouabache  there  was  the  Ohio, 
having  its  source  among  the  Iroquois,  and  the  rivers  of  the 
Chaouanons  and  the  Casquenamboux  (probably  the  Ten- 
nessee and  the  Cumberland),  taking  their  rise  toward  the 
Virginia,  all  of  which  would  be  under  the  control  of  the  fort 
upon  the  Ouabache.  Boisbriant,  however,  had  to  write  that 
lack  of  supplies  prevented  him  from  sending  to  establish 
the  post,  and  that  he  believed  it  necessary  to  give  the  com- 
mand to  Vincennes,  who  was  very  active  among  the  Miamis. 
Vincennes  himself  reported  an  establishment  by  the  English 
high  up  on  the  Ohio,  and  was  sent  to  investigate.  If  found 
true,  a fort  was  to  be  established  near  the  confluence  of  the 
Ouabache  and  the  Casquenamboux.  To  attract  Vincennes 
to  the  colony  of  Louisiana,  Perier  was  to  inform  him  that 
the  Compagnie  would  give  him  an  annual  “ gratification  ” 
of  three  hundred  livres  in  addition  to  his  pay  as  lieutenant. 


256 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


This  led  to  the  establishment  of  Fort  Vincennes,  which  with 
its  town  and  the  posts  at  Ouatenon  and  Miami  further 
north  contained  several  hundred  people. 

The  Missouri  region  also  was  always  a source  of  interest. 
The  discoloration  of  the  Mississippi  by  this  fierce,  muddy 
stream  was  noticed  by  Penicaut,  Le  Sueur,  and  Remonville, 
as  well  as  later  by  Charlevoix,  who  pronounced  their  junc- 
tion the  finest  confluence  in  the  world.  Upon  it  lived  the 
Missouris,  and  higher  were  the  Kansas  [Cansez]  and  Paw- 
nees [Panis],  besides  a dozen  other  nations;  while  beyond 
its  mountain  source  was  believed  to  be  a river  running  west 
to  the  Pacific.  Coureurs  de  bois  early  penetrated  to  the  banks 
of  the  Missouri,  and  in  1704  Canadians  were  there  as  well 
as  on  the  Ohio,  one  Laurain  being  especially  named.  Four 
years  later  Nicolas  de  La  Salle,  who  with  all  his  faults  at 
least  was  energetic,  advocated  a systematic  exploration, 
because  of  “ pieces  to  be  found  there,  which  slaves  from 
the  nations  on  that  river  call  iron,  of  the  same  color  and 
quality  as  piastres.”  He  says  coureurs  had  ascended  three 
to  four  hundred  leagues  without  finding  the  source. 

In  1709,  Mandeville  describes  the  hair  and  wool  of  the 
innumerable  buffaloes  \bceufs  et  vaches~\  on  the  Missouri, 
and  hopes  were  entertained  of  taming  them  to  draw  plows, 
and  afterward  we  find  Hubert  advocating  an  expedition  to 
discover  mines,  as  well  as  the  river  leading  to  the  western 
sea;  but  we  do  not  learn  that  it  was  undertaken,  unless  by 
Bourgmont,  who  had  then  been  several  years  among  the 
Missouris.  Even  as  late  as  i7i8,Sieur  Presle  writes  from 
Dauphine  Island  that  he  hears  from  savages  that  small  men 
with  oblique  eyes,  wearing  clothes  and  boots,  live  on  a lake 
six  hundred  leagues  beyond  the  Panis,  that  they  had  gold 
and  rubies,  and  were,  of  course,  supposed  to  be  Chinese. 

Now  came  the  turn  of  the  Compagnie  d’Occident  to 
explore  the  neighboring  river  Merameg  for  lead  and  silver. 
They  spent  much  money,  and  sent  De  Lochon,  a Spaniard 
named  Anthony,  and  royal  miners  under  Renaudiere;  but 
none  of  them  knew  much  of  the  business,  and  they  realized 


DESCRIPTION 

Englijh  PROVINCE 

CAR  0°L  ANA. 

BY  THE 

Spaniards  call’d  FLORIDA , 

AND  BY  THE 


Frenqh,  LA 

V 

I A Defcription  of  the  great 
and  famous  River  Mtfchacibc, 
or  M'JJtf pi- 
ll A Defcription  of  the  Coun- 
tries, People,  Rivers,  Bays, 
Harbours  and  Illands,  to  the 
haft  of  Mrjihacde. 

J1I  A Defcription  of  the  Sea 
Coaft,  the  large  R ivers , their 
Heads  and  Oourfes,  to  the 
Well  of  Mefchactit 

IV  A Defcription  of  the  Five 
great  Seas  or  Lakes  of  l'refh 
Water. 

V A new  and  curious  Difco- 
very  of  an  caly  Communica- 
tion between  the  River  MrJ- 
chaetbi  and  the  South -Sea, 

With  a large  and  curious  P J 
Righto!  the  ENGLISH  t 
Wanner  of  the  Frbnch 
Increafe  there,  &c-  and  the  it 
nies  on  the  Continent  will  be 


L 0 UISIANE. 

z 

which  feparates  America  from 
China,  bv  means  of  feveral 
large  Rivers  and  Lakes; 
with  a Defcription  of  the  faid 
Sea,  to  the  Streights  of  Uric ; 
as  al(b  of  a rich  and  conlide- 
rablc  Trade  to  be  carry ’d  on 
from  thence  to  Japan 
China  and  T a r t a r y 

VI  An  Account  of  the  uleful 
Animals,  Vegetables,  Metals, 
Minerals,  and  other  rich  and 
valuable  Commodities,  which 
this  Province  naturally  pro- 
duces 

VI I An  Appendix,  con- 
taining the  original  Char- 
ter, ire 

E F A C E,  demonllrating  the 
that  Country,  and  the  unjuft 
ifurping  of  it ; their  prodigious 
vitablc  Danger  our  other  Colo- 
expofed  to,  if  not  timely  pre- 
ny  ufefu!  Hints,  in  Regard  rn 
in  General 


To  which  is  added, 

A large  and  accurate  M A P of  C A R 0 L A N A,  and  of 
the  River  M ESC  H ACE  HE 


Bj  DANIEL  C O X E,  Eft; 


Printed  for  and  fold  by  Olive  P a t n i , at  AWs  Head 
h\  Pipt't-Head  Ally,  CtmhiU,  oppcGce  die  KyA  Extba^t,  i.74<« 


Title-page  showing  the  English,  Spanish,  and 
French  names  of  the  southern  territory,  printed  in 
London  in  1741.  From  the  original  in  the  Howard 
Memorial  Library , New  Orleans. 


THE  ILLINOIS  COUNTRY 


257 


little.  Charlevoix  suspected  that  even  the  company’s  director, 
Renault,  would  fail  as  well;  but,  at  least  if  the  story  told  him 
by  chiefs  was  true,  the  Spaniards  were  alive  to  the  danger  of 
interference,  for  about  1718  they  had  marched  with  the  view 
of  driving  the  French  even  from  the  Illinois.  They  defeated 
some  of  the  Octotatas  high  up  on  Missouri  River,  but 
finally,  while  drunk,  were  ambushed  at  the  third  village.  A 
Catalan  pistol,  a worthless  pair  of  Spanish  shoes,  an  oint- 
ment, and  a breviary  were  the  spoils  of  which  Charlevoix 
learned.  Du  Tisne  in  1719  ascended  the  Missouri  and 
has  much  to  say  of  the  Osages,  Panis,  and  other  Indians; 
he  planted  the  French  flag  among  the  Panis,  but  he  did  not 
reach  the  Padoucas  and  had  to  return  to  the  Illinois.  Bourg- 
mont  was  sent  to  establish  a post  on  Missouri  River  about 
that  time,  upon  his  undertaking  to  make  peace  among  all 
nations  between  Louisiana  and  New  Mexico,  assure  a safe 
passage  for  travellers,  protect  the  Illinois  mines  from  Spanish 
enterprise,  and  open  up  a trade  for  the  French.  The  scheme 
attracted  even  the  regent,  and  Bienville  was  instructed  to 
assist. 

Almost  contemporaneously  came  the  expedition  of  the 
genial  Charlevoix,  commissioned  to  find  means  for  the  dis- 
covery of  the  Pacific.  His  first  attempt  was  in  1724  from 
Michilimackinac,  and  later  he  wished  to  ascend  the  Missouri 
and  make  an  establishment  among  the  Sioux,  from  which 
he  was  dissuaded.  He  also  offered  to  conduct  among  the 
Sioux  the  missionaries  sent  to  that  nation.  An  establish- 
ment among  the  Sioux  presenting  difficulties,  Charlevoix 
returned  to  the  project  to  discover  the  western  sea  by  means 
of  the  Missouri.  The  Jesuits  went  among  the  Sioux,  but 
Charlevoix  never  discovered  the  Pacific,  and,  instead,  the 
French  established  Fort  Beauharnois  on  Lake  Pepin,  named 
for  an  official  in  Canada  who  was  to  be  the  ancestor  of 
Napoleon’s  predecessor  with  Josephine.  There  were  differ- 
ent commandants  at  this  post  to  protect  the  business  of  the 
Sioux  company,  among  them  being  Linctot  and  Saint-Pierre, 
and  the  beaver  trade  was  considerably  aided  in  this  way;  but 


25b 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


the  inconstant  savages  turned  against  the  French  in  1736, 
and  the  next  year  the  post  was  abandoned. 

Exploration  to  the  west  did  not  cease  with  this  misfor- 
tune, for  La  Verendrye  pursued  the  quest  and  reached  at 
least  the  vicinity  of  the  Rocky  Mountains  about  1744,  for 
which  he  seems  to  have  been  made  chevalier  of  the  order 
of  Saint  Louis.  After  his  death,  Saint-Pierre,  also  a cheva- 
lier, was  charged  with  this  discovery,  but  the  war  with  the 
English  caused  his  recall  to  the  east. 

It  will  thus  be  seen  that  the  history  of  the  Illinois  region 
has  hardly  a unity,  either  of  time  or  place.  It  originated 
in  the  coureurs  and  the  Jesuits,  and  from  the  time  of  the 
Compagnie  centres  about  one  place,  but  Fort  Chartres  was 
not  the  capital  in  the  north  in  the  sense  that  Mobile  or 
New  Orleans  was  the  capital  in  the  south.  The  Missouri 
district  was  more  or  less  independent,  as  was  the  Ouabache. 
The  northern  settlements  were  rather  several  communities 
in  the  making  than  a single  colony  made  up  of  several  parts. 
And  yet,  what  concerned  one  affected  the  others.  They 
all  looked  to  Fort  Chartres  and  were  all  proud  of  it  as  the 
best-constructed  fortress  in  Louisiana;  for  this  it  was,  de- 
spite the  original  idea  of  the  Compagnie  that  there  was  no 
need  of  a formidable  post  so  far  in  the  interior,  although 
even  at  that  time  the  Illinois  produced  greater  returns  in 
proportion  to  its  expense  than  any  other  part  of  Louisiana. 
Primarily,  the  value  of  the  Illinois  at  first  was  in  the  port- 
ages between  Canada  and  Louisiana,  and  to  these  it  always 
owed  much.  Then  the  fertility  of  its  soil  and  to  some 
extent  the  reliability  of  its  crops  made  it  even  more  esteemed 
by  the  people  of  southern  Louisiana,  where  in  some  places 
the  soil  was  less  rich  and  in  others  was  somewhat  subject 
to  storm  and  inundation.  Gradually  other  values  opened 
up,  and  the  mines  of  lead  and  copper  gave  great  promise 
for  the  future,  when  the  country  should  be  better  developed 
and  transportation  easier.  Last,  but  not  least,  the  Illinois 
found  much  of  its  importance  in  the  trade  and  communica- 
tion it  commanded  with  other  regions  than  Canada  by 


THE  ILLINOIS  COUNTRY 


259 


means  of  the  great  rivers  from  the  west  and  the  east.  The 
Pacific  was  never  discovered  from  the  Missouri,  but  the 
Rocky  Mountains  were,  and  one  had  at  least  to  be  on  his 
guard  against  the  Spaniards  or  the  Indians  who  might  be- 
come influenced  by  the  Spaniards.  This  fear  was  lessened 
as  France  and  Spain  themselves  grew  closer  together,  so  that 
ultimately  the  chief  value  and  the  chief  weakness  of  the 
Illinois  was  in  its  outlook  toward  the  east,  toward  the  sources 
of  the  great  rivers  rising  in  the  mountains  behind  Pennsyl- 
vania, Virginia,  and  Carolina. 


CHAPTER  XIII 


LOUISIANA  UNDER  ROYAL  GOVERNORS 

Our  inquiries  have  led  us  far  from  the  scene  of  Iber- 
ville’s settlement.  We  have  traced  the  abortive  work  of 
La  Salle  to  his  death,  the  voyage  of  Iberville  and  its  results 
at  Biloxi,  and  studied  the  history  of  the  capital  at  Mobile  on 
its  two  sites.  Thus  far  we  know  the  country  as  a royal 
colony,  at  first  promising,  and  then  after  the  death  of  Iber- 
ville making  little  progress  on  account  of  the  great  War  of 
the  Spanish  Succession  at  home.  After  the  second  Mobile 
was  built,  we  saw  the  colony  turned  over  to  Crozat,  and 
noticed  that  during  this  time  other  posts  were  founded 
and  considerable  exploration  made.  Then  came  the  bril- 
liant promise  of  John  Law’s  scheme;  and  in  the  course  of 
his  operations  New  Orleans  was  built  and  the  Mississippi 
made  the  centre  of  the  efforts  of  the  Compagnie.  This  led 
us  to  consider  the  Illinois  country,  and  we  shall  likewise 
find  traces  of  this  period  in  other  parts  of  vast  Louisiana. 

For  the  present  we  come  back  to  the  heart  of  the  prov- 
ince,— New  Orleans,  the  capital,  and  the  neighboring  dis- 
tricts which  were  connected  so  closely  with  it.  The  later 
French  regime  we  shall  find  divided  into  three  periods, 
which  may  be  named  according  to  the  governors, — Bien- 
ville, Vaudreuil,  and  Kerlerec.  The  time,  as  a whole, 
might  be  called  one  of  stagnation.  The  forward  movement 
of  the  Compagnie  had  ceased,  and  the  royal  government 
was  too  much  involved  on  the  continent  of  Europe  to  have 

261 


262 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


money  available  for  the  use  of  Louisiana.  And  yet,  this 
is  true  only  to  us  looking  back  upon  the  completed  term, 
for  the  rule  of  Bienville,  and  of  Vaudreuil  too,  presented 
hopeful  signs.  • 

Upon  Bienville’s  return  to  begin  his  third  term  [1733— 
1742]  he  found  universal  distress.  In  one  of  his  reports 
he  speaks  of  the  people  as  reduced  to  eating  the  seeds  of 
reeds,  but  this  must  be  hyperbole.  And  yet,  the  situation 
was  bad  enough.  Of  the  many  concessions  and  settlements 
of  the  Compagnie,  some  were  abandoned  and  all  were  de- 
pressed. Agriculture,  it  is  true,  had  at  last  taken  hold,  but 
in  the  uneasiness  caused  by  the  raids  of  the  Natches  and 
their  friends  no  one  far  from  the  forts  could  be  certain  of 
his  life,  much  less  of  gathering  the  fruits  of  his  labor.  For 
this  reason,  one  of  the  first  things  to  be  attended  to  was 
some  action  relative  to  the  Chickasaws,  who  had  been 
actively  antagonistic.  Several  years  were  consumed  in 
preparation,  and  a formidable  but  unsuccessful  expedition 
made  its  way  up  the  Tombecbe  [Tombigbee]  in  1736;  and 
a second,  of  doubtful  result,  operated  by  way  of  the  Missis- 
sippi five  years  later.  So  that  during  Bienville’s  troubled 
third  term  Louisiana  was  full  of  military  preparations,  which 
yet  did  not  increase  greatly  the  feeling  of  security  of  her 
people. 

On  the  civil  side  there  was  also  difficulty.  The  Com- 
pagnie had  issued  paper  money,  which  had  become  the 
circulating  medium  of  the  country,  and  now  in  1735  the 
government,  despite  the  opposition  of  Bienville  and  Com- 
missary Salmon,  undertook  to  replace  the  paper  by  card  notes 
[ billets  de  carte~\ , supposed  to  offer  greater  security,  inasmuch 
as  France  was  greater  than  the  Compagnie.  In  course  of 
time,  however,  there  was  as  great  depreciation  in  the  king’s 
money  as  there  had  been  in  that  of  the  Compagnie,  coin 
being  worth  three  for  one;  so  that  after  a lapse  of  ten  years 
another  substitution  was  made,  this  time  of  drafts  on  the 
French  treasury.  As  only  one  hundred  livres  in  drafts  were 
allowed  for  two  hundred  and  fifty  livres  of  paper,  and  the 


LOUISIANA  UNDER  ROYAL  GOVERNORS  263 

drafts  themselves  were  at  a discount,  it  seemed  to  make  little 
difference  to  the  colonists  whose  name  was  signed  to  the 
paper  making  up  the  circulating  medium,  whether  it  was 
that  of  King  Stork  or  King  Log,  Law  or  Louis.  Bienville 
became  discouraged  and  asked  to  be  relieved  when  he  faced 
not  only  military  disaster  on  the  frontier  but  general  bank- 
ruptcy even  in  the  capital.  The  expenses  of  the  Chicka- 
saw war,  from  173 7,  amounted  to  over  one  million  livres, 
while  the  ordinary  budget  for  this  time  was  upward  of  three 
hundred  thousand.  Even  the  current  expenses  were  not  met 
by  the  products  of  the  colony.  In  September,  1740,  came 
a disastrous  hurricane,  the  effect  of  which  was  worst  perhaps 
at  Mobile;  but  it  ravaged  all  the  coast,  although  it  spared 
New  Orleans.  It  blew  down  houses,  destroyed  magazines 
and  provisions,  drowned  cattle,  and  caused  universal  dis- 
tress. Part  of  Dauphine  Island  was  washed  away,  and  it 
is  even  said  that  a cannon,  a four-pounder,  standing  near 
the  guardhouse,  was  blown  away  eighteen  feet.  A second 
hurricane  followed  a week  later  in  that  fatal  September, 
with  the  result  that  all  provisions  became  scarce,  flour 
absolutely  wanting,  and  great  distress  prevailed. 

The  next  governor  of  Louisiana  was  the  Marquis  de 
Vaudreuil  [1743—1753],  the  son  of  a governor-general  of 
Canada,  and  himself  a distinguished  man,  of  fine  bearing, 
and  a good  administrator.  Perhaps  even  better  yet,  he  had 
influence  at  court.  This  boded  well  for  the  future  of  the 
colony,  and,  in  point  of  fact,  before  many  years  he  suc- 
ceeded in  having  sent  to  Louisiana  more  soldiers  than  had 
ever  been  there  before;  for  during  his  term  the  king  directed 
that  there  should  be  maintained  thirty-seven  companies  of 
fifty  men,  and  permission  was  given  to  discharge  soldiers 
from  time  to  time  on  condition  of  settling  in  the  colony. 
All  immigrants  were  to  be  supplied  with  corn,  rice,  and 
necessary  agricultural  implements,  and  somewhat  similar 
inducements  were  offered  to  mechanics  desiring  to  locate 
in  the  towns.  All  concessions  were  to  be  close  to  each 
other,  and  the  building  of  villages  was  encouraged.  The 


264 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


soldiers  in  New  Orleans  were  for  the  most  part  lodged  in 
the  barracks  which  had  been  erected  on  each  side  of  the 
place  d’armes , or  public  square.  Contentment  increased, 
and  this,  together  with  the  dignity  of  Vaudreuil’s  court  at 
New  Orleans,  made  his  term  of  office  notable. 

The  policy  of  the  French  in  relation  to  the  Indians  will 
be  studied  in  another  place,  but  the  effect  on  the  whites 
themselves  was  so  marked  that  it  will  be  well, to  recall  that 
not  only  were  the  Chickasaws  ill-disposed  and  never  really 
subdued,  but  that  the  progress  of  the  British  traders  coin- 
cided with  the  decline  of  French  efforts  in  the  west,  and 
even  among  the  Choctaws  there  was  great  dissatisfaction. 
This  was  due  very  largely  to  the  parsimony  of  the  home 
government  in  the  way  of  presents  for  the  savages,  for  it 
had  been  the  custom  from  the  beginning  to  hold  an  annual 
congress  and  make  extensive  gifts  of  supplies  and  goods  to 
the  Choctaws  to  keep  them  in  good  humor.  This  was 
perhaps  more  in  the  nature  of  a subsidy  than  a tribute,  but 
at  least  the  natives  had  come  to  expect  it  as  a matter  of 
course;  and  when  it  failed,  as  happened  a number  of  times 
under  the  later  governors,  they  became  restless.  They 
even  frankly  said  that  the  English  furnished  them  better 
goods,  and  that  they  would  have  to  turn  to  the  east  de- 
spite their  affection  for  the  French.  The  result  was  that 
this,  the  largest  of  all  the  Southern  tribes,  extending  from 
Alabama  River  to  the  Mississippi,  not  far  from  the  coast, 
became  alienated,  and  marauding  parties  made  life  and 
property  insecure  almost  everywhere  beyond  the  limits  of 
the  several  posts.  It  was  worse  than  a blow  to  French 
prestige;  it  was  a threat  to  the  dominion  of  the  French  in 
their  own  territories.  Hence  D’Arensbourg,  in  command 
at  the  German  posts  with  a force  of  upward  of  a hundred 
men,  could  not  subdue  a few  Indians  who  were  active  there. 
Some  hunters  were  killed  even  in  the  vicinity  of  New  Or- 
leans, and  a detachment  sent  to  capture  the  marauders  was 
put  to  flight  by  warwhoops.  This  throws  a side  light  upon 
the  difficulties  encountered  by  the  governors,  who  were 


LOUISIANA  UNDER  ROYAL  GOVERNORS  265 


almost  unanimous  in  complaining  of  the  nature  of  the  troops 
sent  from  France.  Bienville  inveighed  against  their  small 
size,  some  being  four  feet  and  a half  tall,  and  declared  their 
vices  were  equalled  only  by  their  cowardice.  Perier  said 
they  usually  fled  at  the  first  flash  of  an  Indian  gun,  and  that 
negroes  were  far  better  soldiers,  except  that  they  were  too 
valuable  to  be  used  thus;  and  a French  officer  of  the  time 
mourned  that  there  was  less  of  the  French  temperament  in 
Louisiana  than  anywhere  else.  It  would  seem  as  if  the 
refuse  of  France  was  sent  to  Louisiana  as  troops,  and 
the  picture  is  only  relieved  by  the  bravery  shown  by  the 
creoles  themselves. 

Vaudreuil  was  active  in  allaying  the  alarm  which  he  found 
to  be  prevalent,  and,  by  1750,  of  thirty-two  Choctaw  towns 
only  two  were  left  to  the  English  party,  and  Grand-Pre 
from  Tombecbe  effected  a treaty  which  not  only  drove  out 
the  English  and  allied  the  Choctaws  against  the  Chickasaws 
but  gave  special  favors  to  the  French.  It  was  in  conse- 
quence of  these  disturbances  that  the  forces  in  Louisiana 
were  raised  to  the  respectable  strength  of  two  thousand  men. 

A census  has  been  preserved  from  the  year  1745,  at 
which  date  the  Choctaw  disturbance  was  at  its  height,  which 
shows  that  the  male  white  population,  exclusive  of  the 
troops,  amounted  only  to  between  three  thousand  and 
thirty-five  hundred  people,  and  the  blacks  of  both  sexes  to 
some  two  thousand — a decrease  since  the  time  of  the  Com- 
pagnie,  for  when  it  had  relinquished  its  claim  the  country 
had  a population  of  five  thousand.  The  distribution  of 
the  people  is  interesting.  Thus,  New  Orleans  is  given 
as  having  eight  hundred  whites  and  three  hundred  blacks, 
with  one  hundred  whites  at  the  German  Coast,  and  two 
hundred  at  Pointe  Coupee  not  far  above,  while  the  slaves 
at  each  of  these  last  places  doubled  the  number  of  the 
masters.  To  the  east  Mobile  is  named  as  having  one 
hundred  and  fifty  whites,  besides  two  hundred  blacks,  and 
Pascagoula  only  ten  whites  to  sixty  slaves,  while  Biloxi  is 
too  insignificant  to  mention  at  all.  To  the  west  we  find  at 


266 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


Natchitoches  sixty  white  people  and  the  surprising  number 
of  two  hundred  blacks.  Proceeding  up  the  Mississippi,  we 
find  at  the  Natchez  only  eight  whites  and  fifteen  negroes; 
at  the  Arkansas,  twelve  whites  and  ten  blacks;  while  at  the 
Illinois  there  were  three  hundred  whites  as  against  six  hun- 
dred blacks;  and  up  the  Missouri,  as  many  as  two  hundred 
whites,  although  there  were  only  ten  negroes.  This  shows 
that  the  greatest  number  of  slaves  was  on  the  Mississippi 
plantations  above  New  Orleans,  while  in  the  two  towns, 
Mobile  and  New  Orleans,  the  proportion  between  the  races 
was  reversed.  At  the  capital,  the  negroes  were  somewhat 
less  than  half  the  number  of  the  white  men,  while  at  Mobile 
slaves  were  in  excess.  On  the  frontier  one  would  expect 
proportionately  fewer  slaves  on  account  of  the  unsettled 
conditions  necessarily  prevailing,  and  this  we  find  to  be  the 
case  on  the  Missouri,  while  it  is  otherwise  at  Natchitoches, 
which  may  have  been  due  to  traffic,  legal  or  illegal,  with 
the  Spaniards,  and  possibly  also  to  captured  runaways.  This 
statistical  study  is  defective  in  that  the  whites  mentioned 
were  only  the  men,  while  the  blacks  included  both  sexes. 
We  can  fairly  include  at  least  as  many  more  for  women 
and  children,  and  in  almost  any  other  country  it  would  be 
fair  to  make  their  number  double  or  even  treble  that  of  the 
men,  but  the  figures  preserved  do  not  allow  us  to  give 
the  proportion  of  women  and  children  in  the  different  settle- 
ments. We  can  only  conjecture  that  there  were  more  in 
the  older  places  than  on  the  frontier. 

It  was  in  this  year  that  Lenormant  succeeded  Salmon  as 
royal  commissary,  and  between  him  and  the  governor  there 
was  soon  the  usual  state  of  war.  Vaudreuil  complained  that 
the  commissary  starved  the  troops  and  deprived  the  settle- 
ments of  provisions,  which  was  bad  enough,  and  did  not 
furnish  presents  and  merchandise  for  the  Indians,  which  pre- 
vented the  governor  from  paying  for  scalps  and  remunerating 
the  friendly  tribes. 

On  account  of  the  prevalence  of  war  in  Europe,  Vau- 
dreuil thought  that  fortifications  should  be  constructed 


LOUISIANA  UNDER  ROYAL  GOVERNORS  267 

below  New  Orleans  and  the  entrance  to  the  river  better 
cared  for.  These  things  would  seem  to  go  almost  with- 
out saying,  for  Louisiana  meant  the  Mississippi,  and  the 
Mississippi  could  not  be  useful  unless  guarded  against 
the  enemy  in  time  of  war  and  its  mouth  kept  open  at 
all  times.  La  Salle  had  designed  a fort  somewhere  on 
the  lower  river,  and  one  of  the  first  acts  of  Iberville  in 
taking  up  La  Salle’s  mantle  was  to  build  one  which  lasted 
for  some  time.  Even  before  the  closing  of  the  port  at 
Dauphine  Island,  the  Compagnie  had  ordered  boats  to  ascend 
the  river  to  the  Illinois  as  well  as  to  the  Natches,  and  in- 
structions were  not  infrequent  to  captains  of  vessels  as  well 
as  to  officials  of  the  colony  to  take  soundings  on  the  bar 
and  note  the  depth,  course,  and  rapidity  of  the  Missis- 
sippi; and  before  any  town  was  planned,  Hubert  urged 
the  necessity  of  digging  or  destroying  the  bars,  for  the  ap- 
proaches to  the  river  were  formidable  and  its  bends  made  it 
difficult  to  establish  a port.  There  were  some  fifteen  feet 
on  the  first  bar  and  only  eleven  on  the  second,  and  to  in- 
crease the  depth  Hubert  urged  the  use  of  drags  in  fair 
weather.  The  Compagnie  gave  instructions  to  La  Tour  as 
chief  engineer  and  Pauger  and  others  as  assistants,  not  only 
to  explore  the  coasts,  but  to  seek  means  to  render  the  Mis- 
sissippi navigable,  among  other  things  by  putting  buoys  or 
marks  at  the  entrance.  Bienville  sent  boats  through  the 
channel  even  while  New  Biloxi  was  the  capital,  and  Pauger 
established  the  proposed  buoy,  or  balise , from  which  the 
adjacent  island  received  its  name,  and  upon  his  report  Bien- 
ville wrote  to  the  minister  of  marine  that  he  was  assured  of 
a port  for  vessels  of  the  third  class.  Charlevoix,  he  adds, 
had  descended  the  river  and  was  charmed.  Vessels  drawing 
not  over  thirteen  feet  entered  at  full  sail  without  touching, 
and  Bienville  did  not  think  it  would  be  difficult  to  render 
the  pass  navigable  for  much  larger  ships,  the  bottom  being 
soft  mud.  He  had  in  1722  sent  two  boats  \^flutes\  of  three 
hundred  and  four  hundred  tons,  which  had  entered  under  full 
sail,  and  next  year  he  could  write  that  the  water  was  deeper. 


268 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


He  writes  he  was  then  establishing  batteries  and  lodging  for 
a garrison  to  protect  the  entrance.  The  people  gave  the 
entrance  a bad  name,  even  saying  that  it  was  easier  to  pass 
an  elephant  through  the  eye  of  a needle,  and  La  Tour  and 
Pauger  had  actually  to  force  the  captain  of  the  Aventurier 
to  enter  the  river.  It  was  true  that  they  ran  aground,  but 
they  got  off  and  could  report  that  the  pass  was  getting 
deeper.  In  1723  Pauger  reported  that  where  there  had 
been  only  thirteen  feet  of  water  before  the  island  of  the 
Balize,  there  were  then  sixteen  or  seventeen,  and  he  urged 
that  some  one  of  the  other  passes  be  closed  so  that  the 
current  thus  increased  would  carry  away  this  bar. 

Something,  of  course,  was  done  afterward,  but  not  a 
great  deal  until  Bienville,  seeing  the  necessity  of  a struc- 
ture of  some  sort  to  protect  the  mouth  of  the  river,  had,  in 
1741,  made  a contract  with  Dubreuil  to  erect  fortifications 
at  the  Balize  at  the  cost  of  almost  three  hundred  thou- 
sand livres.  Subsequent  opinion  favored  forts  higher  up  the 
stream,  as  it  was  almost  impossible  to  find  a foundation 
near  the  Gulf.  The  engineer  Deverges  thought  fortifica- 
tions could  be  built  there,  while  Lenormant  favored  Plaque- 
mine  Turn,  but  Vaudreuil  selected  the  English  Turn  fifteen 
miles  from  New  Orleans.  He  was  led  to  this  opinion  by 
the  fact  that  the  change  of  direction  of  the  river  at  this 
point  deprived  ascending  ships  of  the  wind  which  had 
brought  them  up.  Even  since  Bienville’s  day  the  river 
had  formed  for  itself  a new  channel  near  the  Balize,  and 
thus  considerable  work  was  necessary  to  make  the  pass 
defensible.  The  planters  furnished  negroes,  and  something 
was  effected ; but  it  would  seem  that  the  quarrels  between 
the  governor  and  the  commissary  prevented  much  that 
might  have  been.  But  at  least  the  Balize  was  improved,  for, 
according  to  the  governor,  the  fort  already  there  was  a place 
of  dep5t  for  commerce  with  the  Spaniards  and  a point  from 
which  the  coast  could  be  watched. 

The  principal  matter  of  interest  during  this  period  of 
Louisiana’s  history  is  to  be  found  in  the  capital  itself.  Its 


LOUISIANA  UNDER  ROYAL  GOVERNORS  269 


males,  we  have  learned,  numbered  about  eight  hundred, 
which  would  mean  a total  population  of  double  or  treble, 
and  in  addition  to  this  there  were  two  hundred  soldiers  and 
three  hundred  slaves.  Most  of  the  houses  were  still  of  wood, 
although  brick  was  already  being  used  either  by  itself  or  to 
fill  up  wooden  frames.  There  was  still  one  cargo  of  pro- 
spective wives  to  be  brought  from  France  in  1751,  sixty  in 
number,  but  immigration  had  practically  ceased  and  the 
country  was  to  find  its  development,  such  as  it  was,  in 
the  natural  increase  of  the  creoles.  No  change  was  made 
in  the  plan  of  the  city,  and  it  was  gradually  growing  along 
the  line  of  that  made  at  its  foundation.  Everything  cen- 
tred about  the  place  d’ armes  on  the  river,  to  the  right  and  left 
of  which  were  barracks,  while  fronting  it  were  govern- 
ment buildings.  In  the  squares  beyond,  between  the  high- 
sounding  streets,  dwelt  the  creoles,  who  loved  this  country  as 
home,  and  the  officials,  who  thought  of  it  as  a place  where 
they  could  put  money  in  their  purse  in  one  way  or  another 
and  then  go  back  to  France.  Behind  the  city  came  the 
district  known  as  Gentilly,  a local  corruption  of  the  famous 
Chantilly  where  the  old  race  of  Conde  lived  in  princely 
magnificence. 

Agriculture  flourished  despite  the  many  drawbacks.  Of 
old  were  indigo  and  from  1740  some  cotton,  and  in  1751 
ships  bringing  soldiers  brought  from  Hispaniola  sugar  cane 
and  negroes  used  to  its  culture,  the  gift  of  the  Jesuits  of  the 
island  to  those  of  Louisiana.  It  was  planted  above  Canal 
Street,  but  did  not  flourish,  and  it  was  not  for  almost  half 
a century  that  Louisiana  really  acquired  one  of  her  most 
famous  crops.  Another  of  the  best-known  products  was 
wax  from  the  candleberry  tree,  myrica  cerifera , which  grew 
abundantly.  We  have  already  seen  it  used  on  the  Atlantic 
coast,  and  here  Vaudreuil  was  authorized  to  purchase  the 
whole  crop  for  the  king  at  ten  to  twelve  livres  per  pound. 
It  was  prepared  by  placing  the  berry  coated  with  wax  in 
hot  water,  then  the  wax  came  off  and  was  skimmed  for  use. 
Among  the  producers,  Dubreuil  is  said  to  have  made  six 


270 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


thousand  pounds  weight.  It  was  a valuable  crop,  because 
it  furnished  the  only  light  used  by  the  colonists,  and  it  was 
also  exported.  There  were  the  standard  crops  of  maize 
and  vegetables,  although  the  growth  of  the  Illinois  district 
led  to  the  importation  of  supplies  from  that  region,  and 
after  the  hurricane  of  1740  famine  was  prevented  by  flour 
from  up  the  river.  The  boats  from  the  Illinois  came  down 
in  the  late  fall  and  returned  in  January,  exchanging  grain 
and  the  like  for  goods  imported  from  France. 

The  commerce  of  the  province  was  of  some  importance, 
and  this  was  due  to  a wise  if  belated  provision  as  to  duties. 
It  was,  of  course,  still  held  that  a colony  was  valuable  only 
for  what  the  mother  country  could  get  out  of  it,  and  that 
not  only  must  its  products  be  shipped  home,  but  that  these 
should  pay  duty  to  the  government  for  the  privilege  of  being 
taken  there,  and,  further,  that  articles  imported  into  the 
colony  should  likewise  pay  duty.  This  we  have  found  to 
be  the  doctrine  everywhere,  as  also  the  corollary  that  trade 
should  be  carried  on  only  with  the  mother  country  and  in 
her  bottoms.  In  1732,  and  thus  shortly  after  the  surrender 
of  its  charter  by  the  Compagnie,  the  wise  provision  had 
been  made  that  for  ten  years  goods  imported  into  the 
colony  or  exported  thence  to  France  should  be  exempt 
from  duty.  In  1741  it  was  found  that  the  ordinance  had 
worked  well  and,  moreover,  the  distressed  condition  of  the 
colony  after  the  hurricane  made  it  almost  imperative  to 
renew  the  provision  for  ten  years,  and  in  1751  a similar 
extension  was  made.  Thus  free  trade  between  Louisiana 
and  France  became  practically  a part  of  the  policy  of  the 
country. 

The  intellectual  and  moral  condition  of  the  colony  could 
hardly  have  ranked  very  high,  although  we  know  that 
even  La  Salle’s  Texan  colonists  had  many  books.  Edu- 
cation was  largely  in  the  hands  of  the  Church,  and  when  an 
attempt  was  made  to  found  a college  the  home  authorities 
decided  that  Louisiana  was  not  sufficiently  important  to 
make  that  proper.  It  would  hardly,  therefore,  be  expected 


LOUISIANA  UNDER  ROYAL  GOVERNORS 


271 


that  in  Louisiana,  any  more  than  in  the  earlier  English  colo- 
nies, there  would  be  found  much  in  the  way  of  native  litera- 
ture, although  in  one  or  two  respects  perhaps  Louisiana  has 
the  advantage.  For,  the  government  being  absolute,  fuller 
and  more  frequent  reports  were  made  of  the  events  in  the 
colony.  For  another  reason  also  we  have  more  in  the  nature 
of  memoirs  than  might  be  anticipated.  The  very  fact  that 
officers  came  to  Louisiana  without  the  intention  of  settling, 
while  it  helped  the  colony  less  than  if  they  had  come  to 
live,  as  was  the  case  on  the  Atlantic,  led  them  to  take  a 
great  interest  in  what  they  saw  and  frequently  to  write  back 
to  friends  in  France  some  of  their  experiences.  And  this  is 
as  true  of  the  later  as  of  the  earlier  times,  so  that  we  have 
in  the  way  of  accounts  of  travel  a number  of  journals,  let- 
ters, and  even  formal  books,  which  sometimes  purport  to  be 
actual  histories.  So  that  while  we  have  little  or  nothing  of 
the  nature  of  what  is  sometimes  called  pure  literature,  a 
great  deal  has  survived  of  what  is  actually  of  greater  value 
for  the  understanding  of  the  country. 

The  letters  and  reports  of  La  Salle,  of  Iberville,  and  of 
the  ordonnateurs  are  numerous,  and  many  have  been  col- 
lected in  Margry’s  monumental  volumes,  while  some  not  in 
the  printed  works  of  Margry  may  be  found  in  the  manu- 
script collections  of  Magne  and  Margry  made  for  the  State 
of  Louisiana  and  still  preserved.  The  French  have  always 
been  good  raconteurs , and  the  personal  element,  perhaps 
shown  in  angry  and  spiteful  tales  upon  each  other,  adds  a 
zest  to  these  papers,  even  where  only  abstracts  are  preserved. 
Papers  from  the  ecclesiastical  side  of  colonial  life  would  be 
equally  valuable,  and  it  is  a loss  to  us  that  the  Jesuits  did 
not  have  a stronger  hold  in  Louisiana,  for  the  'Jesuit  Relations , 
even  with  the  additional  letters  found  by  Mr.  Thwaites, 
contain  little  relating  to  the  lower  colony.  This  we  have 
seen  was  not  their  province,  and  yet  a letter  of  Gravier  in 
praise  of  Bienville’s  government  and  Du  Poisson’s  description 
of  the  mosquitoes  on  the  Mississippi  make  us  long  for  more 
such  literature.  We  do  have  the  Relation  of  the  Voyage  of  the 


272 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


Ursulines , containing  letters  of  Marie  Madeleine  Hachard 
to  her  father,  and  one  would  not  willingly  let  this  charm- 
ing account  lapse  into  oblivion.  And  yet,  possibly,  the 
private  works  of  the  time  are  if  anything  more  interesting, 
because  they  were  generally  written  without  bias  or  at  least 
without  the  constraint  sometimes  felt  by  those  in  official  posi- 
tion. Thus  the  journal  or  relation  of  Penicaut  is  charming, 
and  as  a rule  reliable,  as  we  have  had  occasion  to  notice  in  the 
earlier  years  of  Louisiana.  It  was  written  with  the  object 
of  securing  a pension,  and  records  that  he  was  even  then 
one  of  the  concessionnaires  upon  the  Mississippi.  One  feels 
a distinct  loss  when  this  “ literary  ship  carpenter  ” returned 
to  France  for  treatment  of  his  eyes;  but,  in  a different  way, 
his  place  is  almost  immediately  supplied  by  pleasant  old 
Father  Charlevoix,  whose  observations  in  Louisiana  appear 
in  several  forms.  He  wrote  an  Histoire  of  New  France,  and 
to  it  is  sometimes  appended  his  'Journal  of  a Voyage  made 
by  royal  order  from  Quebec  to  New  Orleans.  The  journal 
consists  of  letters  to  the  Duchess  of  Lesdiguierres,  and 
imparts  a great  deal  of  information  in  a rambling  sort  of 
way.  Thus,  although  he  playfully  reproaches  the  people 
for  speaking  of  New  Orleans  as  a female  while  the  original 
Orleans  in  France  was  of  another  sex,  he  was  pleased  with 
the  place  and  gives  us  many  entertaining  views  of  it  and 
other  posts.  While  Charlevoix  confines  himself  almost 
exclusively  to  Mississippi  River,  what  is  generally  quoted 
as  the  Journal  Historique  treats  also'  of  the  western  explora- 
tions. This  has  been  attributed  to  Benard  de  La  Harpe, 
because  of  a memorial  of  his  going  with  it,  although  Margry 
ascribes  it  to  Beaurain,  the  royal  geographer.  It  purports 
to  be  drawn  from  the  memoirs  of  Iberville  and  Bienville  as 
well  as  from  those  of  Le  Sueur,  and  much  material  seems 
to  be  furnished  by  La  Harpe  himself.  A companion  of 
La  Harpe  seems  to  have  been  Dumont  de  Montigny,  who 
was  at  the  Yazoo  post  and  involved  in  the  Natches  war. 
Fie  is  the  author  of  Memoir es  Hhtoriques , gives  much  in- 
formation, and  never  spoils  a good  story  in  the  telling. 


C C 

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fi  1 


LOUISIANA  UNDER  ROYAL  GOVERNORS 


273 


When  we  remember  his  dealings  with  rattlesnakes  twenty- 
two  feet  long  and  frogs  of  thirty-two  pounds,  we  may 
consider  ourselves  fortunate  that  he  survived  to  relate  so 
much.  If  Dumont  is  to  be  considered  as  a realist,  his 
contemporary,  Le  Page  du  Pratz,  is  an  idealist,  for  he  has 
theories  as  to  many  things  in  his  Histoire  de  la  Louisiane , 
based  upon  his  sixteen  years  in  the  colony  ending  in  1734. 
The  book  is  remarkable  for  the  number  of  the  plates  and 
maps  which  are  found  in  some  editions,  no  less  than  forty- 
two  in  number,  and  which  have  proved  of  great  value  to  all 
subsequent  students  of  the  period. 

Among  the  last  writers  was  Bossu,  captain  in  the  French 
marines,  whose  Nouveaux  Voyages  is  made  up  of  letters 
back  to  France,  giving  his  adventures  in  America.  From 
New  Orleans  he  was  sent  to  Fort  Toulouse,  and,  after  a 
disagreement  there  as  to  rank,  up  to  Fort  Tombecbe  in 
charge  of  a convoy,  and  he  was  also  in  the  Illinois.  His 
description  of  Indian  customs  and  of  his  own  adventures 
is  happy  and  interesting.  He  has  an  alligator  story  which 
somewhat  rivals  Dumont’s,  for  on  the  banks  of  the  Tom- 
becbe, while  he  was  wrapped  up  in  the  corner  of  the  tent, 
an  alligator,  smelling  a fish  which  Bossu  had  at  his  feet, 
dragged  him  and  it  off  toward  the  river.  Bossu  thought 
the  Devil  had  him,  but  managed  to  escape,  glad  to  lose 
only  the  fish.  He  was  a great  partisan,  and  in  his  love  for 
friends  and  hatred  of  enemies  would  have  rejoiced  good  old 
Dr.  Samuel  Johnson,  for  he  does  not  spare  the  derelictions 
of  officials  in  the  colony. 

Such  were  the  principal  writers  of  Louisiana.  We  know 
that  there  were  more,  for  Le  Page  quotes  the  manuscript 
memoirs  of  Saint-Denis  and  others,  and  there  has  recently 
been  discovered  a journal  of  Bouques  for  the  period  of  the 
second  Biloxi  experiment,  full  of  interest  for  that  time, 
although  it  has  no  broad  outlook  and  possesses  small  literary 
merit.  The  works  referred  to  are  real  Louisiana  literature, 
although  none  of  them  were  printed  there  and  possibly  some 
were  put  in  their  final  shape  in  France;  for  they  were 


274 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


written  about  Louisiana  and  by  people  who  lived  in  the  col- 
ony, and  give  us  not  only  our  clearest  impressions  of  the 
country  itself,  but  of  the  creoles  and  travellers  who  were 
within  its  borders  from  Iberville’s  time  down  to  that  of 
Kerlerec.  Some  books,  however,  were  published  at  New 
Orleans,  and  one  of  the  late  acts  of  the  colonial  government 
was  to  confer  the  monopoly  of  printing  them  on  M.  Braud. 

The  quarrels  in  the  civil  government  were  reflected  in 
the  Church  also.  When  Louisiana  had  been  divided  into 
three  ecclesiastical  districts,  it  will  be  remembered  the  lower 
Mississippi  had  been  given  to  the  Capuchins,  and  they 
attended  faithfully  to  such  administration  as  they  found 
possible  under  the  circumstances.  The  Jesuits  had  been 
confined  to  the  Illinois  district,  but  to  this  they  had  never 
been  able  to  reconcile  themselves.  It  seemed  to  them  that 
every  frontier  and  all  newly  settled  colonies  were  theirs  by 
right.  So  they  obtained  the  privilege  of  having  a Superior  at 
New  Orleans.  This  priest  secured  his  own  appointment 
as  vicar-general,  and  took  advantage  of  the  trustfulness  of 
the  Capuchins.  The  result  was  that  for  years  there  was  a 
constant  struggle  between  the  two  orders,  which,  in  fact,  was 
not  terminated  until  France  expelled  the  Jesuits  in  1764, 
when  their  colonial  property  was  confiscated  and  sold. 

Thus  lower  Louisiana  drifted  along,  hardly  flourishing  at 
best,  but  finding  amusement  and  employment  for  the  natural 
esprit  of  Frenchmen  in  the  quarrels  between  the  governor 
and  the  commissary,  between  the  Capuchin  and  the  Jesuit, 
as  well  as  in  war  and  trade  with  the  Indians.  Agricul- 
ture was  growing,  commerce  at  last  really  favored,  and  if 
France  could  supply  more  encouragement,  or  at  least  could 
keep  out  of  European  wars,  Louisiana  might  yet  become 
not  unworthy  of  the  dreams  of  La  Salle  and  Iberville.  The 
energy  of  Vaudreuil  was  recognized,  although  at  the  expense 
‘of  Louisiana,  by  his  promotion  to  be  Governor-general  of 
Canada,  and  he  departed  with  the  regrets  of  all.  They 
loved  to  compare  him  to  Louis  XIV.,  and  the  counterpart 
of  the  Grand  Monarque  to  them  was  the  Grand  Marquis. 


LOUISIANA  UNDER  ROYAL  GOVERNORS 


2 75 


And  although  his  departure  was  a loss,  his  successor  was 
not  unequal  to  the  place.  Kerlerec  came  in  1753,  and 
took  active  charge  of  his  post.  Almost  his  first  business 
was  to  study  the  Indian  question  and  hold  a congress  at 
Mobile  with  the  Choctaws,  with  whom  he  was  favorably 
impressed.  The  necessity  for  counteracting  the  wiles  and 
the  trade  of  the  English  appealed  to  him  at  once,  and  he 
promised  all  they  could  ask,  while,  on  the  other  hand,  the 
chiefs  were  so  much  pleased  with  him  that  they  voted  him 
the  “Father  of  the  Choctaws.” 

Despite  all  drawbacks,  the  French  had  good  leaders,  under- 
stood the  Indians,  knew  the  routes  of  the  great  valley,  and 
could  make  up  for  their  lack  of  numbers  by  alertness  and 
mobility. 


CHAPTER  XIV 


FRANCO-SPANISH  RELATIONS 

At  the  beginning  of  our  story  we  found  Spain  the  domi- 
nant nation  in  Europe  and  America.  Her  infantry  was  the 
terror  of  the  world,  her  fleet  of  the  ocean,  and  her  pos- 
sessions embraced  the  fairest  provinces  of  both  continents. 
We  have  seen  how  from  the  defeat  of  the  Armada  her 
power  was  checked,  and  later  how  her  wealth  could  hardly 
maintain  her  in  a doubtful  supremacy.  When  less  able 
monarchs  ruled,  her  position  became  impaired,  although  it 
was  a gradual  process  and  for  several  generations  not  real- 
ized even  by  her  neighbors.  With  the  extinction  of  the 
direct  line  and  the  great  War  of  the  Spanish  Succession,  it 
became  evident  that  the  hegemony  had  passed  to  France, 
and  from  that  country  came  Philip,  the  new  monarch, 
although  it  would  be  a mistake  to  think  of  Spain  as  ever 
becoming  in  effect  a province  of  France.  The  France  of 
Fouis  XIV.  fully  realized  her  own  leadership  in  Europe, 
but  she  also  realized  the  pride  and  the  importance  still  of 
her  ally  on  the  south.  The  war  came  about  immediately 
from  the  family  alliance  of  the  two  countries;  but  this 
itself  had  been  founded  on  community  of  religion,  feel- 
ing, and  interest.  Spain  under  Charles  V.  had  great  pos- 
sessions in  Italy,  the  original  Latin  country,  and  in  the 
Netherlands,  essentially  Teutonic.  As  long  as  France 
felt  herself  bound  in  by  the  Spaniards  on  both  sides  as 

277 


278 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


in  a vise,  fear  of  the  future  and  true  patriotism  united  her 
able  kings  and  gradually  coalescing  nationality  in  a struggle 
against  Spain.  It  was  not  so  much  a contest  for  leader- 
ship as  for  existence.  When  the  decline  of  the  Spanish 
power  began,  caused  by  pressure  without  and  stagnation 
within,  the  French  fear  was  removed  and  gave  way  to  a 
sense  of  community  of  origin  and  interest.  Unconsciously 
the  line  was  drawn  again  as  it  had  been  under  the  Roman 
emperors  between  Latin  and  Teuton,  a line  which  even  to 
the  present  has  never  been  obliterated.  The  result  of  the 
Succession  War  was  gratifying  to  the  Spaniard,  although 
Italy  and  the  Netherlands  passed  to  Austria.  His  father- 
land  was  preserved  intact  and  the  feeling  of  race  affinity 
with  the  other  great  Latin  power  of  Europe  was  intensified, 
so  that  the  later  Family  Compact  of  the  crowns  of  France 
and  Spain  was  but  the  royal  seal  on  the  popular  feeling. 
The  entente  of  the  two  nations  was  to  last  for  a long  time, 
despite  temporary  breaks,  and  it  was  both  more  and  less 
than  an  alliance  of  the  two  governments.  While  there  was 
a sympathetic  union,  based  on  blood  and  somewhat  on  insti- 
tutions, it  left  the  two  nations  independent,  each  develop- 
ing its  own  policy  in  its  own  way,  but  ready  to  help  the 
other  by  diplomacy  if  not  by  arms.  In  America  their  terri- 
tories adjoined.  Spain  had  finally  recognized  the  fact  that 
France  owned  the  Mississippi  valley,  although  the  boun- 
daries between  their  colonies  were  not  always  certain.  On 
the  west,  Louisiana  and  New  Spain  afforded  points  for 
negotiation,  and  the  boundary  shifted  backward  and  forward 
with  the  alternate  energy  of  the  two  governments. 

At  first  blush  it  seems  strange  that  the  French  should 
have  in  mind  so  much  the  Spaniards,  far  distant  to  the  west. 
This  may  have  been  due  in  part  to  imperfect  knowledge  of 
southwestern  geography,  and  yet  in  some  respects  it  was 
perfectly  natural.  Cabeza  de  Vaca,  with  some  survivors  of 
Narvaez’s  expedition,  had  in  the  sixteenth  century  crossed 
the  continent,  and  his  report  was  such  that  Coronado  sent 
some  of  these  with  other  men  to  explore  the  country  as  far 


FRANCO-SPANISH  RELATIONS 


279 

as  the  Zuni,  or  Cibola,  and  in  1540  came  the  celebrated 
expedition  of  Coronado  himself,  when  a number  of  missions 
were  established.  Toward  the  end  of  the  century  Onate 
did  much  toward  colonizing  the  district  now  known  as 
New  Mexico,  and  mining  was  rapidly  developed.  There 
was  an  interruption  on  account  of  the  revolt  of  the  Indians, 
who  had  been  almost  reduced  to  slavery,  but  after  that  the 
mining  industry  and  population  gradually  increased,  and 
Santa  Fe  became  a famous  place.  The  Spaniards  thus 
controlled  the  passes  between  the  Atlantic  and  the  Pacific 
where  the  Rio  Bravo  [Grande]  cuts  through  the  Rocky 
Mountains,  and  claimed  not  only  all  toward  the  Pacific, 
but  indefinitely  toward  the  east.  They  came  as  near  as 
the  facts  permitted  to  Menendez’s  ambition  to  possess  the 
passage  from  the  Gulf  to  the  Pacific.  The  sources  of 
Canadian  and  Arkansas  Rivers  were  not  far  away,  and 
branches  of  the  Missouri  headed  a few  days’  march  further 
north;  so  that  through  the  wandering  Indian  tribes,  such  as 
the  Comanches  and  even  the  Sioux,  the  French  would  learn 
of  the  presence  of  the  Spaniards,  and  the  Spaniards  would 
learn  of  the  growing  power  of  the  French.  This  led  to 
a fuller  occupation  of  the  Texas  plains  by  the  Spaniards, 
while,  on  the  other  hand,  it  led  the  French  to  push  as  far  up 
Red  and  Arkansas  Rivers  as  they  could  to  anticipate  their 
rivals.  Louisiana  was  to  be  confined  to  the  region  east  of 
the  Rocky  Mountains,  and  in  the  south  the  Spaniards  were 
to  hold  to  Sabine  River;  but  for  a long  time  this  was 
open  to  question  on  both  sides,  and  each  nation  tried  to  push 
its  borders  as  far  forward  as  possible  before  the  other  de- 
veloped strength.  The  crucial  points,  therefore,  might  be 
the  Red,  Arkansas,  and  even  the  Missouri  basins,  and,  as  it 
turned  out,  on  the  first  was  the  main  tug  of  war. 

Gravier  in  1700  said  the  French  already  talk  much  of 
Red  River,  and  Penicaut  on  his  return  from  Minnesota 
heard  of  an  expedition  of  Bienville  and  Saint-Denis  up  what 
was  then  called  the  Marne  to  learn  the  eastern  limit  of  New 
Mexico,  the  old  Spanish  colony,  as  well  as  to  see  if  there 


28o 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


were  any  mines.  They  went  as  far  as  the  Nassitoches 
[Natchitoches]  and  the  Cadodaquious,  and  found  no  mines; 
but  at  least  they  found  no  Spaniards,  although  legend  placed 
the  death  of  De  Soto  at  the  mouth  of  Red  River  and  they 
learned  that  Spaniards  sometimes  came  thus  far.  High  water 
interfered,  and  fuller  exploration  was  left  for  Saint-Denis 
some  years  later. 

Louis  de  Saint-Denis  was  a lieutenant  at  the  first  fort 
guarding  the  Mississippi  until  it  was  abandoned,  when  he 
settled  in  Mobile,  and  soon,  not  receiving  his  pay,  moved 
to  Biloxi.  In  1 71 1 he  seems  to  have  been  at  New  Mobile, 
for  on  the  interesting  plan  of  that  date  lately  discovered  he  is 
assigned  a regular  city  lot  on  the  tree-shaded  parade,  imme- 
diately facing  the  palisaded  fort.  His  peculiar  talents  were 
well  known,  and  when  by  letters  patent  Louisiana  was 
leased  to  Crozat,  and  La  Mothe  Cadillac  from  Detroit 
succeeded  Bienville  as  governor,  a new  field  was  opened  to 
Saint-Denis. 

La  Salle,  in  his  argument  to  the  French  government  for 
establishing  Louisiana,  represented  that  it  would  be  within 
striking  distance  of  the  Mexican  mines,  but  we  have  seen 
that  he  lived  to  find  between  the  Mississippi  and  Mexico  a 
vast  region  of  which  he  had  not  dreamed.  In  his  day  the 
Spaniards  had  made  no  settlement  in  the  district  north  of 
the  Rio  Grande,  and  it  may  be  doubted  whether  they  had 
really  explored  it  except  along  the  coast.  But  this  was 
within  their  Florida,  or  at  least  New  Filipinas,  and  his  settle- 
ment at  Matagorda  Bay  was  the  first  indication  of  conflict- 
ing boundaries.  La  Salle  was  murdered  early  in  1687,  and, 
despite  attempts  of  the  Spaniards  from  Mexico  to  find  it, 
his  colony  lived  on  for  possibly  two  years  longer,  when 
it  was  exterminated  by  the  Indians.  Those  of  this  part  of 
the  country  were  apparently  a loose  confederacy  generally 
called  Tejas,  or  Texas,  while  further  to  the  west  were  the 
Apaches  and  Comanches.  After  ascertaining  the  extinc- 
tion of  La  Salle’s  colony,  the  Spaniards  undertook  several 
expeditions  under  Captain  Alonzo  de  Leon,  accompanied 


FRANCO-SPANISH  RELATIONS 


281 


by  Franciscan  padres.  They  found  several  of  La  Salle’s 
Frenchmen  living  among  the  Indians,  and  in  1690  estab- 
lished the  mission  of  San  Francisco  de  los  Tejas  to  the  east 
of  Trinity  River  and  possibly  not  far  from  the  scene  of 
La  Salle’s  death.  This  lasted  only  three  years,  and  although 
these  entradas  gave  the  country  the  name  of  Texas  there 
was  little  or  nothing  of  real  colonization  beyond  the  mission 
of  San  Juan  Bautista  near  the  Rio  Grande  in  1700,  although 
different  padres  were  at  sundry  times  among  the  Asinais  and 
other  tribes  to  the  northeast.  One  of  the  padres  in  1711 
invited  Cadillac  to  help  to  establish  a mission,  and  Louis  de 
Saint-Denis  was  sent  at  the  head  of  an  expedition  to  open 
communication.  It  is  possible  he  had  been  even  to  the  Rio 
Grande  before,  and,  at  all  events,  now  took  goods  of  ten 
thousand  livres  in  value  for  sale  in  Mexico.  He  left  his 
goods  at  Natchitoches  village,  and  spent  some  time  trading 
among  the  Asinais.  After  reporting  to  Cadillac  at  Natchez, 
Saint-Denis  went  further  and  reached  the  mission  of  San 
Juan  Bautista  or  the  neighboring  presidio  on  the  Rio  Grande 
where  Diego  Ramon — in  French  “ Raimond  ” — was  in  com- 
mand. Ramon  received  instructions  to  send  Saint-Denis 
to  Mexico,  and  the  result  was  that  a younger  Ramon  was 
ordered  to  establish  missions  as  far  north  as  the  Tejas 
Indians.  Penicaut’s  account  dwells  largely  on  the  romantic 
attachment  and  marriage  of  Saint-Denis  to  the  daughter 
of  Ramon,  and  omits  the  important  fact  that  he  returned 
with  the  Spaniards  and  was  in  their  pay.  The  details  are 
obscure.  The  Spaniards  by  Saint-Denis’s  advice  desired  to 
place  the  boundary  at  the  Mississippi,  while  in  a letter 
to  Cadillac  he  suggested  placing  it  at  the  Rio  Grande.  It 
looks  as  if  Saint-Denis  faced  both  ways,  and  the  net  result 
of  his  action  was  that  the  Spaniards  occupied  the  country 
up  to  the  valley  of  Sabine  River. 

La  Harpe  founded  a French  post  among  the  Nassonites 
above  Natchitoches  and  in  1719  engaged  in  a cordial  corre- 
spondence with  Padre  Margil,  superior  of  the  Spanish  mis- 
sions, and  it  seems  that  a clandestine  trade  was  the  result. 


282 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


There  were  six  of  these  Texas  missions,  the  furthest  to  the 
east  being  at  the  Adaes,  founded  about  1717.  The  map  of 
this  year  of  the  oydor  of  the  royal  treasury  of  Mexico,  based 
on  explorations  at  the  instance  of  the  viceroy,  shows  the 
coast  and  the  interior  from  Vera  Cruz  around  to  Pensacola. 
With  the  perspective  natural  to  a Mexican,  the  Rio  Grande 
appears  in  great  detail  from  Santa  Fe  near  its  sources  in  the 
mountains  down  to  the  Gulf,  while  the  Mississippi  is  shown 
as  rather  a small  stream,  hardly  longer,  although  wider, 
than  Trinity  River,  upon  which  is  a presidio  of  the  Tejas. 
Natchitoches  does  not  appear,  and,  indeed,  while  four  or  five 
settlements  seem  to  be  indicated,  two  of  these  are  on  the 
Bay  of  Espiritu  Santo  and  they  have  no  names.  A French 
fort  is  indicated  on  the  Mississippi  below  the  St.  Jean,  but 
the  nearest  of  the  French  posts  with  a name  is  Mobile. 
The  Texan  rivers  are  given  elaborately,  but  the  natural 
inference  from  the  map  is  that,  whatever  might  be  planned, 
the  only  place  actually  occupied  north  of  the  Rio  Grande 
at  this  time  was  the  presidio  of  the  Tejas. 

Saint-Denis  afterward  undertook  another  expedition,  with 
Canadian  associates  named  Graveline,  De  Lery,  De  La 
Fresniere,  Beaulieu  freres,  and  Derbanne,  who  carried  forty- 
three  thousand  two  hundred  livres  of  goods  for  trade  via 
Natchitoches.  Don  Martin  de  Alarcon, — in  French  “Alar- 
comme,” — captain-general  and  governor  of  the  province  of 
Texas,  arrested  Saint-Denis  and  confiscated  the  goods,  and 
his  companions  turned  back;  but  he  finally  obtained  release 
for  himself  and  property,  sold  it  privately  to  advantage,  and 
returned  to  Dauphine  Island  in  March,  1719. 

The  net  result  was  that  commerce  between  the  Spaniards 
and  the  French  was  not  authorized,  but  to  some  extent  was 
carried  on  in  secret  between  Natchitoches  and  the  adjacent 
Spanish  missions.  The  short  war  between  France  and  Spain 
(1719),  when  Pensacola  was  captured,  led  to  the  abandon- 
ment of  the  Texas  frontier,  but  whatever  demonstration 
there  was  by  Blondel  at  Natchitoches  was  apologized  for  at 
the  dictation  of  La  Harpe,  and  the  missions  were  restored. 


FRANCO-SPANISH  RELATIONS 


283 

Indeed,  Aguayo  in  1721  built  the  new  fort  of  Pilar  among 
the  Adaes,  as  well  as  restored  the  presidio  of  Tejas.  The 
French  protested  against  Forts  Pilar  and  Bahia,  but  Saint- 
Denis,  who  was  now  in  command  at  Natchitoches,  took  no 
active  steps  in  the  matter. 

The  entente  between  France  and  Spain  prevented  any 
further  conflict  on  the  Texas  border.  In  1735  the  French 
moved  their  fort  of  Natchitoches  from  an  island  in  the 
river  to  the  mainland  and  thus  nearer  to  Pilar,  which  pro- 
voked some  discussion;  and  in  the  same  way,  as  late  as 
1756,  the  Spaniards  established  a new  presidio  at  Orcoquisac 
on  Trinity  River,  against  which  the  French  in  their  turn 
protested.  Nothing  came  of  either  protest,  both  were  to 
some  extent  for  the  sake  of  form,  and  there  is  no  reason 
to  doubt  that  the  frontier  military  remained  on  good  terms 
and  that  trade  was  quietly  carried  on  between  the  two  posts 
all  the  time. 

We  find  the  Natchitoches  question  complicated  with  that 
of  the  Spanish  boundary  on  the  coast,  where  the  French 
claim  dated  from  La  Salle’s  settlement  on  Matagorda  or 
St.  Bernard’s  Bay.  As  early  as  1707  the  French  court  had  v 
ordered  stakes  \_poteaux~\  planted,  with  the  royal  arms  affixed, 
at  the  eastern  and  western  limits  of  Louisiana.  When  the 
king  ceded  the  province  to  the  Compagnie,  it  was  with  the 
power  of  making  forts,  and  they  determined  to  establish  one 
at  the  Bay  of  St.  Bernard.  Bienville  accordingly  in  1721 
made  La  Harpe  commandant  of  the  proposed  post,  and 
sent  him  with  twenty  soldiers  to  set  up  the  royal  arms 
and  build  a fort  to  repel  attack.  Simars  de  Belle  Isle  had 
been  wrecked  there  in  the  Mar'echal  d’ Estr'ees,  and  showed 
the  way.  La  Harpe  returned  with  a glowing  report,  but  as 
the  Indians  were  hostile  Bienville  abandoned  the  idea  of 
making  so  distant  a settlement  at  a time  when  men  and 
ships  were  needed  nearer  home.  But  it  resulted  in  confin- 
ing the  boundary  forever  to  the  Sabine,  for  the  active  Aguayo 
appeared  in  the  same  year  and  established  the  presidio  of 
La  Bahia  on  the  site  of  La  Salle’s  Fort  St.  Louis.  Earlier, 


284 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


\ 


V 


\, 


the  Spaniards  had  burned  the  old  French  settlement,  and 
Aguayo’s  action  not  only  fixed  the  Spanish  occupation  in 
this  direction,  but  kept  open  what  was  esteemed  the  best 
port  at  that  time  known  on  the  coast  of  Texas. 

On  the  other  side,  there  was  the  boundary  with  Florida. 
At  the  beginning,  of  course,  Spain  had  not  recognized  that 
there  was  any  Louisiana  at  all,  and  even  while  the  tempo- 
rary settlement  still  existed  at  Biloxi  the  Spanish  governor 
from  Pensacola  had  come  and  made  due  protest.  A trace 
of  the  dispute  still  survives  in  the  name  of  one  of  the  out- 
lets of  the  Alabama-Tombigbee  system,  for  Spanish  River 
apparently  marks  the  western  claim  of  Florida.  French 
occupancy  of  both  shores  of  Mobile  Bay,  and  gradually  of 
all  tributary  streams,  however,  made  the  Perdido  the  final 
boundary,  and  it  was  near  here  that  Bienville  established 
a boundary  post  or  pillar  marking  the  east  line  of  Louisiana 
about  the  time  that  he  did  so  at  St.  Bernard’s  Bay  on  the  west. 

The  history  of  Pensacola  was  different  from  that  of 
almost  every  other  post  with  which  we  have  been  con- 
cerned. All  these  were  in  the  nature  of  mother  cities 
from  which  other  colonies  went  out,  gradually  develop- 
ing into  quasi-States  or  else,  failing  to  obtain  a foothold, 
disappearing,  and  in  their  abandonment  involving  the  com- 
munity of  their  origin.  We  have  found  it  difficult  to 
account  perfectly  for  the  origin  of  Pensacola.  The  later 
Spanish  tradition  was  that  Tristan  de  Luna  was  the  first 
settler,  and  certainly  Tristan’s  short-lived  experiment  was 
somewhere  between  Mobile  and  Pensacola  Bays,  but  it 
was  ephemeral,  valuable  only  as  giving  the  Spaniards  a little 
advantage  in  time  over  the  French  settlers  on  the  Atlantic. 
Don  Andres  de  Pes  was  there  in  1693,  and  added  the  title 
of  the  Mexican  viceroy,  Galvez,  to  the  name  of  Santa  Maria, 
and  perhaps  he  colonized  and  fortified  it,  as  the  Spanish 
claimed.  The  French  speak  of  its  being  first  occupied  only 
a few  months  before  Iberville  passed,  but  the  Spanish  are 
unanimous  in  dating  its  settlement  at  least  back  to  Arriola, 
in  1696.  Whenever  founded,  it  remained  only  a fort,  with 


FRANCO-SPANISH  RELATIONS 


285 


no  town  about  it  worthy  of  the  name.  Gardens  were  hardly 
known,  and  but  for  a little  trade  and  exchange  with  the 
French  at  Mobile  the  place  could  hardly  have  continued  at 
all.  At  one  time  Governor  Guzman  spent  four  days  at 
Mobile,  and  some  years  later  he  was  a witness  at  a baptism 
there,  attesting  the  register  with  a bold  hand  as  Dom 
Joseph.  Penicaut  tells  us  that  on  one  such  occasion  Guzman 
was  received  with  salutes  and  entertained  in  great  state. 
He  was  godfather  at  a christening,  and  distributed  money 
as  largess  with  a generous  hand.  Prisoners  were  released 
in  his  honor,  and  at  his  departure  he  was  speeded  by  salutes. 
During  the  war  with  Spain  we  saw  that  Pensacola  was 
captured  twice  by  the  French,  Chateauguay  being  left  there 
by  the  latter  and  afterward  captured  by  the  Spaniards.  On 
the  restoration  of  peace  it  came  again  under  the  Spanish 
flag,  and  was  never  afterward  disturbed  by  the  French.  The 
place  cannot  be  said  to  have  flourished  greatly  under  the 
Spanish,  and  always  remained  an  outlying  post,  holding 
the  country  perhaps,  but  at  no  time  the  centre  of  a growing 
district.  Its  nearest  neighbor  was  Appalachee,  over  a hundred 
miles  to  the  east,  from  which  a longer  road  went  overland 
to  St.  Augustine. 

At  one  time  it  seemed  as  if  the  Spaniards  at  Pensacola 
might  become  merely  an  enclave  in  a larger  Louisiana,  for 
in  the  old  reports  and  maps  we  often  find  a notice  of  the 
French  at  St.  Joseph’s  Bay,  as  we  also  find  the  English  as 
settled  in  the  same  neighborhood.  The  two  items  may  refer 
to  the  same  thing,  as  there  are  indications  that  the  French 
in  question  were  Protestant  refugees  brought  from  England, 
and  so  being  in  one  sense  English  and  French  at  the  same 
time.  This  note  of  an  English  settlement  is  found  on  a 
map  made  or  used  by  La  Salle  himself;  and  even  Iberville, 
in  discussing  the  report  of  the  projected  English  colony  on 
the  Espiritu  Santo,  declares  that  it  was  the  river  known  to 
us  as  the  Appalachicola.  There  is  some  uncertainty  as 
to  how  far  this  settlement  was  carried  out,  and,  at  all 
events,  if  made  it  was  not  lasting.  In  1718  the  French  did 


286 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


establish  there  a fort  and  colony,  but  this  was  temporary 
also,  and  next  year  we  find  the  Spaniards  in  possession  under 
Baraona.  In  fact,  after  the  acknowledgment  of  the  French 
right  to  colonize  Louisiana  there  was,  with  the  exception 
of  the  Pensacola  war,  little  or  no  friction  between  the  French 
and  Spaniards  in  America. 

The  rapprochetnent  between  the  French  and  the  Spanish 
in  Europe,  we  have  seen,  was  due  to  similarity  of  origin  and 
institutions.  In  the  same  way  the  colonial  systems  of  the 
two  were  not  unlike.  Neither  was  a conscious  imitation 
of  the  other,  but  both  were  founded  on  the  double  idea  that 
the  colonies  were  designed  not  to  develop  independent  com- 
munities, but  as  outposts  to  hold  territory  for  the  mother 
country,  and  that  the  plan  upon  which  they  were  to  be 
administered  was  by  military  officials  sent  from  home  either 
with  definite  instructions  under  which  to  rule,  or  with  auto- 
cratic powers  of  government.  There  was  no  intention 
of  founding  a popular  State,  as  had  been  the  case  with  Vir- 
ginia. In  fact,  there  was  no  popular  condition  known  in 
France  or  in  Spain,  and  it  would  be  expecting  too  much  to 
think  that  the  stream  could  rise  higher  than  its  source. 
Really  it  rose  much  lower  than  its  source,  for  the  rulers  at 
home  at  least  had  custom,  law,  and  old  institutions  upon 
which  to  build,  while  the  provincial  administrators  had  to 
do  the  best  they  could  in  a strange  country,  with  enemies 
both  red  and  white,  and  hampered  by  the  neglect  or  the  in- 
ability of  their  superiors  at  home.  At  the  same  time,  there 
were  reasons  for  this  which  we  are  apt  to  overlook  in  think- 
ing only  of  the  American  side  pf  colonization.  The  home 
country  would  send  out  an  expedition  well  equipped  in  every 
respect,  or,  at  least,  so  far  as  could  be  determined  at  home 
by  orders  and  powers  for  full  equipment,  and  yet  directions 
might  not  be  carried  out,  or  a war  might  break  out  and  sever 
communications,  or  storms  wreck  vessels,  and  disease  carry 
off  men.  So  that  the  best-laid  plans  would  fail  of  execution 
from  causes  beyond  the  foresight  or  control  of  even  the 
most  absolute  monarch.  We  have  seen  the  same  thing 


FRANCO-SPANISH  RELATIONS 


287 


time  and  again  happen  to  the  colonies  of  Great  Britain,  and 
that  they  only  gradually  worked  out  their  own  salvation. 
With  the  Latin  communities  there  was  even  less  success, 
and  one  of  the  causes  of  this  was  that  absolute  govern- 
ments kept  the  people  subjects  rather  than  citizens,  with  no 
desire  for  better  institutions,  because  ignorant  that  they  were 
possible.  The  French  and  Spaniards  have  been  conquerors 
rather  than  colonizers,  and  their  form  of  colonial  adminis- 
tration was  largely  along  military  lines  even  as  regards  their 
own  people.  Thus  the  Spanish  commandant  was  both  civil 
and  military  governor,  with  almost  absolute  powers,  although 
nominally  the  civil  ciudad  was  different  from  the  military 
presidio.  For  although  the  ciudad  had  a municipal  council 
[ayuntamientoj , practically  the  colonists  found  all  legislation 
made  to  hand  at  home  without  their  initiative.  They  were 
not  expected  to  legislate,  but  to  obey,  and,  as  happens  with 
almost  every  unused  function,  they  soon  forgot  the  use  of 
what  was  denied  them.  At  the  same  time,  human  nature  is 
not  completely  submissive  in  any  clime  or  under  any  insti- 
tution. The  pride  of  the  Spaniard  will  bow  to  the  king, 
but  not  to  his  fellow  officers.  The  loquacious  French- 
man will  seemingly  carry  out  royal  orders,  but  will  report 
any  defects  of  his  fellow  officials.  So  habitual  was  this 
even  at  home  that  suspicion  became  erected  into  a system. 
From  Richelieu’s  time  the  old  system  of  territorial  aristoc- 
racy found  itself  gradually  supplanted  by  a bureaucracy 
instituted  in  the  name  of  the  king,  and  the  chief  of  these 
new  officials  were  the  intendants  of  the  various  provinces. 
There  coexisted  the  noble,  perhaps  nominally  the  king’s 
lieutenant,  but  the  intendant  was  really  the  man  in  the 
saddle,  actually  managing  everything  and  reporting  on  even 
the  nobility.  The  same  plan  was  carried  out  in  the  new 
colonies,  which  sprang  up  at  this  time.  What  had  some 
justification  in  the  condition  of  affairs  in  France  and  in  the 
king’s  desire  to  build  up  a centralized  government  at  the  ex- 
pense of  the  old  nobles  was  without  excuse  in  the  colonies ; 
for  both  colonial  intendant  and  governor  were  mere  officials 


288 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


of  the  king,  and  their  differences  resulted  in  anything  but 
centralization.  As  Louis  XIV.  grew  older,  however,  his 
system  of  espionage  grew  more  perfect,  and  the  plan  was 
continued  under  his  less  able  but  not  less  suspicious  suc- 
cessors. If  it  grew  to  such  a point  in  France,  it  was  only 
a fuller  development  of  what  had  long  prevailed  under  the 
absolute  government  of  Spain,  and  gradually  the  colonial 
administrations  on  the  north  shore  of  the  Gulf  became 
almost  identical.  The  governor  had  charge  of  the  military, 
and  the  ordonnateur , or  intendant , of  supplies,  and,  under  the 
Spanish,  more  particularly  of  lands ; and  in  endeavoring  to 
report  the  doings  of  each  other  they  were  almost  always  in 
opposition.  This  to  a large  extent  prevented  advance  of  the 
colonies. 

Another  fact  strikes  us  in  the  study  of  the  Latin  settle- 
ments. Among  the  English  we  have  found  a constantly 
increasing  immigration.  In  Virginia  at  first  those  that 
died  outnumbered  those  surviving,  and  yet  the  tide  still 
kept  up  until  finally  there  was  a self-supporting  community. 
Measurably,  the  same  thing  is  true  of  the  other  English 
colonies,  but  with  the  French  we  find  that  few  came  except 
at  the  beginning,  and  the  rate  of  increase  was  smaller  among 
those  who  did  come  than  on  the  Atlantic.  Even  more 
marked  was  this  among  the  Spaniards  of  Florida,  although 
a comparison  in  this  regard  is  unfair.  We  must  remember 
that  Mexico  was  the  centre  of  Spanish  influence  in  North 
America,  and  that  Texas  and  Florida  were  remote  outposts 
rather  than  established  colonies.  There  was,  after  Menen- 
dez’s  time,  little  attempt  by  the  Spaniards  to  colonize 
Florida,  as  it  was  looked  upon  more  as  a military  establish- 
ment, increasing  gradually,  to  be  sure,  but  rather  by  natural 
growth  than  immigration.  This  was  not  true  of  Louisiana, 
for  that  was  intended  as  a main  French  colony,  on  which 
blood  and  money  were  expended  and  toward  which  people 
were  freely  sent.  But  we  are  met  at  this  point  with  the 
striking  ethnological  fact  that  the  rate  of  increase  among 
these  Latin  races  was  already  smaller  than  among  the 


James  Edward  Oglethorpe.  From  the  engraving 
by  W.  Greatback,  after  an  original  in  possession  of 
George  IVymberly  Jones. 


FRANCO-SPANISH  RELATIONS 


289 


Teutonic.  This  we  have  only  lately  begun  to  appreciate, 
but  its  beginnings  go  back  to  the  time  of  Louis  XIV.  The 
French  race  then  expanded  rapidly  all  over  the  world,  but 
its  weakness  was  soon  apparent.  The  birth  rate  was  smaller 
and  France  could  spare  few  emigrants  in  proportion  to  that 
warren  across  the  English  Channel.  In  energy  the  compari- 
son would  be  perhaps  in  favor  of  the  French,  but  whether 
from  overcivilization  or  other  causes  the  increase  of  the 
French  both  at  home  and  abroad  was  less  than  that  of  their 
Teutonic  rivals.  The  important  effect  of  this  upon  the 
history  of  the  world  was  not  foreseen,  for  even  the  fact  was 
not  then  known. 

As  things  stood,  England  and  France  were  face  to  face  in 
America,  and  the  result  could  not  be  guessed.  The  stronger 
centralization  of  the  Latin  institutions  enabled  them  to 
handle  whatever  armed  population  they  had  with  greater 
ease  and  greater  effect  than  the  slow,  more  independent 
English.  Even  the  coureurs  among  the  woods  could  be  sent 
backward  and  forward  better  than  the  English  hunters.  The 
only  need  on  the  Latin  side  was  leaders,  for  the  training  and 
intuition  of  the  people  made  them  good  soldiers.  Such  a 
system,  whatever  its  defects,  was  one  that  was  strong  in 
time  of  war,  and  war  was  more  than  a possibility. 


CHAPTER  XV 


THE  ANGLO-SPANISH  BORDER 

The  time  had  come  when  the  Spanish  settlements  of 
Florida  were  to  have  a trial  of  strength  with  the  British 
of  Carolina.  Hostility  there  had  always  been,  for  we  have 
found  repeated  instances  of  it;  but  this  was  at  the  founda- 
tion of  the  British  settlements,  and  now  they  had  grown  as 
strong  as  St.  Augustine  and  were  able  to  take  care  of  them- 
selves even  without  assistance  from  England.  There  was 
no  longer  the  question  of  wiping  out  an  isolated  French 
fort  as  in  Ribault’s  time,  or  even  of  cutting  off  a sickly 
Virginia  post.  The  English  had  become  well  established, 
and  Spanish  maps  which  had  the  names  of  Santa  Maria  Bay 
for  the  Chesapeake  and  Chicora  for  the  adjacent  country  had 
to  recognize  the  existence  of  the  province  of  “Vyrgynea” 
and  line  the  watercourses  with  English  instead  of  Spanish 
names.  Even  Santa  Helena  was  no  longer  the  centre  of 
active  civilization.  It  was  still  the  principal  place  in  what 
Spain  called  the  province  of  Orysta,  but  the  Spaniards  retired 
as  Carolina  extended  in  this  direction,  and  when  Lord  Car- 
dross  established  his  Stuarttown  there  is  little  record  of 
Spanish  inhabitants. 

Neither  Spain  nor  England  held  the  commanding  posi- 
tion which  they  had  once  occupied,  but  they  were  the  lead- 
ing powers  in  America,  and  in  1670  found  it  necessary  to 
make  a treaty  as  to  their  possessions  there.  The  phraseol- 
ogy was  not  so  definite  as  the  Spanish  interpretation.  The 

291 


292 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


seventh  article  recognized  possessions  as  they  then  existed, 
each  power  agreeing  not  to  claim  further  and  not  to  trade 
with  the  ports  of  the  other.  To  the  Spaniards  this  meant 
the  latitude  of  thirty-three  degrees  as  the  line  between  the 
opposing  colonizations.  The  charter  boundary  of  Carolina 
had  once  been  the  line  of  twenty-nine,  although  it  was  even 
more  nominal  than  the  Spanish  claim  to  the  north.  The 
Carolinians  had  never  sought  to  make  it  effective,  and  prac- 
tically considered  the  boundary  as  St.  John’s  River,  at  about 
thirty-one  degrees.  The  Spaniards,  however,  were  more 
insistent  on  their  claim  and  ever  ready  to  resent  encroach- 
ments below  the  line  of  thirty-three.  So  that  the  question  of 
uti  possidetis  in  1670  was  bound  to  give  trouble.  Thus  when 
Lord  Cardross  established  his  Scots  at  Port  Royal,  an  expe- 
dition from  St.  Augustine  in  1686  exterminated  them  with 
a completeness  recalling  the  time  of  Menendez.  The  Caro- 
linians had  to  content  themselves  with  a lame  apology  from 
St.  Augustine,  because  the  Catholic  leaning  of  James  II. 
made  him  loath  to  risk  a breach  with  Spain.  The  privilege 
of  furnishing  the  Spanish  colonies  with  slaves  under  the 
asiento  had  not  yet  come  to  England,  and  it  was  not  until  the 
Peace  of  Utrecht  that  she  even  obtained  the  right  to  send 
one  ship  annually;  but  there  was  large  profit  in  this  traffic 
in  human  beings,  and  it  influenced  diplomacy  even  after  the 
accession  of  William  of  Orange. 

It  is  not  quite  clear  to  what  extent  Guale  and  Orysta 
were  actually  occupied  at  the  end  of  the  seventeenth  cen- 
tury. Certainly  there  was  little  beyond  a few  settlements 
on  the  coast  or  on  the  islands  and  an  occasional  mission 
among  the  Indians  of  the  interior.  At  the  same  time,  it  is 
entirely  wrong  to  think  of  the  Spanish  claim  as  nominal  and 
based  only  on  the  work  of  early  explorers  like  De  Ayllon. 
Maps  and  accounts  existed  of  De  Soto’s  journey,  and  Pardo’s 
exploration  had  been  somewhat  also  in  the  line  of  settlement 
far  into  the  interior.  Mines  were  still  worked  in  the  moun- 
tains of  what  are  now  Georgia  and  Carolina,  and  intercourse 
held  with  the  natives  from  the  Apalaches  on  the  Gulf  to 


THE  ANGLO-SPANISH  BORDER 


293 


the  Cherokees  and  neighboring  nations  at  the  head  of  the 
Atlantic  rivers.  The  time  had  passed,  if  indeed  it  ever 
existed  to  the  extent  often  stated,  when  the  Spaniards 
made  of  the  Indians  beasts  of  burden.  More  civilizing 
influences  had  been  at  work,  and  the  self-sacrificing  priests 
of  the  different  orders  had  never  wholly  ceased  their  labors. 
Their  missions  were  more  extensive  than  those  of  the  French 
to  the  west,  and  added  to  presidio  and  ciudad  a third  form  of 
settlement.  At  the  same  time,  the  very  adoption  of  a parallel 
of  latitude  as  a boundary  showed  how  little  was  really 
known  of  America  and  how  little  was  made  of  it  in  Europe. 
Such  a parallel  cut  the  Gulf  rivers  off  from  their  sources,  and 
this  was  even  more  striking  in  the  case  of  those  emptying 
into  the  Atlantic.  The  real  boundary  of  Atlantic  settle- 
ments should  be  to  the  northwest,  where  the  mountains 
separated  the  headwaters  of  their  streams  from  those  flowing 
toward  the  Ohio  and  Mississippi. 

The  province  or  district  of  Guale  had  a later  history 
than  Orysta.  The  principal  Spanish  settlement  was  on  the 
island  of  San  Simon,  and  this  was,  so  to  speak,  the  capital  of 
the  province,  and  the  northernmost  was  the  island  of  Sapala, 
or  Sapelo,  whose  inhabitants  retired  with  those  of  Santa 
Helena  to  San  Simon.  We  are  told  that  Santa  Cruz,  near 
the  southern  boundary  of  Guale,  remained  occupied  by 
Spaniards  and  Timuqua  Indians  until  the  beginning  of  the 
eighteenth  century,  and  that  the  same  was  true  of  Santa 
Maria  and  San  Pedro,  thus  indicating  the  claim  and  occu- 
pancy of  both  mainland  and  island  off  the  coast  up  to 
that  time. 

During  the  latter  part  of  the  seventeenth  century  we  recall 
that  the  English  and  Spanish  courts  drew  closer  together, 
both  on  account  of  the  religious  proclivities  of  the  Stuarts 
and  because  of  French  assaults  upon  the  Low  Countries,  in 
which  both  Spain  and  England  had  interests.  All  this  was 
changed  by  the  War  of  the  Spanish  Succession,  which 
began  upon  the  death  of  the  Spanish  Charles  II.  and  his 
devise  of  Spain  to  Philip  V.  Almost  all  the  rest  of  Europe 


294 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


armed  to  keep  the  grandson  of  Louis  XIV.  off  the  peninsular 
throne,  and  the  brilliant  contest  was  to  last  until  the  Peace 
of  Utrecht  in  1713.  The  aim  of  this  Grand  Alliance  was 
to  partition  the  outlying  portions  of  the  Spanish  empire,  and 
Spain  and  France  fought  vigorously  against  dismemberment. 
It  behooved  Carolina  to  look  to  her  southern  frontier. 

Even  before  the  declaration  of  war  in  Europe  the  Caro- 
linians and  the  Spaniards  of  Florida  were  in  open  conflict. 
The  Spaniards  moved  first  and  led  nine  hundred  Apalaches 
to  the  invasion  of  Carolina;  the  English,  however,  had 
the  address  to  set  on  the  Creeks  as  the  enemy  passed 
through  their  country,  and  the  invaders  were  crushed  at 
Flint  River. 

War  was  inevitable  anyhow,  but  it  would  seem  as  if 
this  Indian  expedition  determined  the  Carolinians  to  act 
promptly.  Governor  Moore  induced  the  Assembly  to  vote 
^2,000,  and  six  hundred  militia,  and  a number  of  Indians 
were  to  constitute  an  invading  force.  They  rendezvoused 
at  Port  Royal  in  September,  1702,  and  thence  embarked 
in  ten  vessels.  Some  under  Colonel  Daniel  proceeded  by 
land  and  by  way  of  St.  John’s  River  took  St.  Augustine 
from  the  rear,  which  they  sacked  without  opposition  because 
the  inhabitants  had  retired  to  the  fort  of  San  Marcos.  As 
agreed,  Governor  Moore’s  fleet  entered  the  harbor,  and  the 
Carolinians  laid  siege  to  the  castle.  The  cannon  of  the  at- 
tacking force  were  of  too  small  calibre,  and  Moore  had  to 
send  to  Jamaica  for  mortars  and  bombs,  at  first  by  some 
inefficient  vessel  and  afterward  by  Colonel  Daniel  himself ; 
but  two  small  Spanish  vessels  came  before  the  English 
brought  their  guns,  and  Moore  incontinently  raised  the 
siege.  He  burned  the  town,  and  indeed  vessels  of  his  own 
fleet,  and  retired  by  land  to  Charlestown  with  slaves  and 
church  plate — and  a debt  of  ,£6,000.  When  Daniel  re- 
turned from  Jamaica  with  cannon  all  was  over,  and  he  with 
difficulty  escaped  capture  by  the  Spaniards. 

Sir  Nathaniel  Johnson  was  appointed  governor  instead 
of  Moore,  whose  failure  had  made  him  unpopular,  but  the 


THE  ANGLO-SPANISH  BORDER 


295 


ex-governor  remained  influential,  and  soon  another  force, 
a thousand  Indians  and  fifty  English,  invaded  Florida.  This 
time  the  Carolinians  did  not  go  to  St.  Augustine,  but  laid 
waste  the  Spanish  possessions  far  and  near.  Possibly  the 
most  extensive  raid  was  that  against  the  Apalaches  in  re- 
venge for  their  invasion  a few  years  before,  and  hardly 
anything  was  left  of  this  once  flourishing  country  beyond 
smoking  ruins  and  fleeing  inhabitants.  Moore  destroyed  at 
least  eight  towns,  and  returned  with  the  usual  booty  of 
church  plate  and  slaves.  Some  of  the  fugitives  from  the 
Apalache  country,  we  may  recall,  fled  as  far  as  Mobile, 
where  they  were  warmly  received  by  Bienville  and  given  a 
location  near  his  new  fort,  and  they  named  their  new  home 
St.  Louis,  like  their  old.  Others  went  to  St.  Augustine,  and 
in  course  of  time  many  went  back  to  their  old  homes, 
but  the  glory  of  the  nation  that  had  been  the  first  fruits  of 
Spanish  civilization  and  had  made  so  great  an  impress  upon 
the  geography  of  America  was  gone  forever. 

It  was  soon  seen,  however,  that  invasion  was  not  the  role 
of  the  English  alone.  After  three  years  of  recuperation 
the  Spaniards,  in  conjunction  with  the  French,  with  whom 
they  were  then  in  alliance,  prepared  an  expedition.  It  is 
not  clear  to  what  extent  aid  came  from  Louisiana,  but  we 
may  be  sure  that  Bienville  would  not  be  slow  to  help  on 
the  cause  if  possible.  At  all  events,  in  August,  1706,  a 
privateer  suddenly  brought  the  news  to  the  Carolinians  that 
a French  and  Spanish  fleet  was  on  the  way  to  attack  them. 
Charlestown  itself  was  almost  desolated  by  yellow  fever, 
but  the  governor  defied  the  foe  that  moved  upon  him  from 
the  landside,  and  repulsed  attacks  upon  the  adjacent  islands. 
As  for  the  threatened  danger  from  the  marine  force,  the 
Carolinians,  who  have  never  waited  to  be  attacked,  sent  out 
a fleet  under  Colonel  Rhett  against  the  Latin  foe.  One 
vessel  was  captured  with  two  hundred  men ; as  for  the  rest, 
they  had  earlier  sailed  away,  not  stopping  to  exchange  fire. 
Charlestown  had  repulsed  the  first  of  the  three  naval  attacks 
known  in  her  history. 


296 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


It  sounds  incredible  that  a fleet  of  French  and  Spaniards 
should  cross  the  ocean  to  attack  an  enemy,  and  flee  without 
a blow  before  a militia  squadron.  Unfortunately,  we  have 
not  the  story  of  the  other  side  to  correct  that  of  the  victors ; 
but,  at  all  events,  the  contest  was  decided  in  favor  of  the 
English,  and  Carolina  was  free  from  invasion  once  more. 
Yet  the  contest  was  indecisive,  for  the  Carolinians  could 
not  capture  the  fort  of  San  Marcos  any  more  than  the  Span- 
iards could  take  Charlestown.  We  find  from  the  first  year 
of  the  war  Spaniards  retiring  from  the  sea  islands  toward 
St.  Augustine.  Even  San  Simon  was  abandoned,  and  in 
1706  the  English  found  the  way  open  to  build  a tower  and 
place  artillery  on  San  Pedro,  while  on  the  adjacent  island 
of  Ballenas  they  established  a small  fort  of  posts  and  boards. 
They  had  reoccupied  Port  Royal  and  on  it  built  a fort 
named  St.  George,  whose  importance  and  influence  even 
among  the  interior  tribes  is  shown  by  the  report  which  early 
reached  Bienville  that  emissaries  from  it  were  crossing  the 
mountains  and  descending  the  streams  leading  into  the  Ohio. 
How  much  of  truth  there  may  have  been  in  this  we  cannot 
say,  but  it  is  a tribute  to  the  sagacity  of  the  English  as  well 
as  of  the  French  that  such  explorations,  whether  for  trade 
or  war,  could  have  been  planned  and  feared.  It  is  possible 
that  we  have  an  echo  of  all  this  in  the  invasion,  in  1708, 
of  the  Mobile  territory  by  four  thousand  Indians  from  the 
northeast.  We  are  told  that  the  Cheraquis  [Cherokees] , 
Abikas,  and  Cadapouces  [Catawbas]  formed  an  alliance 
• with  the  Alibamons  and  descended  to  attack  Fort  Louis, 
while  we  have  already  seen  that,  as  with  many  another  In- 
dian invasion,  the  warriors  could  not  be  held  together  long 
enough  to  do  anything  effective. 

There  is  little  to  record  from  this  time  as  to  the  Anglo- 
Spanish  border,  except  that  it  would  seem  that  the  short 
Triple  Alliance  War,  in  which  for  once  the  English  and 
French  were  allied  against  Spain,  brought  as  its  results 
two  fortifications  on  the  Spanish  border.  We  are  told  that 
the  English  of  Carolina  constructed  a fort  at  the  mouth 


THE  ANGLO-SPANISH  BORDER 


297 


of  the  river  called  Talace  or  Tamasa,  which  remained  for  ten 
years.  This  was  probably  the  one  built  by  Colonel  Barn- 
well on  the  Altamaha,  against  which  the  Spaniards  protested 
during  the  Charlestown  boundary  conference  with  Middleton 
in  1724.  It  was  soon  afterward  burned,  possibly  at  Spanish 
instigation.  The  history  of  this  stockade  is  obscure,  but 
the  one  established  by  the  Spaniards  at  Appalachee  is  better 
known.  We  observed  that  when  Moore  raided  this  country 
he  found  it  well  inhabited  and  civilized,  a part  of  his  glory 
consisting  in  destroying  churches  and  carrying  off  the  plate. 
He  mentions  two  forts  by  name,  Ayaville  and  St.  Louis, 
and  describes  Appalachee  as  the  granary  of  Florida.  After  a 
while,  many  of  the  inhabitants  returned  to  their  older  district, 
and  the  Spaniards  in  1718,  to  protect  them  for  the  future, 
built  at  a considerable  distance  up  St.  Mark’s  River  a fort 
known  in  later  days  only  by  its  ruins.  Later,  twenty-five 
miles  below,  they  constructed  between  the  arms  of  the  river, 
at  the  edge  of  the  marshes  nine  miles  from  the  sea,  quite  a 
formidable  structure.  It  was  designed  to  be  of  stone,  and 
a bastion  and  curtains  were  finished  of  that  material.  The 
quarry  was  somewhat  nearer  the  sea  and  protected  by  a castle, 
with  a tower  forty-five  feet  high  of  two  or  more  stories,  itself 
used  as  a landmark  and  watch  tower  and  perhaps  also  as  a 
lighthouse.  Moore  found  white  men,  no  doubt  Spaniards, 
among  the  palisaded  Apalache  towns,  for  from  the  building 
of  these  forts  a Spanish  garrison  was  almost  always  main- 
tained there.  A road  ran  eastwardly  to  the  Picolata  on  the 
St.  John’s  and  another  westwardly  to  Pensacola,  passing  in 
both  directions  through  friendly  villages.  The  padres  were 
at  home  among  the  Indians,  whom  they  effectually  civilized, 
but  St.  Mark’s  of  Appalachee  must  have  been  lonesome 
enough  for  the  troops.  It  was  a lodge  in  one  vast  wilder- 
ness, with  no  other  post  short  of  Pensacola  in  the  one  direc- 
tion or  on  the  east  coast  of  Florida  in  the  other.  But  at 
least  it  served  its  purpose,  and  during  the  subsequent  hos- 
tilities between  the  English  and  the  Spanish  we  find  little 
mentioned  of  invasions  of  Appalachee. 


298 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


Somewhat  later  the  English  had  influence  enough  to  set 
the  Talapouches  on  Pensacola,  which  certainly  shows  great 
influence  to  the  west.  The  expedition  was  unsuccessful, 
however,  because  Perier,  who  was  then  Governor  of  Loui- 
siana, informed  the  invaders  that  if  they  did  not  retire  he 
would  send  the  Choctaws  against  them.  This  was  effectual, 
for  the  Talapouches  were  too  far  from  their  homes  to  con- 
tinue a siege  in  the  face  of  such  an  attack.  They  retired 
and  Pensacola  was  saved. 

For  a time  quiet  reigned  upon  the  Atlantic,  but  it  was 
only  a lull.  It  seemed  as  if  there  was  an  irrepressible  con- 
flict between  the  Teuton  and  the  Latin.  Just  as  Carolina 
had  been  interposed  between  Virginia  and  Florida  and  had 
borne  the  brunt  of  battle,  the  time  was  come  when  Carolina 
could  shift  the  burden  to  other  shoulders.  There  was  to  be 
a buffer  between  Charlestown  and  St.  Augustine,  to  receive 
the  shock  of  struggles  yet  to  come. 


CHAPTER  XVI 


GEORGIA,  THE  BUFFER  COLONY 

England  had  changed  greatly  since  the  foundation  of 
Carolina.  In  foreign  relations,  the  wars  with  Louis  XIV. 
had  given  her  a commanding  place  in  Europe,  and  the  ac- 
cession of  the  House  of  Hanover  put  an  end  to  all  reason- 
able chances  of  a Stuart  restoration.  An  even  greater 
change  occurred  in  domestic  affairs.  Sir  Robert  Walpole 
was  the  first  of  the  great  commoners  who  governed  the 
country  in  express  reliance  upon  the  House  of  Commons. 
From  his  time  there  was  carried  out  in  practice  what  had 
been  the  theoretical  result  of  the  English  Revolution  of 
x 688, — the  king  reigned  and  did  not  govern,  and  the  minis- 
try that  conducted  the  government  was  only  a committee 
of  the  dominant  party  in  the  lower  house.  Walpole  has 
been  called  the  first  peace  minister.  He  kept  England  out 
of  foreign  wars  as  much  as  possible,  and  aimed  at  lightening 
public  burdens  as  far  as  circumstances  would  allow.  During 
his  long  rule  England  developed  wonderfully.  Her  suc- 
cessful wars  had  left  her  the  mistress  of  the  ocean,  and  the 
energy  which  had  once  gone  to  colonization  now  turned 
toward  commerce  and  manufactures.  She  no  longer  shipped 
wool  and  other  staples  to  be  manufactured  in  the  Low  Coun- 
tries so  much  as  manufactured  them  herself.  She  no  longer 
used  Italian  and  Dutch  bottoms  to  bring  raw  products  and 
carry  her  goods  abroad,  for  her  seamen  covered  the  ocean 
with  merchant  ships  just  as  they  had  covered  it  for  so  many 

299 


3°° 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


years  with  war  vessels,  and  there  was  none,  French,  Spanish, 
or  Dutch,  to  make  them  afraid. 

It  had  been  some  time  since  the  British  established  a 
colony  on  the  North  American  mainland,  but  this  was 
because  the  old  colonies  were  themselves  growing.  In  the 
year  of  the  Triple  Alliance  against  Spain,  three  years  after 
the  accession  of  George  I.,  Sir  Robert  Mountgomery  and 
others  formed  a scheme  for  planting  one,  to  be  named 
Azilia,  in  the  southern  part  of  Carolina.  The  prospectus,  as 
usual  in  such  cases,  painted  the  country  in  glowing  colors. 
It  described  the  Golden  Islands  skirting  the  coast  south- 
wardly of  the  Carolinian  settlements  and  the  many  beauties 
of  the  interior.  The  principal  point  dwelt  upon  in  regard 
to  the  new  colony  was  the  method  for  protecting  it  from 
attack  by  Indians  or  other  enemies.  It  was  to  be  in  the 
nature  of  an  armed  camp  settled  about  the  thirty-first  and 
thirty-second  degrees  of  latitude,  and  “ thus  in  the  same  lati- 
tude with  Palestine  herself,  that  promised  Canaan  which 
was  pointed  out  by  God’s  own  choice  to  bless  the  labors  of 
a favorite  people,”  and  so  not  inappropriately  we  find  the 
colonization  designed  to  be  somewhat  as  in  Nehemiah’s 
time,  when  the  walls  of  Jerusalem  were  built  by  men  with 
arms  in  hand.  Thus  we  are  told  that  “at  the  arrival  there- 
fore of  the  first  men  carried  over,  proper  officers  shall  mark 
and  cause  to  be  entrenched  a square  of  land,  in  just  propor- 
tion to  their  number;  on  the  outsides  of  this  square,  within 
the  little  bastions  or  redoubts  of  the  entrenchment,  they 
raise  light  timber  dwellings,  cutting  down  the  trees  which 
everywhere  encompass  them.  The  officers  are  quartered 
with  the  men  whom  they  command,  and  the  governor-in- 
chief is  placed  exactly  in  the  centre.  By  these  means  the 
laboring  people  (being  so  disposed,  as  to  be  always  watchful 
of  an  enemies’  approach)  are  themselves  within  the  eye  of 
those  set  over  them,  and  all  together  under  the  inspection 
of  their  principal. 

“The  redoubts  may  be  near  enough  to  defend  each  other 
with  muskets,  but  field  pieces  and  patareros  will  be  planted 


GEORGIA,  THE  BUFFER  COLO  NT 


3°J 


upon  each,  kept  charged  with  cartridge  shot  and  pieces  of  old 
iron ; within  these  redoubts  are  the  common  dwellings  of  the 
men  who  must  defend  them  ; between  them  runs  a palisadoed 
bank  and  a ditch  which  will  be  scoured  by  the  artillery.  One 
man  in  each  redoubt  kept  night  and  day  upon  the  guard  will 
give  alarm  upon  each  occasion  to  the  others  at  their  work. 
So  they  cultivate  their  lands,  secure  their  cattle,  and  follow 
their  business  with  great  ease  and  safety.  Exactly  in  the 
centre  of  the  inmost  square  will  be  a fort,  defended  by  large 
cannon,  pointing  every  way  and  capable  of  making  strong 
resistance  in  case  some  quarter  of  the  outward  lines  should 
chance  to  be  surprised  by  any  sudden  accident  which  yet 
with  tolerable  care  would  be  impracticable.” 

An  elaborate  plan  was  attached  representing  the  form  of 
settling  the  districts  or  county  divisions  in  this  11  Margravate 
of  Azilia,”  showing  a just  square  of  twenty  miles  on  each 
side,  arranged  somewhat  like  a checkerboard.  On  the  out- 
side are  the  fortifications  guarded  by  cannon,  and  defended 
by  men  who  in  time  of  peace  were  to  be  employed  in  culti- 
vating the  lands  of  the  margrave  running  around  the  plat 
next  to  the  fortifications,  being  a strip  a mile  across.  These 
people  were  to  be  hired  in  Great  Britain  or  Ireland,  taken 
over  for  a term  of  years,  and  given  a life  estate  in  the  strip 
of  land  next  within  the  margrave’s  and  two  miles  in  width, 
also  running  quite  around  the  plat.  Two  great  streets  or 
roads  run  across  from  north  to  south  and  from  east  to  west, 
meeting  in  a city  in  the  centre,  in  the  midst  of  which  is 
the  margrave’s  castle  or  fort.  The  city  itself  is  four  miles 
square,  being  encircled  by  a kind  of  park,  and  vis-a-vis  the 
corners  of  the  city  are  four  great  parks  or  forests,  each  four 
miles  square,  for  herds  of  cattle,  while  all  the  rest  of  the 
land  is  divided  by  streets  into  one  hundred  and  sixteen 
squares,  each  thus  a mile  on  each  side  less  the  highways 
between.  These  were  to  be  the  estates  of  the  gentry  of  the 
district,  all  of  whom  would  thus  have  equal  tracts,  six  hun- 
dred and  forty  acres  each,  and  should  therefore  be  emulous 
of  outdoing  each  other  in  improvement. 


3°2 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


All  that  materialized  were  the  plan  for  sections  of  six 
hundred  and  forty  acres  and  the  movement  to  aid  the  dis- 
tressed, and  these  not  by  Sir  Robert  Mountgomery;  for, 
although  extensively  advertised,  few  or  no  colonists  applied, 
and  the  plan  remained  one  of  those  paper  schemes  not  in- 
frequent in  colonization.  Whether  the  war  with  Spain  had 
anything  to  do  with  this  or  not  we  do  not  know,  although 
it  would  seem  an  inappropriate  time  to  colonize  a district 
claimed  by  her;  at  all  events,  in  three  years  the  plan  died  a 
natural  death.  It  seems  incredible  that  any  scheme  should 
die  for  lack  of  encouragement  at  the  epoch  of  the  South 
Sea  Bubble,  the  contemporary  and  in  some  sense  offshoot 
of  Law’s  great  Mississippi  Bubble.  It  may  be  that  the 
attention  of  the  British,  and  especially  of  the  Scotch,  was 
diverted  from  colonization  by  the  disaster  of  Darien. 

We  are  accustomed  to  date  the  Industrial  Revolution, 
as  it  is  sometimes  called,  from  about  the  year  1760,  when 
England  had  again  been  successful  in  war  by  sea  and  land 
and  her  released  energies  were  about  turning  into  the  in- 
dustrial channels  which  marked  three  successive  years  by 
the  beginning  of  the  Wedgwood  potteries,  the  invention 
by  Hargreaves  of  the  spinning  jenny,  and  by  Watts  of  the 
steam  engine.  This,  of  course,  was  true,  but  it  was  in  a 
sense  only  the  consummation  of  an  industrial  movement 
begun  not  long  after  the  Peace  of  Utrecht.  These  inven- 
tions came  to  fill  a need,  as  inventions  always  come,  and 
the  need  was  caused  by  increase  of  population,  of  industry, 
and  of  commerce.  The  towns  became  larger,  and  Liver- 
pool began  to  supersede  the  more  southern  ports  of  the 
kingdom.  And  yet  old  statutes  remained  almost  the  same. 
Not  only  did  the  poor  laws  press  heavily,  but  imprisonment 
for  debt  was  common,  as  it  remained  until  the  time  of 
Charles  Dickens. 

Among  the  generals  of  James  II.  had  been  Theophilus 
Oglethorpe,  and  his  son  James  Edward  was  ensign  in  the 
English  army  during  the  last  years  of  the  War  of  the  Spanish 
Succession,  despite  the  Jacobite  leaning  of  the  family.  The 


GEORGIA,  THE  BUFFER  COLONY 


3°3 


young  Englishman  remained  under  Prince  Eugene  until  the 
conclusion  of  the  later  war  with  Spain,  and  some  years 
after  became  a member  of  the  House  of  Commons  for 
Haslemere  in  Surrey,  which  he  represented  for  thirty-two 
years  to  come.  Pope  praised  his  strong  benevolence  of 
soul  and  it  was  certainly  shown  in  his  examination  of  the 
prisons,  for  it  occurred  to  him  that  those  who  were  there 
for  debt  could  be  paid  out  and  transferred  to  the  colonies, 
to  make  happy  and  useful  citizens  instead  of  expensive  out- 
casts. In  looking  around  he  selected  the  southern  part  of 
Carolina  as  a territory  suitable  in  itself  for  such  a use  and 
the  more  available  because  the  Carolinians  desired  a colony 
between  them  and  the  Spaniards.  Oglethorpe  found  other 
philanthropists  like  himself,  and  a petition  to  the  Privy 
Council  was  favorably  received  and  a royal  charter  issued 
June  9,  1732,  in  favor  of  Percival,  Oglethorpe,  and  eighteen 
other  trustees,  who  were  constituted  a body  corporate  for 
establishing  the  colony  of  Georgia  in  America.  The  land 
from  the  Savannah  southwardly  to  Altamaha  River,  and 
from  their  heads  westwardly  to  the  South  Sea  was  acquired. 
The  scheme  was  strictly  benevolent,  and  religious  thought 
and  worship  were  to  be  free  to  all  except  Romanists.  The 
trustees  were  to  administer  affairs  for  twenty-one  years, 
after  which  the  crown  would  prescribe  the  government. 
The  trustees  adopted  a seal,  on  one  side  of  which  were 
silkworms,  with  the  motto : Non  sibi  sed  aliis.  Contribu- 
tions were  solicited,  ,£10,000  granted  by  Parliament,  and 
an  account  was  opened  with  the  Bank  of  England.  Among 
other  provisions,  lands  in  the  colony  were  to  descend  in  tail- 
male,  spirituous  liquors  were  forbidden,  and  slavery  was  pro- 
hibited,— this  last  was  the  more  remarkable,  because  based 
both  upon  moral  and  industrial  reasons.  Colonists  came 
from  the  distressed  classes,  but  only  after  investigation,  and 
in  the  fall  of  the  year  Oglethorpe  left  England  in  the  Anne 
with  one  hundred  and  thirty  persons,  representing  thirty-five 
families,  and  made  up  of  carpenters,  bricklayers,  farmers,  and 
mechanics.  They  proceeded  by  way  of  Madeira,  where 


3°4 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


they  took  on  five  tuns  of  wine,  which  in  some  way  was  not 
considered  to  come  under  the  head  of  spirituous  liquors. 
They  arrived  off  Charlestown  in  the  middle  of  January, 
1 733,  whence  the  Anne  was  taken  to  Port  Royal  and  the 
colonists  to  Beaufort.  Meantime,  Oglethorpe  and  Wil- 
liam Bull  of  Carolina  explored  Savannah  River  and  chose 
as  the  site  of  the  new  colony  Yamacraw  Bluff,  rising  forty 
feet  above  the  river  and  fronting  the  water  for  nearly  a mile. 
It  was  the  first  high  ground  found  upon  the  stream,  and 
selected  for  the  same  reason  that  had  influenced  the  choice 
of  Charlestown  and  of  Mobile.  The  surroundings  were 
good,  despite  marshes,  and  of  especial  value  to  the  settlers 
was  the  neighboring  Yamacraw  village,  for  its  chief,  Tomo- 
chichi,  took  an  interest  in  the  colony  from  the  beginning. 
Through  Mary  Musgrove,  wife  of  a Carolina  trader  on  this 
spot,  Oglethorpe  secured  a cession  of  the  lands  he  wished, 
and  brought  his  people  over  in  the  first  days  of  February. 
Unlike  most  colonies  heretofore,  Savannah  was  laid  out  as 
a city  and  not  primarily  as  a fort.  On  the  earliest  plan  a 
fort  looks  to  the  woodside,  and  a guardhouse  appears  with 
a battery  of  cannon  before  it  on  the  bluff,  but  these  are 
only  incidentals,  and  the  real  interest  of  the  plat  is  in  the 
broad  streets  and  squares,  the  stairs  and  landing  places, 
crane  and  bell,  the  parsonage  and  plot  of  ground  to  build 
the  church,  the  house  for  stores,  guard,  mill,  and  bake 
houses,  and  the  draw-well  for  water;  while  in  front  of  all, 
under  five  pine  trees,  we  see  Oglethorpe’s  tent,  whence  he 
could  supervise  the  whole.  The  plan  of  Savannah  seems 
to  have  been  somewhat  changed  before  long,  for  the  first 
one  above  alluded  to  gives  unbroken  streets  crossing  at 
right  angles,  while  the  existing  city  has  from  time  im- 
memorial shown,  almost  alternating  with  business  blocks,  a 
checkerboard  of  small  parks,  crossed,  it  is  true,  by  walks, 
but  not  intersected  by  the  streets  which  come  up  to  them. 
The  object  of  this  was  healthfulness,  although  because  it 
became  a serious  interruption  to  traffic  the  plan  was  not 
carried  out  in  the  modern  extensions  of  the  city.  Each 


Robert  Dinwiddie,  Governor  of  Virginia.  From  a painting  in 
possession  of  a member  of  the  family. 


GEORGIA,  THE  BUFFER  COLONY 


3°5 


inhabitant  was  to  receive  fifty  acres,  and  this  consisted  of 
the  town  lot,  sixty  by  ninety  feet,  a garden  lot  of  five  acres 
adjoining  the  town,  and  a farm  further  out  of  forty-four 
acres  and  one  hundred  and  forty-one  poles ; all  such  allot- 
ments have  long  since  been  absorbed  and  covered  by  lots 
and  streets.  It  is  curious  to  see  thus  surviving,  all  unknown 
to  these  philanthropists,  the  plan  of  the  old  village  com- 
munity, with  its  three  divisions  of  lands. 

The  first  thing  every  colony  has  had  to  consider  was 
the  attitude  of  the  Indians.  The  Spaniards  in  this  vicinity 
had  carried  off  Indians,  while  the  French  had  managed  at 
Port  Royal  to  retain  their  friendship  in  part.  Tradition 
made  a mound  just  outside  of  Savannah  to  be  a tomb,  where 
an  Indian  king  was  buried  on  the  spot  where  he  talked  with 
Sir  Walter  Raleigh,  for  the  Indians  deemed  the  place  of  the 
conversation  with  that  great  good  man  to  be  holy  ground, — 
although  Sir  Walter,  as  is  generally  believed,  had  not  been  in 
North  America.  Oglethorpe  profited  by  the  lessons  of  the 
past,  particularly  as  they  accorded  with  his  own  instincts, 
and  he  proceeded  to  conciliate  the  Indians.  He  ascertained 
who  were  the  leading  chiefs  of  the  territory  covered  by  the 
charter,  and,  with  the  assistance  of  Tomochichi,  assembled 
them  in  a congress  in  May.  On  the  2ist  these  Creeks 
ceded  lands  between  the  Savannah  and  the  Altamaha  from 
the  ocean  to  the  head  of  tidewater,  including  the  islands 
from  Tybee  to  St.  Simon’s  except  the  three  named  Ossa- 
baw,  Sapelo,  and  St.  Catherine’s,  which  the  Indians  preferred 
to  keep  for  hunting,  fishing,  and  other  purposes,  clearly 
showing  that  no  Spaniards  remained  on  them.  This  treaty 
was  recognized  as  valid,  for  the  Yamacraws  were  an  off- 
shoot or  dependency  of  the  Creeks,  and  none  of  the  other 
tribes  claimed  the  territory;  and  the  result  was  that  the 
province  of  Georgia  had  less  trouble  in  Indian  affairs  than 
any  other  colony, — and  this  due  largely  to  the  friendliness 
of  Tomochichi. 

Other  colonists  came  from  time  to  time,  for  soon 
£i 0,000  of  the  proceeds  of  land  sales  in  the  island  of 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


3°6 

St.  Christopher  was  by  the  House  of  Commons  turned  over 
to  the  trustees  toward  defraying  the  charges  of  carrying  and 
settling  foreign  Protestants.  The  trustees  were  thus  enabled 
to  extend  their  philanthropic  plans  so  as  to  embrace  people 
from  the  continent,  and,  just  as  South  Carolina  had  become 
the  home  of  Huguenots  driven  from  France,  Georgia  became 
the  home  of  Salzburgers,  Lutherans  expatriated  from  the 
Austrian  Alps  by  religious  persecution.  They  were  neither 
fanatics  nor  beggars.  They  loved  their  old  homes  and 
clung  to  the  mountains  until  it  was  clear,  through  many 
persecutions,  official  and  private,  that  they  must  give  up 
their  religion  or  leave  their  country.  They  found  a home 
temporarily  in  Germany,  and  now,  after  negotiations  with 
the  trustees  of  Georgia,  they  came,  under  Baron  von  Reck 
and  their  pastors  Bolzius  and  Gronau,  as  British  subjects 
to  America.  In  March,  1734,  the  ship  Purisburg  brought 
seventy-eight  of  them  to  Savannah,  where  they  were  wel- 
comed by  cannon  and  huzzas,  not  to  mention  a very  good 
dinner,  so  that  “all  were  full  of  joy  and  praised  God.” 
Their  agent  had  selected  a site  above  Savannah,  which  they 
soon  built  up  as  Ebenezer,  in  the  present  county  of  Effing- 
ham; and  next  year  fifty-seven  more  came  over  in  the 
Prince  of  Wales , and  others  later.  The  soil  was  not  fertile, 
for  it  was  a pine  barren,  so  that  they  afterward  with  Ogle- 
thorpe’s consent  built  New  Ebenezer  on  the  main  river. 
A number  of  Moravians  also  came  over,  under  Spangen- 
berg,  and  were  settled  between  Ebenezer  and  Savannah. 
Although  of  a somewhat  different  faith,  these  foreign  colo- 
nists became  very  friendly  and  both  presented  pictures  of 
industry  and  even  thrift  not  always  shown  elsewhere  in 
Georgia.  The  Moravians  came  to  convert  the  Indians, 
laboring  with  the  zeal  of  that  remarkable  church,  which  has 
more  missionaries  abroad  than  pastors  at  home,  all  things  to 
all  men,  and  fearing  neither  the  pole  nor  the  tropics. 

Oglethorpe  now  returned  to  England  for  conference  with 
the  trustees,  and  took  with  him  Tomochichi  and  some 
others.  The  popular  interest  in  the  Indians  advanced  the 


GEORGIA,  THE  BUFFER  COLONY 


3°7 


objects  of  the  trust,  and  the  effect  upon  Tomochichi  was 
such  as  to  aid  the  colony  very  much  after  his  return  to 
America. 

In  order  for  Georgia  to  form  a home  for  distressed  Prot- 
estants, it  was  necessary  not  only  to  conciliate  the  Indians, 
as  had  been  successfully  done,  but  to  fortify  it  against  the 
Catholic  Spanish,  who  had  never  abandoned  their  claim  up 
to  the  thirty-third  degree  of  north  latitude.  Parliament 
made  a grant  of  £ 26,000  for  the  purpose  of  settling,  fortify- 
ing, and  defending  the  new  colony,  and  the  trustees  caused  an 
agent  to  recruit  through  the  Highlands  of  Scotland,  where  he 
secured  one  hundred  and  thirty  men,  besides  women  and  chil- 
dren, of  good  report  and  good  fighting  qualities.  The  wars 
of  the  Pretender  had  carried  distress  and  persecution  among 
the  Scottish  mountains,  and  were  not  yet  over;  so  that  the 
party  were  not  loath  to  remove  with  their  pastor,  John 
McLeod  of  Skye.  Oglethorpe  placed  them  on  the  left 
bank  of  the  Altamaha,  where  they  built  a little  town  which 
they  called  New  Inverness,  while  the  district  in  which  it 
was  situated  was  known  as  Darien.  Their  fort  was  named 
after  King  George,  and  it  was  connected  by  road  with 
Fort  Argyle  on  the  right  bank  of  Ogeechee  River,  which 
from  the  earliest  days  guarded  the  approach  to  Savannah  from 
the  west. 

The  early  history  of  Georgia,  therefore,  is  that  of  separate 
colonies  sent  over  by  the  trustees  to  settle  in  different  places 
north  and  south  of  Savannah.  Vessels  came  from  time  to 
time,  bringing  additions  to  the  different  settlers,  as  in  1736 
thirty-five  Moravians  under  their  bishop,  David  Nitschman, 
and  many  others.  The  coming  of  these  was  of  special 
interest  in  that  with  them  came  the  brothers  Charles  and 
John  Wesley,  who  learned  much  that  was  spiritual  on  the 
voyage  over,  which  subsequently  was  to  have  something  to 
do  with  not  only  their  own  lives  but  with  those  of  millions  in 
England  and  America.  In  a different  way,  too,  the  bulk  of 
this  particular  party  contributed  to  the  history  of  Georgia 
by  laying  out  the  new  town  of  Frederica  on  the  island 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


3°  8 

of  St.  Simon’s.  Frederica  was  laid  off  with  care  and  became 
the  future  residence  of  Oglethorpe,  which  was  somewhat  the 
cause  of  criticism.  The  main  street  was  twenty-five  yards 
wide,  and  on  it  each  free  inhabitant  had  a lot  of  sixty  by 
ninety  feet,  although  some  who  fronted  the  river  had  smaller 
lots.  For  temporary  purposes  palmetto  booths  were  erected, 
and  such  vegetables  planted  as  the  season  admitted.  The 
houses  were  made  of  tabby,  and  thus  were  more  substan- 
tial than  those  built  of  wood  at  Savannah.  An  embank- 
ment was  built  around  and  batteries  placed  to  protect  against 
enemies ; and  there  was  need  for  care  in  its  erection,  for  it 
was  to  be  the  southern  outpost  against  the  Spanish.  Well 
were  its  streets  given  martial  names,  for  the  short  life  of 
the  town  was  essentially  warlike. 

It  will  be  remembered  that  the  colony  of  Carolina  had 
prior  to  this  entered  into  extensive  relations  with  the  Indian 
tribes.  Not  only  the  Cherokees  and  Catawbas  to  the  north 
were  visited  by  traders,  but  a well-known  path  led  west- 
wardly  by  Fort  Moore  across  Savannah  River  to  the  Creeks 
and  Uchees.  Policy  as  well  as  commercial  instinct  early 
led  the  Georgians  to  build  a settlement  opposite  Fort  Moore, 
having  its  own  stockaded  fort,  and  in  compliment  to  the 
Princess  of  Wales  this  was  named  Augusta.  Here  gathered 
traders  from  Savannah  as  well  as  Charlestown,  and  hun- 
dreds of  caravans  passing  in  both  directions  made  it  their 
stopping  place.  Two  thousand  ponies  are  said  to  have 
been  on  the  road.  Savannah  had  the  advantage  of  river 
connection  and  Charlestown  that  of  prestige,  and  between 
the  rivalry  of  the  two  the  Indian  trade  flourished  and  Augusta 
became  a lively  place.  The  prohibition  against  the  sale 
of  lio(uor  was  not  strictly  enforced,  although  it  was  impos- 
sible to  evade  so  easily  that  against  slavery.  Plantations 
across  the  river  in  Carolina  were  cultivated  by  negroes,  and 
for  a long  time  the  country  about  Augusta  was  unable  to 
compete. 

The  value  of  Indian  friendship  and  commerce  was  appre- 
ciated by  no  one  more  than  Oglethorpe,  and  one  of  the  most 


GEORGIA,  THE  BUFFER  COLONY 


3°9 


important  services  rendered  by  him  to  his  infant  colony  was 
the  long  trip  to  meet  the  Creeks  at  Coweta  on  the  further 
side  of  Chattahoochee  River.  This  brought  the  Indians 
well  within  British  influence  and  established  better  than 
ever  before  the  power  of  the  traders.  It  will  be  remem- 
bered that  the  French  had  in  1714  founded  Fort  Toulouse 
on  the  Coosa,  and  Law’s  Compagnie  had  designed  the 
reconstruction  of  this  outpost.  Although  the  plan  was 
never  carried  out,  its  importance  in  counteracting  British 
influence  in  trade  and  war  was  never  overlooked,  and  now 
growing  out  of  Oglethorpe’s  treaty  came  a rival  British  fort. 

It  seems  the  irony  of  fate  that  a colony  established  to  aid 
the  distressed  and  so  successful  in  its  relations  with  the 
aborigines  of  the  country  must  be  involved  in  the  European 
war  over  the  succession  to  the  throne  of  Austria.  Spain 
as  usual  had  resented  encroachments  upon  her  trade,  and 
in  England  the  popular  outcry  over  outrages  became  irre- 
sistible. The  alleged  mutilation  of  an  ear  of  the  trader 
Jenkins  wrought  the  people  to  fury.  The  declaration  of 
war  was  greeted  in  England  by  peals  of  bells,  upon  which 
Walpole  exclaimed  that  they  were  ringing  their  bells,  but 
soon  would  be  wringing  their  hands.  At  all  events,  war  came 
and,  while  Frederick  the  Great  was  wresting  Silesia  from 
Austria,  Oglethorpe  was  preparing  to  capture  St.  Augustine. 
In  1737  he  had  been  made  colonel  and  became  commander- 
in-chief  of  all  forces  in  South  Carolina  and  Georgia,  to  be 
used  for  their  joint  advantage.  He  had  to  take  an  even 
deeper  interest,  for  the  trust  was  not  flourishing  financially, 
and  he  could  only  raise  men  and  means  by  pledging  his  own 
property.  Finally,  he  collected  troops  numbering  about  two 
thousand,  with  artillery,  and  in  May,  1740,  set  sail  for 
Florida.  Jenkins’s  “ear”  was  bringing  a storm  down  about 
the  heads  of  the  American  Spaniards. 

San  Mateo  had  long  since  disappeared,  and  the  furthest 
outpost  of  the  Spaniards  at  this  time  was  San  Juan  on  the 
south  side  of  the  St.  John’s  near  its  mouth,  opposite  the 
British  fort  of  St.  George  nine  miles  away.  The  district 


3ID 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


about  St.  Augustine  was  a kind  of  peninsula,  bounded  north 
and  west  by  the  St.  John’s  and  east  by  the  ocean,  and 
St.  Augustine,  we  recollect,  was  itself  in  a nest  of  waters. 
Coming  in  from  the  left  was  North  or  St.  Mark’s  River, 
while  from  the  south  came  the  famous  Matanzas,  really 
an  inlet  from  the  sea  and  surrounding  Anastasia  Island. 
Immediately  west  of  the  town  was  San  Sebastian  Bayou, 
and  little  salt  bayous  through  the  marshes  are  to  be  found  in 
all  directions.  Somewhat  to  the  north  was  Fort  Moosa  and 
west  on  the  St.  John’s  was  Picolata,  two  respectable  forts, 
the  last  commanding  the  ford  leading  westwardly  toward 
Appalachee.  St.  Augustine  itself  was  protected  by  intrench- 
ments  and  artillery,  and  Fort  San  Marcos  had  assumed  its 
final  form.  It  was  the  most  impressive  fortress  of  Florida 
and  compared  favorably  with  any  south  of  Quebec.  In  the 
shape  6f  a rough  square,  with  bastions  at  the  corners,  and 
a lookout  toward  the  entrance  of  the  inlet,  the  fort  had  a 
parapet  nine  feet  thick,  and  a casemated  rampart  twenty 
feet  high,  with  a curtain  sixty  yards  long,  all  guarded  by  fifty 
cannon,  of  which  sixteen  were  brass  and  others  were  twenty- 
four  pounders.  There  was  a covered  way  also,  although 
this  was  not  completed. 

Military  operations  from  the  north  could  be  conducted  in 
one  of  two  ways.  The  depth  of  the  St.  John’s  was  such 
that  vessels  could  go  up  to  Picolata  and  attack  St.  Augus- 
tine from  the  rear;  in  fact,  Oglethorpe  had  previously  cap- 
tured Picolata  and  urged  this  plan  upon  the  Carolinians  as 
the  best  mode  of  operations.  Another  would  be  for  his 
troops  to  march  down  the  peninsula  from  San  Juan  and 
invest  St.  Augustine  by  land  while  the  fleet  attacked  it  from 
the  sea. 

It  is  difficult  to  make  out  the  details  of  all  movements 
of  this  campaign,  or  rather  to  understand  their  meaning. 
Oglethorpe  certainly  was  indefatigable,  and  it  may  well  be 
that  he  undertook  too  much  himself,  with  the  result  that  in 
the  course  of  the  season  he  fell  sick  of  fever,  and  operations 
were  not  carried  on  properly.  His  biographers  lay  the  blame 


GEORGIA,  THE  BUFFER  COLO  NT 


31 1 

largely  on  the  delay  of  the  South  Carolina  troops  and  their 
insubordination  when  they  did  come.  On  the  other  hand, 
an  investigation  by  the  Assembly  of  South  Carolina  claims 
that  everybody  was  to  blame  except  the  South  Carolinians. 
They  say  that  Oglethorpe  had  no  commissariat,  that  the 
fleet  imagined  difficulties  which  did  not  exist,  and  finally 
sailed  off  long  before  any  danger  of  the  stormy  season. 
Possibly  the  truth  lies  between  the  two  extremes. 

Oglethorpe  gave  up  his  original  plan  of  attacking  by  way 
of  Picolata,  and  marched  his  troops  by  land  from  San  Juan 
in  order  to  keep  in  touch  with  the  fleet.  They  seized  a 
cattle  pen  and  the  so-called  Fort  Diego,  and  an  accusation 
was  made  that  its  owner,  the  mulatto  Don  Diego  Spinola, 
managed  to  obtain  considerable  influence  over  the  English 
general.  Fort  Moosa  was  taken  with  little  or  no  opposi- 
tion and  garrisoned,  perhaps  insufficiently,  by  men  under 
Colonel  Palmer,  and  the  Carolinians  under  Vander  Dussen 
were  placed  at  Point  Quartell  at  the  mouth  of  the  harbor. 
At  the  suggestion  of  the  naval  officers,  Oglethorpe  now 
transferred  the  bulk  of  his  troops  to  Anastasia  Island,  and, 
unfortunately,  Palmer’s  men  disobeyed  orders  to  remain  out- 
side the  dismantled  Fort  Moosa  and  were  massacred  by  the 
Indians.  This  enabled  the  Spaniards  to  communicate  more 
freely  now  with  the  country.  At  his  new  post  on  the 
island,  Oglethorpe  threw  up  intrenchments  and  with  cannon 
and  mortars  bombarded  the  town  and  fort.  Little  damage 
was  done,  and  the  bar  of  the  channel  prevented  the  larger 
ships  from  coming  close  enough  to  be  of  much  service. 
The  fort  was  repeatedly  struck,  but  the  soft  stone  closed 
over  the  balls  without  suffering  damage.  The  marks  of 
the  bombardment  remain  until  this  day  on  the  outer  walls 
of  Fort  San  Marcos.  Even  Vander  Dussen  was  transferred 
to  the  island,  and  the  blockade  of  the  lower  end  of  Matanzas 
River,  the  scene  of  Ribault’s  massacre,  was  abandoned  or 
so  relaxed  that  aid  reached  the  town  from  Havana.  Ogle- 
thorpe seems  to  have  tried  to  keep  the  Indians  under  too 
great  restraint,  reproaching  them  as  barbarous  dogs  for 


312 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


bringing  a head  of  a hostile  Indian  and  even  objecting  to 
their  killing  the  cattle  of  the  enemy. 

Oglethorpe  had  passed  over  to  the  south  side  of  St.  John’s 
River  on  May  9th.  His  troops  landed  on  the  island  before 
the  middle  of  June,  and  on  the  29th  bad  weather  obliged  the 
men-of-war  to  put  to  sea.  Upon  this  there  was  nothing  to 
do  except  to  raise  the  siege,  and  on  the  4th  of  July  this  was 
accordingly  done,  although  against  the  protest  of  Vander 
Dussen.  On  the  21st  of  July  Oglethorpe  crossed  to  Fort 
George  and  thence  marched  to  Frederica.  The  Carolinians 
seem  to  have  conducted  a very  creditable  retreat,  securing 
some  things  that  Oglethorpe  had  overlooked. 

Such  was  the  end  of  the  most  formidable  invasion  the 
English  ever  undertook  against  Florida.  Its  issue  was  un- 
fortunate and  Oglethorpe  was  much  criticised.  It  has  been 
pointed  out  that  during  the  rebellion  of  1745  he  exhibited 
a somewhat  similar  want  of  capacity  and  suffered  a court 
martial,  which,  however,  acquitted  him.  He  was  never  given 
an  important  command,  although  he  finally  rose  to  the  grade 
of  general.  His  bravery  and  energy  are  unquestionable,  but 
it  is  possible  that  he  was  not  a great  commander. 

As  in  the  case  of  Charlestown,  the  Spaniards  waited  long 
enough  to  recuperate,  and  then  prepared  a counter-expedition 
against  Georgia.  Oglethorpe  was  apprehensive  enough  to 
write  to  the  Duke  of  Newcastle  that  all  he  could  do  if 
attacked  was  to  die  bravely  in  his  majesty’s  service.  The 
opportunity  was  presented,  for  in  June,  1742,  a fleet  of  fifty- 
one  Spanish  vessels,  bearing  almost  five  thousand  troops, 
commanded  by  Monteano,  appeared  off  St.  Simon’s.  In 
resisting  this  invasion,  Oglethorpe  appeared  to  greater  ad- 
vantage, and  certainly  had  greater  success  than  in  his  attack 
upon  St.  Augustine.  He  had  only  six  hundred  and  fifty 
men  and  a few  small  boats,  but  by  strategy  succeeded  in 
less  than  a month  in  effecting  a repulse  which  White- 
field  declared  could  not  be  paralleled  outside  of  the  Old 
Testament.  Frederica  was  saved  and  with  it  all  Georgia. 
Although  they  never  abandoned  their  claim  to  Orysta  and 


GEORGIA,  THE  BUFFER  COLO  NT 


3J3 


Guale,  never  again  did  the  Spaniards  attempt  to  drive  the 
English  out.  As  both  sides  had  been  unsuccessful  in  their 
invasions,  the  provisions  of  the  Peace  of  Aix-la-Chapelle 
in  1748  for  restitution  of  all  captures  had  no  effect  in  this 
quarter  of  the  globe;  but  the  peace  relieved  the  colonies 
from  the  necessity  of  keeping  up  the  forts  to  the  south. 
Even  Frederica  soon  fell  into  decay. 

The  most  remarkable  document  of  the  day  was  by  Patrick 
Tailfer,  who,  with  companions,  was  compelled  to  leave  the 
province,  and  then  printed  at  Charlestown  in  1741  a history 
of  Georgia,  representing  the  colony  as  mismanaged  from 
the  beginning.  The  book  has  been  called  u cool,  poised, 
polite,  and  merciless,”  and,  while  probably  not  justifiable 
throughout,  throws  an  interesting  light  upon  the  condition 
and  views  of  some  of  the  colonists.  Oglethorpe  himself 
retired  from  active  administration  in  1743  and  returned  to 
England,  where  he  lived  to  a ripe  old  age,  honored  by  all 
who  knew  him.  Edmund  Burke  regarded  him  as  the  most 
extraordinary  person  of  whom  he  had  read,  and  Dr.  Johnson 
admired  him  so  much  as  to  wish  to  write  his  life. 

In  the  colony  there  had  been  some  trouble  due  to  the 
default  of  Causton,  treasurer  of  Savannah.  In  the  year  of 
Tailfer’s  pamphlet,  William  Stephens,  who  had  been  secre- 
tary for  the  trustees,  was  appointed  president  of  the  county 
of  Savannah,  aided  by  four  assistants,  while  about  Augusta 
the  peace  was  kept  by  Richard  Kent,  the  conservator.  After 
Oglethorpe  left,  the  trustees  extended  the  duty  of  the  presi- 
dent and  assistants  of  Savannah  to  the  whole  colony,  which 
made  the  venerable  William  Stephens  governor.  He  left 
an  extensive  journal,  which  details  the  history  of  the  period 
with  great  minuteness. 

The  matters  of  chief  interest  henceforward  were  of 
domestic  concern.  The  colony  cannot  really  be  said  to 
have  flourished  for  these  first  twenty  years,  and  there  were 
others  besides  Tailfer  who  laid  part  of  the  blame  on  the 
regulations  as  to  slaves,  liquor,  and  land  tenure.  The  in- 
fluence even  of  George  Whitefield  and  James  Habersham 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


3H 

was  thrown  in  favor  of  a change,  for  Whitefield  became  a 
convert  in  earnest  to  the  view  Hawkins  had  perhaps  ex- 
pressed to  Queen  Elizabeth  half  in  jest,  that  removing 
negroes  from  barbarous  Africa  to  Christian  America  was 
for  their  own  good.  The  result  of  the  agitation  was  that 
the  trustees  removed  all  three  restrictions.  Slaves  were 
permitted  and  also  the  sale  of  liquor,  while,  instead  of  being 
held  in  tail-male,  lands  were  permitted  to  be  alienated  with- 
out restriction.  From  this  time  Georgia  began  to  assume 
her  proper  rank.  It  is  true  that  the  silkworms  belied  the 
motto  on  the  seal,  for  their  existence  was  more  for  them- 
selves than  for  the  benefit  of  the  colony,  despite  efforts  in 
the  direction  of  silk  culture.  Nor  did  the  wine  and  olive  do 
much  better.  Hemp,  flax,  lumber,  and  cotton  were  hardly 
more  than  names,  and  up  to  the  introduction  of  slavery  the 
stores  brought  from  England  were  perhaps  the  chief  reliance 
of  many  of  the  people.  Even  money  had  been  scarce  and 
coin  unknown,  except  copper.  Henceforward,  however, 
improvement  was  rapid. 

It  will  be  recalled  that  the  brothers  Wesley  had  been 
in  Georgia,  attracted  in  part  by  the  desire  to  convert  the 
Indians.  They  were  able  to  effect  little  in  this  direction,  but 
had  their  hands  full  with  the  whites.  John  had  lived  in 
Savannah  and  Charles  in  Frederica,  and  the  fullest  account 
of  their  lives  and  aims  is  in  John  Wesley’s  'Journal  of  this 
time.  In  1738  came  the  beginning  of  Methodism  in  Lon- 
don, and  the  Wesleys  were  soon  at  the  head  of  the  move- 
ment which  not  only  created  a new  and  increasing  sect,  but 
revived  religion  to  a very  large  extent  in  the  Church  of  Eng- 
land and  among  all  other  denominations.  An  even  greater 
preacher  than  Wesley  was  George  Whitefield,  who  at  first 
acted  with  him,  but  afterward  led  a movement  along  more 
strictly  Calvinistic  lines.  Whitefield  followed  Wesley  to 
Georgia,  and  with  a curious  misapplication  of  energy  de- 
voted himself  in  1740  to  the  establishment  of  Bethesda, 
an  Orphan  House  in  a colony  where  the  population  was 
sparse  and  children  without  means  of  support  must  have  been 


GEORGIA,  THE  BUFFER  COLONY 


3 15 


few;  in  fact,  Whitefield  later  tried  to  have  his  institution 
turned  more  into  a school  or  college,  although  without 
much  success.  He  returned  several  times  to  America, 
electrifying  vast  audiences,  planning  ever  for  his  Orphan 
House.  Thus  Georgia  in  a way  shared  in  the  great  mis- 
sionary movement  of  the  eighteenth  century,  as  was  not 
inappropriate  for  an  enterprise  whose  trustees,  like  the  old 
Virginia  Company,  regularly  heard  sermons.  They  believed 
that  except  God  build  the  house  they  labor  in  vain  that 
build  it. 

In  1751  Henry  Parker  became  president  on  the  retire- 
ment of  Stephens,  and  his  term  is  remarkable  for  the  first 
Assembly  of  Georgia.  It  was  composed  of  sixteen  dele- 
gates, presided  over  by  Francis  Harris,  and  met  at  Savannah. 
It  was  a legislature  not  empowered  to  legislate,  it  is  true, 
for  the  charter  vested  that  right  in  the  trustees  alone,  but  its 
members  did  not  fail  to  discuss  and  suggest  measures  which 
they  deemed  for  the  advantage  of  the  colony,  and  these 
were  considered  and  to  some  extent  adopted  by  the  trustees. 
Appropriately  with  the  advent  of  a legislature  came  the  end 
of  the  trust,  for  the  trustees,  who  had  borne  the  burden 
and  the  heat  of  the  day  for  so  long  a time,  all  with  philan- 
thropic motives,  now  considered  that  the  colony  had  ad- 
vanced far  enough  to  be  turned  over  to  the  crown,  and, 
although  the  twenty-one  years’  period  limited  by  the  charter 
had  not  yet  arrived,  they  on  June  23,  1752,  surrendered 
the  same.  At  this  time  the  population  consisted  of  two 
thousand  three  hundred  and  eighty-one  whites,  besides 
one  thousand  and  thirty-six  slaves,  not  including  troops 
and  some  outlying  settlers.  To  this  had  grown  the  little 
community  begun  from  Yamacraw  Bluff,  and  it  would  seem 
to  have  outlasted  its  external  dangers. 

And  yet,  this  was  not  certain.  The  Latin  nations  had 
often  shown  powers  of  recuperation,  and  the  more  the 
Georgians  extended  toward  the  interior,  the  further  traders 
carried  their  wares,  the  more  powerful  hold  they  might  seek 
to  have  upon  the  Indians,  the  nearer  they  would  draw  to 


3 1 6 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


the  French  of  Toulouse  and  Mobile,  the  more  their  future 
might  become  linked  with  the  great  valley  across  the  moun- 
tains. French  fleets  might  succeed  where  Spanish  failed 
Founded  as  a buffer  colony,  Georgia  was  still  between  ham- 
mer and  anvil,  the  French  on  the  west  and  the  Spanish  on 
the  south,  now  closely  united  in  their  Family  Compact. 


CHAPTER  XVII 

ANGLO-FRENCH  RIVALRY  IN  THE  VALLEY 

The  Peace  of  Utrecht  ended  the  War  of  the  Spanish 
Succession.  Philip  V.  remained  king,  and  yet,  although  the 
autonomy  of  the  Spanish  people  was  respected  and  their 
right  to  select  their  own  rulers  recognized,  it  was  a dear- 
bought  victory  for  Spain  and  her  great  ally.  Spanish  pos- 
sessions outside  of  Spain  itself  were  curtailed;  France  was 
shortened  on  the  east  and  her  colonial  expansion  checked. 
Worse  still,  the  losses  in  America  were  not  so  serious  as 
was  the  paralysis  which  came  in  all  departments  of  the 
government.  Louis  XIV.  was  a great  man,  as  one  can  see 
even  in  Saint-Simon’s  memoirs,  but  it  was  a greatness  which 
showed  itself  only  on  occasions.  He  was  given  to  favoritism, 
and  toward  the  end  of  his  life  public  and  private  misfortune 
tended  to  put  him  out  of  touch  with  his  suffering  people, 
or  at  least  caused  him  to  lose  the  initiative  necessary  to 
reform  and  rebuild  his  exhausted  country.  His  death  was 
none  too  soon,  and  the  Due  d’Orleans  as  regent  hardly  had 
the  power  or  ability  to  improve  greatly  the  situation. 

As  for  America,  the  delimitation  of  boundaries  or  of 
spheres  of  influence  was  not  accurate;  indeed,  the  interior 
of  America  at  that  time  was  itself  very  little  known.  The 
provisions  of  the  treaty  of  Utrecht  related  mainly  to  Hud- 
son Bay,  Newfoundland,  and  Acadia,  which  were  ceded  by 
France  to  England,  and  nothing  was  said  about  the  Great 
Lakes  or  the  Mississippi  valley.  Whatever  rights  either 

3J7 


3*8 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


country  had  there  remained  the  same  as  before.  It  was  only 
provided  that  “the  subjects  of  France  inhabiting  Canada, 
and  others,  shall  hereafter  give  no  hindrance  or  molestation 
to  the  five  nations  or  cantons  of  Indians,  subject  to  the 
dominion  of  Great  Britain,  nor  to  the  other  natives  of 
America,  who  are  friends  to  the  same.  In  like  manner, 
the  subjects  of  Great  Britain  shall  behave  themselves  peace- 
ably towards  the  Americans  who  are  subjects  or  friends  to 
France;  and  on  both  sides  they  shall  enjoy  full  liberty  of 
going  and  coming  on  account  of  trade.  As  also  the  natives 
of  those  countries  shall,  with  the  same  liberty,  resort,  as 
they  please,  to  the  British  and  French  colonies,  for  pro- 
moting trade  on  one  side  and  the  other,  without  any  molesta- 
tion or  hindrance,  either  on  the  part  of  the  British  subjects 
or  of  the  French.  But  it  is  to  be  exactly  and  distinctly 
settled  by  commissaries,  who  are,  and  ought  to  be,  accounted 
the  subjects  and  friends  of  Britain  or  of  France.” 

With  this  very  indefinite  fifteenth  article  the  two  high 
contracting  parties  contented  themselves.  The  important 
thing  about  the  Peace  of  Utrecht  was  not  so  much  what 
was  written  on  paper  as  the  relative  conditions  and  outlook 
of  France  and  England.  France  possessed  the  valleys  of 
St.  Lawrence  and  Mississippi  Rivers,  whose  sources  were 
not  far  apart  and  were  closely  connected  by  the  interlacing 
portage  systems.  If  the  French  should  increase  in  numbers 
and  influence  and  build  up  these  valleys  and  make  the  Illi- 
nois and  Ohio  countries  fully  their  own  by  settlements  and 
commerce,  the  interior  would  be  essentially  French.  On 
the  other  hand,  the  English  were  by  geographical  conditions 
confined  between  the  Alleghany  Mountains  and  the  Atlantic 
Ocean,  and,  if  they  could  be  kept  to  this  seaboard  strip, 
British  colonization  would  have  to  seek  other  quarters  of 
the  world;  while  if  the  British  colonies  grew  and  expanded 
across  the  mountains  into  the  Ohio  and  Mississippi  valleys 
more  rapidly  than  the  French,  the  link  connecting  Canada 
and  Louisiana  would  be  broken,  and  these  two  provinces 
would  have  to  develop  separately,  if  at  all.  If  at  all,  be'cause 


ANGLO-FRENCH  RIVALRY  IN  THE  VALLEY 


3*9 


should  British  population  and  energy  seize  the  Great  Lakes 
and  the  Ohio  valley,  it  would  be  questionable  whether  the 
mouths  of  the  St.  Lawrence  and  the  Mississippi  could  remain 
in  other  hands.  It  is  true  that  in  Europe  Holland  lay  at  the 
mouth  of  the  Rhine  and  yet  had  achieved  and  maintained 
her  independence ; but  it  is  also  true  that  when  this  was  done 
Germany  was  disorganized  and  the  stream  itself  a bone  of 
contention  with  France.  Neither  one  was  willing  to  see  the 
other  possess  it.  Of  course,  the  New  World  boundary 
question  was  not  consciously  in  the  minds  of  either  French 
or  English  statesmen,  for  America  was  hardly  of  sufficient 
importance  to  be  in  the  minds  of  either.  To  us,  looking 
back,  the  successive  steps  are  of  more  interest  than  to  kings 
and  generals  to  whom  a fort  in  Flanders  or  a castle  in  Italy 
loomed  so  large  in  its  nearness  as  to  shut  off  countries 
across  the  ocean.  It  was  a contest  of  national  tendencies 
rather  than  of  national  intentions.  The  Mississippi  valley 
was  to  become  either  a French  colony  or  dependency,  with 
or  without  connection  with  Canada,  or  it  was  to  be  a 
hinterland  for  the  transmontane  expansion  of  the  British 
Atlantic  colonies.  This  was  the  question  set  by  Provi- 
dence before  the  two  races,  and  was  to  be  worked  out 
gradually.  It  was  to  be  like  the  coming  in  of  the  tide,  a 
progress,  but  with  such  flux  and  reflux  of  waves  as  to  make 
the  advance  at  any  particular  time  almost  imperceptible. 

The  question  could  be  solved  by  war,  but  European 
diplomats  thought  too  little  of  America  for  this  to  be  worth 
while.  It  was  left  to  settle  itself,  and  this  meant  turning  it 
over  to  the  gradual  growth  of  population  and  the  hardly 
more  conscious  growth  of  trade.  It  is  true  that  religion  was 
sometimes  thought  to  play  a part.  The  Catholic  colonists 
of  Maryland,  interposed  between  the  Protestants  of  all 
shades  north  and  south  of  them,  were  supposed  to  be  favor- 
able to  the  French,  and  their  influence  was  dreaded  the 
more  especially  because  their  country  stretched  far  back 
into  the  interior  and  by  means  of  the  Potomac  valley  offered 
a fairly  practicable  means  of  communication  between  the 


320 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


ocean  and  the  Ohio.  The  Jesuits  were  supposed  to  be 
active  along  this  route,  and  yet,  despite  perhaps  some  indi- 
vidual cases,  there  was  no  reason  to  doubt  the  loyalty  of 
the  Catholics  of  Maryland  to  British  interests. 

We  ordinarily  think  of  the  New  Englander  as  the  typical 
trader,  and  in  the  long  run  he  had  a great  deal  to  say  about 
the  settlement  of  the  Ohio  and  the  Mississippi  valleys.  But 
here  our  prepossessions  must  be  set  aside.  The  New  Eng- 
lander was  cut  off  from  the  Ohio  by  the  New  Yorker  and 
the  Pennsylvanian,  who  themselves  were  almost  shut  out 
from  the  great  valley  by  the  widely  spreading  ranges  of  the 
Alleghanies.  Similarly,  we  do  not  ordinarily  think  of 
the  Southerners  as  essentially  commercial,  and  yet  it  was  the 
Virginian  and  the  Carolinian  traders  who  first  found  passes 
through  the  Alleghanies  to  Tennessee,  Cumberland,  and 
Ohio  Rivers,  and  by  means  of  the  Cherokees,  Creeks, 
and  Chickasaws  checked  French  diplomacy  and  French 
development  in  the  interior.  The  spectacular  progress  of 
Governor  Spotswood  to  the  mountain  country  of  Virginia 
in  1716,  when  he  stood  upon  the  Blue  Ridge  and  saw  the 
beautiful  Shenandoah  Valley  lying  before  him,  untrodden 
save  by  wild  beasts  and  by  parties  of  the  Tuscaroras  and 
their  foes,  is  justly  thought  of  as  a turning  point  in  Virginian 
history.  His  eyes  took  seizin  of  that  fair  country  to  the 
west,  and  from  that  time  the  white  man’s  longing  for  its 
undiscovered  bourne  became  a passion.  But  the  way  had 
been  blazed  by  English  traders  already.  Bienville  had  early 
found  them  upon  the  Mississippi,  and  later  they  were  only 
more  numerous  and  influential.  Even  before  the  settle- 
ment of  Georgia,  Fort  Moore  was  the  place  of  assembly 
of  Indians  and  the  point  of  departure  of  traders.  It  was 
near  the  Lower  Creeks,  and  it  was  with  a just  foresight  that 
Bienville  in  17x4  seized  upon  a dispute  between  the  English 
and  the  Creeks  to  build  his  outpost  Fort  Toulouse  high  up 
on  the  Alabama  waters  where  the  Coosa  and  the  Talla- 
poosa, there  hardly  half  a mile  apart,  drained  fertile  countries 
thickly  settled  by  the  Alibamons  and  allied  tribes.  From  that 


Alexander  Spotswood,  Lieutenant-governor  of  Virginia.  From 
the  photograph,  op'  the  original  painting,  published  by  the  Virginia 
Historical  Society. 


ANGLO-FRENCH  RIVALRY  IN  THE  VALLEY 


321 


time  Adair,  who  was  so  long  among  the  Chickasaws,  dates 
the  decline  of  British  influence.  Previously,  the  traders  had 
come  freely  by  Indian  trails  across  country  from  Fort  Moore 
and  elsewhere  to  Coosa  and  other  towns  of  the  Creeks,  and 
by  the  Tennessee  to  the  Chickasaws  and  tribes  of  the  west. 
This  fort,  Alabahma,  as  he  calls  it,  interrupted  the  traffic 
and  drove  the  traders  to  the  more  difficult  hill  country 
further  north.  To  protect  the  new  route  and  regain  their 
influence  the  British  built,  hardly  forty  miles  away,  Fort 
Okfuske,  and  the  rivalry  of  Toulouse  and  Okfuske  has 
more  than  a local  interest  and  importance.  Thus  it  is  that 
the  rivalry  of  the  French  and  English  in  the  Mississippi 
valley,  and  more  particularly  at  the  headwaters  of  Ohio, 
Tennessee,  and  Alabama  Rivers,  was  to  decide  the  fate  of 
the  continent.  We  have  noticed  that  it  was  in  the  southern 
part  of  the  valley  that  this  conflict  was  more  intense,  and 
it  must  not  be  forgotten  also  that  it  was  all  to  the  east  of 
the  Mississippi. 

The  Indian  policies  of  the  two  nations  were  different. 
The  French  regarded  the  natives  as  subjects  of  their  king, 
although  on  a lower  plane  of  civilization  and  in  a system 
of  quasi-tutelage.  The  government  sent  or  encouraged 
missionaries  among  the  Indians,  and  trade  was  largely  in 
the  hands  of  the  military  commanders,  although  there  were 
trading  posts  not  strictly  military.  Gradually,  the  whole 
country,  from  the  mountains  to  the  Mississippi,  from  the 
lakes  to  the  headwaters  of  the  Gulf  streams,  was  permeated 
by  military  or  trading  posts,  all  conducted  by  the  French 
government  or  in  some  sense  responsible  to  it,  and  in  this 
way  what  was  done  was  largely  within  the  control  and 
knowledge  of  the  French  authorities.  It  is  true  that  from 
the  beginning  there  were  numerous  coureurs  de  boh , who 
bought  furs  and  other  peltries  from  the  Indians  and  brought 
them,  mainly  by  canoe  down  the  rivers,  to  New  Orleans, 
Biloxi,  or  Mobile.  These  men  were  rather  more  than 
half-savages  themselves.  They  married  Indian  women,  or 
lived  with  them  according  to  Indian  customs,  and  were 


322 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


frequent  thorns  in  the  flesh  of  the  Jesuits  and  other  fathers, 
introducing  liquor,  and  by  their  example  counteracting  the 
teaching  of  the  missionaries.  Nor  were  they  much  more 
amenable  to  the  civil  authority,  and  we  have  seen  from  time 
to  time  the  attempts  of  the  colonial  governors  to  restrain 
them.  But  even  they  in  a measure  aided  the  French  policy, 
for  they  supplied  a bridge  between  civilization  and  savagery 
and  showed  that  the  French  and  Indian  could  pass  insensi- 
bly one  into  the  other.  Unwittingly,  they  were  a connecting 
link  between  the  palace  of  Versailles  and  the  wigwams  of 
America. 

In  the  priest  was  found  another  great  factor  for  extend- 
ing French  influence.  It  would  be  an  injustice  to  the 
Recollets,  the  missionaries  of  Quebec,  and  the  Jesuits  to 
think  of  them  as  aiming  at  the  aggrandizement  of  France. 
As  men,  they  shared  the  feelings  of  their  countrymen,  but 
most  of  them  were  missionaries  in  the  true  sense  of  the 
word,  seeking  the  spiritual  salvation  of  the  natives,  although 
to  the  extent  that  they  made  the  savages  familiar  with  French 
wares,  language,  and  customs  they  forwarded  the  purposes 
of  the  French  officials.  And  this  counted  for  much,  so 
that  they  may  be  fairly  named  as  a part  of  the  influence 
exerted  by  the  French  against  the  English. 

The  British  traders,  often  Scotch,  were  men  who  carried 
goods,  perhaps  originally  made  in  England,  over  the  moun- 
tain ranges  and  portages  from  the  Atlantic  to  the  head- 
waters of  the  Ohio.  Singly  or  in  caravans,  their  jingling 
mules  and  pack-horses  brought  hatchets,  firearms,  beads, 
blankets,  and  whiskey  to  the  waiting  Indians,  taking  back 
in  return  furs,  skins,  and  other  native  products.  The  essen- 
tial difference  between  the  two  methods  of  trade  was  that 
the  British  traders  were  not  government  agents.  There 
was  not  even  general  oversight  on  the  part  of  the  govern- 
ment in  early  times,  and  no  cohesion  between  the  different 
colonies  in  such  matters.  From  1746  we  find  Sir  William 
Johnson  acting  in  New  York  as  colonial  superintendent  of 
Indian  affairs.  He  was  an  Irishman  who  had  come  over 


ANGLO-FRENCH  RIVALRY  IN  THE  VALLEY  323 

to  America  to  look  after  an  estate  on  the  borders  of  civili- 
zation and  there  gradually  worked  himself  into  the  esteem 
of  Indians  and  whites  alike. 

There  was  at  the  South  no  corresponding  official,  and 
yet  in  James  Adair  we  have  a man  analogous  to  Johnson. 
He  lived  at  one  time  in  Charlestown,  and  Charlestown  was 
to  be  for  long  not  only  the  principal  city  in  the  Southern 
colonies  but  the  chief  seat  of  Indian  trade  to  the  west.  In 
the  earliest  days  there  were  traders  from  Virginia,  but  the 
relations  of  the  Virginians  with  the  Indians  were  generally 
hostile.  We  recollect  that  the  Powhatans  and  other  tribes 
in  Virginia  were  practically  extinguished,  and  that  as  early  as 
1713  a war  with  the  Tuscaroras  of  North  Carolina  drove 
them  north  to  become  the  sixth  nation  of  the  Iroquois.  The 
great  Indian  tribes  of  the  eighteenth  century  east  of  the  Sioux 
and  the  Mississippi  were,  besides  the  Iroquois,  the  Cherokees 
in  the  Appalachian  range,  holding  the  passes  and  the  head- 
waters of  rivers  flowing  to  the  Mississippi  and  to  the  Atlan- 
tic; the  Creeks  to  the  southwest,  forming  the  Muskhogee 
confederacy  controlling  the  Alabama  and  its  sources ; the 
Chickasaws  extending  from  the  upper  Tombigbee  to  the 
Yazoo;  and  the  French-loving  Choctaws  nearer  the  Gulf. 
To  these  may  be  added  the  Catawbas  east  of  the  Cherokees, 
but  they  were  gradually  diminished  by  wars  with  the  Iroquois 
and  had  ceased  to  play  an  important  part.  The  field  was 
thus  left  clear  for  the  Carolinians,  and  Charlestown  on  the 
English  side  and  Mobile  on  the  French  were  the  great 
claimants  for  the  Indian  trade.  There  was  no  supervision 
of  the  traders  from  Carolina  before  1716,  and  even  after 
the  proprietors  undertook  the  business  themselves  it  was  not 
exclusive.  The  route  from  Charlestown  to  the  west  divided, 
one  branch  going  to  the  Creeks  and  the  other  to  the  Chero- 
kees. Where  the  first  crossed  Savannah  River  was  early 
built  Fort  Moore,  and  from  the  time  of  the  Cherokee  em- 
bassy to  England  a fort  was  planned  for  that  tribe.  James 
Adair,  from  1735,  among  the  Cherokees,  and  later  among 
the  Chickasaws,  was  by  his  personal  influence  supplying  the 


324 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


lack  of  any  fort.  Oglethorpe  founded  Augusta  opposite 
Fort  Moore  about  this  time,  but  it  was  not  until  much  later 
that  Fort  Prince  George  was  built  at  Keowee  among  the 
Cherokees. 

On  the  French  side,  the  coureurs  de  boh  and  traders  coex- 
isted among  the  natives,  but  on  the  British,  while  the  traders 
lived  among  the  natives,  there  were  few  wood  rangers, 
for  their  hunters  were  of  a later  date  and  will  be  found 
generally  to  be  hostile  to  the  natives.  The  pioneers  of  the 
two  civilizations  were  therefore  principally  the  traders;  and 
their  rivalries,  could  they  be  traced,  would  be  an  interesting 
chapter  in  the  development  of  America,  especially  the  trans- 
Alleghany  country.  Little,  however,  can  now  be  made  out. 
The  French  had  one  or  more  trading  stations  or  magasins 
about  Muscle  Shoals,  where  their  commerce  from  Mobile 
and  New  Orleans  met  British  competition  from  higher  up 
the  Tennessee.  On  or  near  the  present  site  of  Nashville 
a Frenchman  named  Charleville  had  a well-known  station 
from  at  least  1714,  while  five  years  later  we  hear,  on  the 
other  hand,  of  the  English  on  the  Wabash  and  even  on 
the  Illinois.  The  western  Cherokees  on  the  Little  Tennes- 
see were  much  influenced  by  the  French,  and  at  one  time 
there  was  a French  fort  or  station  not  far  from  Chota, 
the  “beloved  town.”  We  do  not  learn  of  many  traders 
of  either  nation  in  the  country  between  the  Cumberland 
and  the  Ohio,  largely  no  doubt  from  the  fact  that  there 
were  few  Indians  there.  It  was  a region  claimed  by  the 
Cherokees  from  the  south  and  the  Iroquois  from  the  north, 
but  it  was  really  more  of  a fighting  and  hunting  ground 
than  anything  else.  The  great  salt  licks  were  the  favorite 
resorts  of  buffaloes  and  other  wild  animals,  and  these  grew 
and  multiplied  undisturbed  save  by  occasional  expeditions 
of  the  red  men.  The  French  at  one  period  held  Fort 
Assumption  at  Chickasaw  Bluffs  on  the  Mississippi,  Padu- 
cah at  the  mouth  of  Cumberland  River,  and  in  1734  they 
made  an  expedition  to  Big  Bone  Lick.  The  Shawnees  have 
left  traces  in  different  parts  of  the  country,  but  for  a number 


ANGLO-FRENCH  RIVALRY  IN  THE  VALLEY 


325 


of  years  prior  to  1700  they  were  found  about  the  lower 
Tennessee  and  Cumberland  Rivers,  whence  Iberville  wished 
to  attract  them  to  the  Illinois.  Warring  with  both  the 
Cherokees  and  the  Chickasaws,  but  friendly  to  the  French, 
in  the  early  part  of  the  eighteenth  century  the  Shawnees 
found  their  situation  intolerable  and  gradually  migrated  to 
the  Wabash  and  the  Scioto.  This  was  somewhat  a blow 
to  the  French  policy,  for  it  left  the  Chickasaws  less  con- 
trolled and  more  subject  to  the  English  influence;  but  still, 
as  a rule,  the  French  could  claim  all  streams  running  west 
of  the  mountains  as  draining  their  territory.  It  has  been 
said  that  a spring  named  Herbert’s,  a half-mile  above  the 
source  of  Savannah  River,  ran  into  a tributary  of  the  Tennes- 
see and  was  thus  French  water;  and  a traveller  from  Caro- 
lina, leaving  Broad  River  behind  him,  naturally  named  the 
similar  stream  he  soon  found  running  west  the  French  Broad. 
To  such  extent  had  French  influence  proceeded  that  in  1734 
the  Carolina  legislature  memorialized  the  king  to  the  effect 
that  not  only  had  the  French  built  “Fort  Thoulous”  among 
the  Upper  Creeks  and  seduced  other  Indians  with  liberal 
presents,  but  they  had  even  made  the  Cherokee  nation  inso- 
lent to  British  traders,  and  that  circumstances  called  for 
building  forts  on  the  part  of  the  British.  And  this,  be  it 
remembered,  was  after  Governor  Nicholson  had  in  1721 
made  a treaty  with  the  chieftains  of  thirty-seven  towns  and 
appointed  an  agent  to  reside  among  the  Creeks,  and  only 
four  years  after  Sir  Alexander  Cumming  had  visited  the 
Cherokees  at  Nequassee  and  taken  six  chiefs  to  England  to 
do  homage  to  the  great  king. 

It  is  instructive  to  get  together  in  a single  view  the  prin- 
ciples of  French  colonization  in  the  interior  of  America. 
France  had  the  waterways  of  the  St.  Lawrence  and  the 
Mississippi,  connected  by  the  portages  through  the  Wiscon- 
sin, the  Illinois,  and  the  Wabash  Rivers,  besides  those 
further  to  the  east  controlled  by  the  Iroquois.  In  rainy 
seasons  it  was  actually  possible  to  pass  from  the  lakes  to 
some  of  these  streams  without  any  portage  at  all,  so  little 


326 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


watershed  was  there  between  the  two  systems,  thus  real- 
izing the  idea  of  an  old  Spanish  cartographer  that  both  the 
St.  Lawrence  and  the  Mississippi  took  their  rise  in  the  Great 
Lakes.  The  St.  Lawrence  ran  through  rocky  soil  which  was 
not  the  habitat  of  the  maize,  so  that  one  would  not  expect 
the  best  results  of  colonization  in  that  direction.  The 
Mississippi  valley,  on  the  other  hand,  possessed  fertile  lands, 
and  everywhere  the  maize  flourished. 

The  French  have  ever  been  the  best  explorers  of  the 
globe.  In  America  they  blazed  the  way  along  which  other 
nations  followed,  and  the  secrets  of  the  interior  wilderness 
were  known  to  them  long  before  the  blundering  English 
came.  And  yet,  at  the  time  of  which  we  speak  they  had 
sent  to  Louisiana  far  fewer  colonists,  and  these  less  produc- 
tive, than  had  the  British.  France  could  not  spare  so  many, 
or  her  people  did  not  wish  to  leave  for  other  homes,  or 
both  causes  combined  to  keep  down  the  number  of  her 
settlers.  It  would  look  as  if  instinctively  the  French  aimed 
at  organization,  perhaps  civilization,  of  the  natives,  among 
whom,  on  the  whole,  they  had  greater  influence  than  their 
competitors.  We  have  seen  how  Iberville  counted  on 
transplanting  whole  tribes  to  new  situations  near  French 
forts,  and  organizing  of  them  an  empire.  The  mission- 
aries aimed  at  gathering  about  their  missions  the  natives,  in 
families  if  not  in  tribes,  and  taught  agriculture  not  less  than 
the  rudiments  of  religion,  although  less  successfully  than  the 
Spanish  padres.  The  French  intermarried  with  the  natives, 
while  such  a relation  was  not  recognized  by  British  law. 
Thus  we  find  that  the  French  themselves  did  not  immi- 
grate in  great  numbers,  and  they  endeavored  to  make  quasi- 
colonists of  the  Indians  themselves.  Up  to  this  time  it 
was  not  certain  how  the  experiment  would  end.  It  was  a 
question  yet  to  be  worked  out,  and  even  if  the  French 
could  only  utilize  the  warriors  against  the  British  they  would 
command  a strong  force  in  time  of  war.  On  the  other 
hand,  while  the  British  did  not  explore  so  well  and  so  far, 
when  they  built  a fort  or  a post  it  was  not  so  much  the 


ANGLO-FRENCH  RIVALRY  IN  THE  VALLEY  327 

means  of  influence  among  the  natives  as  the  foundation  of 
a settlement,  of  homes  for  themselves.  The  test  was  now 
to  come  between  the  two  methods  of  colonization. 

Looking  over  this  field  of  rivalry,  we  find  that  the  French 
made  good  their  hold  on  the  Choctaws  and  Creeks  mainly 
by  peaceful  methods.  From  the  beginning  the  Choctaws, 
disturbed  only  for  a short  time  by  Adair,  were  friendly  to 
them.  While  at  the  first  there  had  been  hostility  on  the 
part  of  the  Alibamons,  and  in  1708  an  invasion  by  the  In- 
dians from  the  northeast,  this  had  been  futile  and  the  Creeks 
were  brought  firmly  within  the  sphere  of  French  influence 
by  the  erection  of  Fort  Toulouse.  The  Chickasaws  and 
the  Cherokees  were,  and  perhaps  unavoidably,  unfriendly 
to  the  French.  It  seemed  to  be  an  essential  feature  of 
Indian  international  relations  that  adjoining  confederacies 
should  be  hostile.  Naturally,  therefore,  whoever  became 
the  friend  of  the  one  could  not  well  remain  the  friend  of 
the  other.  Thus  the  Choctaws  and  Chickasaws  were  fre- 
quently at  war,  and  if  the  French  were  allies  of  the  Choc- 
taws they  could  hardly  be  so  with  the  Chickasaws.  The 
Creeks  and  the  Choctaws  were  also  sometimes  at  war,  but 
they  occupied  different  river  basins  and  conditions  were  not 
the  same. 

The  Chickasaws  were  the  thorn  in  the  side  of  the  French 
almost  from  the  beginning,  but  particularly  from  the  time 
that  the  Natches  were  driven  from  home  and  found  a 
refuge  among  them.  Resentment  and  English  influence 
combined  to  prevent  any  real  reconciliation.  It  is  true  the 
Chickasaws  did  by  returning  captives  try  to  make  their  peace 
with  the  French,  but  Bienville  not  less  than  Perier  was  con- 
vinced that  this  warrior  nation  could  only  be  conquered  into 
friendliness.  Bienville  wrote  home  on  his  return  to  Loui- 
siana in  1733  that  “if  we  cannot  gain  over  this  nation  it 
will  be  necessary  to  drive  it  away  from  the  territory  of  the 
colony.”  As  part  of  this  policy  he  stirred  up  hostilities 
between  the  Choctaws  and  the  Chickasaws,  and  while  he 
refused  to  let  D’Artaguette  attack  with  one  hundred  French 


328 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


and  the  Choctaws  from  Mobile,  he  permitted  Le  Sueur  with 
fewer  French  and  more  Choctaws  to  go  on  the  warpath. 

Adair  had  been  so  successful  among  the  Chickasaws  that 
he  had  been  commissioned  to  open  trade  with  the  Choctaws 
also,  and  he  tells  us  that  he  was  able  to  do  so  through  the 
circumstance  that  the  chieftain  of  Quansheto,  Red  Shoe  by 
translation,  or  “ Shulashummashtabe  ” in  Choctaw,  had  con- 
ceived an  intense  resentment  against  the  French  on  account 
of  the  action  of  a soldier  from  Fort  Tombecbe.  This  man 
had  become  over  intimate  with  Red  Shoe’s  wife,  and  the 
illicit  connection  was  discovered  by  the  husband.  The 
result  was  that  Red  Shoe  visited  Adair  by  invitation,  and 
was  readily  convinced  of  the  advantages  of  alliance  with 
the  English.  There  followed  a Choctaw  civil  war,  and,  of 
course,  greater  boldness  on  the  part  of  the  Chickasaws. 

The  Chickasaw  country  was  that  tract  of  land,  never 
rising  into  mountains,  which  was  yet  the  watershed  between 
the  Mississippi,  the  Tennessee,  the  Tombecbe,  and  the 
Yazoo  Rivers,  although  practically  inaccessible  from  any 
of  these  streams.  The  Chickasaws  lived  in  villages  made  of 
houses  covered  with  thatch  and  mud  and  surrounded  with 
palisades,  employed  firearms,  and  were  brave  and  daring. 
It  was  necessary  to  take  every  precaution  against  them,  and 
Bienville  spent  the  first  three  years  of  his  second  term  in 
preparations.  He  obtained  troops  and  supplies  from  France 
and  ordered  detachments  from  the  Illinois,  Natchitoches,  and 
the  Arkansas  to  advance  from  the  Mississippi  at  Chickasaw 
Bluffs,  while  he  took  troops  from  New  Orleans  by  the  lakes 
over  to  Mobile,  and  with  the  military  there  was  to  advance 
up  Tombecbe  River.  With  the  Illinois,  young  D’Arta- 
guette  was  to  bring  Iroquois  and  Miami  Indians,  and  thus 
the  Chickasaws  would  be  confronted  by  armies  from  the 
south,  west,  and  north.  Unfortunately,  the  gate  to  the  east 
was  left  open,  and  it  was  from  there  that  they  received  sup- 
plies from  the  English  of  Carolina.  Bienville  had  been 
able  to  end  the  Choctaw  civil  war  and  had  again  attached 
Red  Shoe  to  the  French  interests,  so  that  it  would  seem  as 


ANGLO-FRENCH  RIVALRY  IN  THE  VALLEY 


329 

if  all  practicable  precautions  had  been  taken  to  make  the 
enterprise  a success. 

Provisions  were  brought  from  New  Orleans,  artillery 
ordered  from  France,  and  troops  from  several  posts.  The 
plans  were  not  thoroughly  carried  out,  as  cannon,  for  in- 
stance, did  not  arrive;  but  Bienville  embarked  at  Mobile  five 
hundred  soldiers  from  Natchitoches,  Natchez,  and  Mobile, 
a company  of  volunteers  from  New  Orleans,  another  of 
unmarried  colonists,  and  forty-five  negroes  under  Simon,  a 
free  black,  and  they  went  up  the  Tombecbe  in  thirty  large 
pirogues  and  as  many  flatboats  in  April,  1736. 

Bienville’s  basis  of  supplies  was  what  is  now  called 
Jones’s  Bluff,  above  the  Black  Warrior,  where  De  Lusser 
built  or  strengthened  Fort  Tombecbe.  There,  after  a trip 
of  twenty-three  days,  a conference  was  held  with  the  Choc- 
taws, some,  like  influential  Alabama  Mingo,  being  loyal, 
and  others,  like  Red  Shoe,  being  more  than  doubtful.  On 
the  surface  the  situation  was  satisfactory,  but  it  had  been 
necessary  to  make  a change  of  date,  and  Bienville  sent 
word  to  D’Artaguette.  Finally,  on  May  2 2d,  the  expedi- 
tion reached  the  head  of  navigation,  where  they  built  Fort 
Oltibia,  near  a portage  over  to  the  Tennessee  or  Chero- 
kee River.  Nothing  was  heard  of  D’Artaguette,  and  Bien- 
ville, striking  across  country,  reached  Schiouafalay,  where 
the  Choctaws  precipitated  what  is  commonly  called  the 
battle  of  Ackia.  To  such  an  extent  had  the  influence  of 
the  British  extended  over  the  Chickasaws  through  Adair 
and  the  mountain  traders  from  Carolina,  that  now,  in  a 
time  nominally  of  profound  peace  between  England  and 
France,  the  British  flag,  nevertheless,  was  flying  from  the 
stockades,  and  Englishmen  were  found  to  be  aiding  the  In- 
dians in  their  defence.  The  French  advanced  bravely,  but 
the  Choctaws  did  more  howling  than  fighting.  De  Lusser 
was  killed  and  Grondel  rescued  senseless,  while  the  troops 
could  not  reach  the  palisades.  The  absence  of  the  artillery 
made  it  sheer  sacrifice  to  continue  sending  infantry  against 
stockaded  forts  defended  by  such  sharpshooters  as  the 


33° 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


Chickasaws  and  the  English  traders.  After  repeated  attacks 
Bienville  recognized  his  defeat,  and  retreated  on  the  next 
day.  The  rains  had  impeded  the  boats  coming  up,  and  now 
the  fall  of  the  river  almost  left  them  stranded  going  down. 

On  reaching  the  coast  Bienville  learned  that  the  disaster 
was  greater  than  he  thought,  for  D’Artaguette  had  been 
defeated  even  earlier,  and  with  Vincennes,  the  Jesuit  Senat, 
and  other  prisoners,  had  been  burned  alive.  Among  the 
papers  captured  from  them  were  despatches  from  Bienville, 
and  thus  it  was  that  the  Chickasaws  learned  the  plans  of  the 
French  and  were  able  to  complete  their  discomfiture. 

It  was  necessary  to  retrieve  this  disaster,  or  French  prestige 
among  all  southern  Indians,  if  not  in  the  whole  Mississippi 
valley,  was  gone  forever.  The  fleeing  Iroquois,  Miami, 
and  Illinois  savages  spread  the  tale  far  and  wide,  and  the 
disaffected  among  the  Choctaws  were  more  and  more  em- 
boldened. The  government  agreed  to  a new  expedition, 
but  foolishly  alienated  Bienville  by  putting  another  in  com- 
mand over  him.  Still,  he  spent  several  years  in  preparations, 
and  in  1740  another  attack  was  made,  this  time  by  way  of 
the  Mississippi,  which  was  better  planned  and  better  carried 
out.  The  Chickasaws  retired  on  the  approach  of  the  French, 
although  from  a military  point  of  view  the  expedition  was 
hardly  brilliant.  But  it  impressed  the  savages  and  they  sued 
for  peace.  Bienville  thought  it  the  wiser  policy  to  accept 
their  advances,  and  concluded  with  them  what  amounted  to 
a truce  of  several  years. 

The  Natches  had  to  some  extent  been  compelled  to 
retire  from  among  the  Chickasaws,  but  friendliness  was 
never  restored  or  trade  relations  renewed  between  the 
French  and  the  Chickasaws.  They  were,  if  anything,  more 
confirmed  in  their  attachment  to  the  English.  After  Bien- 
ville left,  even  the  Choctaws  became  divided  again,  despite 
Vaudreuil’s  great  congress  at  Mobile,  and  there  was  a 
hostile  expedition  down  the  Mississippi  of  Choctaws  and 
Muskhogees.  The  French  not  only  thought  of  abandoning 
Fort  Tombecbe,  but  found  it  prudent  to  erect  a palisade 


ANGLO-FRENCH  RIVALRY  IN  THE  VALLEY 


331 

in  Mobile.  The  town  must  have  shrunk  a great  deal, 
for  in  1 745  the  male  population  outside  of  the  garrison 
amounted  to  only  one  hundred  and  fifty  and  the  negroes  of 
both  sexes  to  two  hundred,  and  from  this  time  dates  the 
grant  for  agricultural  purposes  of  some  of  the  land  which 
earlier  had  been  in  town  lots.  Red  Shoe  renewed  his  hos- 
tility, and  three  years  later  was  killed  by  a Choctaw,  rumor 
has  it,  for  a reward  offered  by  the  French.  Bossu  tells 
us  that  the  governor  managed  to  end  the  revolt  by  cutting 
off  supplies  of  ammunition  from  the  friendly  Choctaws  until 
they  forced  the  hostiles  to  peace. 

Vaudreuil  found  himself  able  in  1752  to  undertake  an 
expedition  against  the  Chickasaws,  the  third  by  the  French, 
which  was,  like  one  of  Bienville’s,  from  Mobile  and  up  the 
Tombecbe.  In  fact,  it  offered  a curious  parallel  to  that 
ill-fated  first  expedition,  which  terminated  at  Ackia.  The 
canoe  fleet  proceeded  up  to  Fort  Tombecbe,  where  it  re- 
mained for  a short  time,  and  then  to  what  is  now  Cotton 
Gin  Port,  whence  the  troops  marched  across  the  country,  and 
with  the  assistance  of  the  Choctaws  attacked  the  Chickasaw 
towns.  Vaudreuil  had  the  advantage  of  Bienville  in  artillery, 
and  succeeded  in  destroying  cabins  and  crops;  but  he  met 
a defeat  only  less  disastrous,  and  in  retreating  seems  to 
have  abandoned  his  artillery  in  the  river  on  account  of  low 
water.  He  halted  long  enough  at  Tombecbe  to  enlarge  and 
strengthen  it  and  then  returned  to  Mobile. 

The  Chickasaws  were  unconquerable,  and  their  hostility 
to  the  French  could  not  be  appeased.  They  could  be  worn 
out  by  sheer  attrition,  but  would  not  yield  voluntarily. 
One  cannot  restrain  admiration  for  a tribe  gradually  grow- 
ing fewer  in  number  before  the  increasing  French,  and  who, 
unlike  the  oak,  would  neither  bend  nor  break.  The  British 
hold  upon  the  Appalachian  Mountains  and  their  southwest- 
ern foothills  was  unbroken.  Forts  Toulouse  and  Tombecbe 
remained  a menace  to  their  influence,  and  their  traders  had 
to  use  Tennessee  River  and  the  mountain  paths  near  by; 
and  yet,  without  a fort  among  the  Chickasaws,  by  traders 


332 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


few  in  number,  the  English  maintained  this  wedge  of  Indian 
tribes,  extending  westwardly  from  the  mountains  of  Carolina 
almost  to  the  Mississippi. 

In  the  Kentucky  region  as  elsewhere  in  the  Ohio  valley 
the  mountains  barred  out  the  English  settlers  but  not  the 
English  traders.  In  1745  Vaudreuil  writes  to  the  French 
government  that  he  has  sent  by  the  Elephant  three  traders 
captured  on  the  Mississippi,  although  we  also  learn  after- 
ward that  the  Elephant  was  captured  by  the  English  them- 
selves, and  there  were  earlier  and  later  instances  of  such 
trade  invasions.  Virginia,  it  is  true,  claimed  all  this  country, 
because  Maryland  and  Pennsylvania,  unlike  her,  had  definite 
western  boundaries  whose  lines  were  perhaps  uncertain  but  at 
least  capable  of  being  run,  while  we  recollect  that  ever  since 
La  Salle’s  time  all  territory  watered  by  streams  tributary  to 
the  Mississippi  was  claimed  by  France  as  part  of  Louisiana. 
On  neither  side  were  the  native  inhabitants  much  considered. 
The  French,  however,  had  less  difficulty,  for  they  called  the 
Indians  their  brothers,  really  with  themselves  subjects  of 
the  French  king.  We  find  treaties  of  alliance,  but  no  ces- 
sions of  territory  to  the  French.  Nor  was  any  needed,  for 
the  French  trader  was  either  a royal  officer  or  under  official 
supervision,  and  the  fort  to  protect  French  interests  was  not 
less  a post  for  trade,  welcomed  by  the  natives. 

The  claim  of  the  English  to  the  Ohio  valley  as  against 
the  Indians  was  based  upon  treaties  with  the  Iroquois,  and 
that  of  the  Iroquois  upon  conquest.  The  Five  Nations  had 
in  many  respects  the  most  instructive  history  of  the  native 
tribes.  They  had  learned  that  in  union  there  was  strength, 
and  in  one  of  their  congresses  with  the  British  colonists  they 
even  exhorted  their  white  brethren  to  a similar  union,  and 
this  before  confederation  was  planned  by  anyone.  They 
claimed  by  conquest  all  the  country  east  of  Mississippi  River 
from  Hudson  Bay  to  the  Cherokees,  themselves  friendly 
to  these  northerners.  The  Catawbas  they  almost  exter- 
minated, and  it  was  the  Tuscaroras  from  the  south  who 
made  up  the  sixth  nation  of  the  league.  The  justice  of  the 


ANGLO-FRENCH  RIVALRY  IN  THE  VALLEY  333 

claim  is  another  matter,  but  for  the  present  let  us  see  how 
the  English  fell  heir  to  it. 

While  the  Canadians  and  the  Iroquois  were  engaged  in 
their  long  Thirty  Years’  War,  the  British  were  careful  to 
cultivate  and  spur  on  the  Long  House.  In  1684  and  even 
in  1701,  after  the  Iroquois  had  made  peace  with  Canada,  the 
British  acquired  their  rights  to  different  districts  adjoining 
the  northern  settlements,  and  in  1726  yet  other  lands  were 
thus  obtained,  “to  be  protected  and  defended  by  his  Majesty 
to  and  for  the  use  of  the  grantors  and  their  heirs.”  In 
1744,  at  Lancaster,  the  Six  Nations  were  persuaded  by 
means  of  whiskey  and  debauchery  to  recognize  the  king’s 
right  to  “all  lands  that  are  or  by  his  Majesty’s  appoint- 
ments shall  be  within  the  colony  of  Virginia,” — which  was 
a “walking  purchase”  putting  to  blush  the  original  of  the 
name.  On  this  was  based  the  grant  by  the  government  of 
five  hundred  thousand  acres,  to  be  principally  located  on 
the  south  side  of  Ohio  River  between  the  Monongahela 
and  the  Kanawha,  by  the  Ohio  Company,  an  association 
made  up  of  Thomas  Lee,  Lawrence  and  Augustine  Wash- 
ington,— brothers  of  George  Washington, — ten  other  Vir- 
ginians, and  a gentleman  of  London.  Two  hundred  thousand 
acres  were  to  be  located  at  once  and  held  for  ten  years  free 
of  rent  if  the  company  colonized  there  one  hundred  families 
within  seven  years  and  built  a sufficient  fort.  In  con- 
summating this,  Christopher  Gist  in  1750— 1751  made  his 
famous  exploration  from  Colonel  Cresap’s  house  at  the  old 
town  on  Potomac  River  down  the  Ohio  within  fifteen  miles 
of  the  falls  and  thence  to  Roanoke  River  in  North  Carolina. 

It  would  seem  as  if  the  cessions  by  the  Iroquois  of  these 
lands  west  of  the  Alleghanies  violated  on  a great  scale  the 
principle  as  to  conveyance  by  a party  out  of  possession. 
The  Iroquois  had  been  much  set  back  by  the  long  war  with 
Canada  beginning  in  1663,  and  the  very  fact  of  the  cession 
of  lands  behind  them  showed  that  their  activity  now  was 
more  limited  than  their  claims.  On  the  other  hand,  while 
few  Indians  lived  upon  the  banks  of  the  Ohio,  the  upland 


3 34 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


was  by  no  means  a wilderness.  What  we  call  Kentucky, 
it  is  true,  had  few  occupants,  but  it  was  the  hunting  ground 
for  the  Shawnees  and  tribes  to  the  north.  Not  to  mention 
those  of  the  Illinois  region,  next  west  of  the  Alleghanies 
and  thus  about  Muskingum  River  were  the  Delawares,  who 
had  retired  from  their  ancient  eastern  seats;  and  there  were 
gathered  about  the  Scioto  in  the  eighteenth  century  the 
Shawnees,  those  American  Bedouins  whose  hand  was  heavy 
against  the  English.  West  of  these,  about  the  Miami  Rivers, 
great  and  little,  were  the  Miamis,  or  Twightwees,  who  ex- 
tended over  to  the  Wabash,  and  along  Lake  Erie  were  the 
Wyandots  and  other  Canadian  tribes.  Altogether  what 
makes  up  the  States  of  Ohio  and  Indiana  had  a fairly  large 
population  of  warlike  Indians,  far  superior  to  the  Illinois  and 
other  victims  of  French  fire-water.  These  not  only  did  not 
consent  to  the  Iroquois  cessions,  but,  on  the  contrary,  did 
not  acknowledge  Iroquois  supremacy  in  any  shape,  and  the 
irritation  of  the  Indians  was  readily  taken  advantage  of  by 
the  French. 

The  rivalry  of  the  French  and  the  British  in  the  Missis- 
sippi valley  had  reached  a stage  where  dispute  could  only 
be  settled  by  arms.  The  French  held  the  banks  of  the 
Mississippi,  and  to  some  extent  those  of  the  Ohio,  and  were 
equally  powerful  upon  the  Great  Lakes  west  of  the  Iro- 
quois. The  Gulf,  too,  was  theirs  or  Spanish,  but  they  had 
been  unable  by  force  or  trade  to  come  into  control  of  the 
Chickasaws  and  Cherokees  about  the  lower  end  of  the 
Appalachian  Mountains.  The  French  coureurs , the  French 
traders,  and  the  French  officials  had  their  territory  fairly  in 
hand;  and  while  the  English  were  less  organized,  they  were 
more  numerous  and  seemed  through  their  firm  hold  upon  the 
Cherokees  and  Chickasaws  to  keep  a great  wedge  between 
the  Latins  of  the  Gulf  and  of  the  Ohio  valley.  From  a 
contest  of  traders  it  had  come  to  be  an  almost  incessant 
conflict  of  pioneers,  if  not  of  outposts.  It  needed  but 
an  outbreak  in  Europe  to  produce  open  war  in  the  wilds 
of  America. 


CHAPTER  XVIII 


OPEN  WAR 

War  has  more  often  resulted  from  trade  rivalry  than 
from  any  other  secular  cause.  It  is  true  that  in  early  eras 
uncivilized  races  projected  themselves  upon  more  cultivated 
but  weaker  countries,  urged  on  by  a desire  to  better  their 
condition,  or  pushed  by  more  savage  races  behind.  Even 
in  later  times  an  expanding  population  has  caused  a power- 
ful country  to  seize  neighboring  provinces.  But  the  main 
cause  of  war,  nevertheless,  will  be  found  in  historic  times 
to  be  the  desire  to  secure  a market  or  a vantage  ground  for 
trade.  It  is  not  necessary  for  this  to  be  consciously  in  the 
minds  of  statesmen.  Insult  to  the  flag,  real  or  fancied, 
injury  to  merchants,  true  or  assumed,  desire  for  territory 
better  fitted  for  trade,  commercial  concessions  to  one  power 
conflicting  with  those  to  another, — these  and  the  like  are 
the  origin  of  most  modern  struggles.  And  so  it  was  with 
France  and  England  in  the  eighteenth  century.  At  first, 
America  had  been  drawn  into  European  conflicts;  now,  it 
was  to  be  at  least  in  part  the  main  object  of  war  between 
the  mother  countries. 

We  have  seen  that  the  Mississippi  valley  was  the  field 
of  commercial  rivalry  between  the  French  and  the  English 
traders.  This  basin  was  bounded  by  the  Alleghanies  on  the 
east,  while  the  Great  Lakes  on  the  north  and  the  Alabama- 
Tombigbee  region  and  Florida  on  the  south  afforded  access 
to  and  from  it.  Through  the  mountains  also  were  different 

335 


336 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


passes,  used  by  the  traders  and  passable  to  troops,  while  the 
Potomac,  the  Susquehanna,  and  particularly  the  Hudson 
and  Mohawk  Rivers  were  in  the  nature  of  gates  through 
the  Alleghanies  to  the  headwaters  of  the  Ohio.  Thus  the 
British  colonies  were  not  only  hemmed  in  by  the  mountains, 
but  could  strike  and  be  struck  through  these  passes  and 
gates  in  the  rear,  and,  besides,  were  flanked  by  the  Latin 
races  in  Canada  and  Florida.  All  this  had  been  important 
in  commercial  rivalry  in  the  past,  and  was  yet  to  play  a 
greater  part  in  the  armed  conflict  to  follow. 

The  important  points  for  trade  were  not  necessarily  the 
strategic  points  for  war.  The  former  must  be  among  the  In- 
dian customers;  the  latter  must  be  nearer  the  white  enemy. 
Thus  in  the  earlier  days  we  find  French  forts  along  the 
rivers,  as  at  Natchez,  Tombecbe,  the  junction  of  the  Ohio 
and  the  Mississippi,  the  junction  of  the  Wabash  and  the 
Ohio,  Fort  Chartres,  L’Huilier,  Michilimackinac,  and  De- 
troit. In  the  period  which  we  have  now  reached,  a greater 
part  was  to  be  played  by  those  at  Niagara,  Presqu’fle, 
the  junction  of  the  Alleghany  and  the  Monongahela  on  the 
French  side,  and  at  Oswego,  Cumberland,  and  Loudoun  on 
the  English;  and  it  will  be  observed  that  most  of  these 
were  in  or  near  the  Appalachian  range  or  on  the  streams 
issuing  from  it. 

What  was  in  America  called  the  French  and  Indian  War 
and  in  Europe  the  Seven  Years’  War  decided  the  contest, 
but  it  was  not  the  only  one  in  which  the  colonies  were  con- 
cerned. There  had  been  previously  three  others.  The  first 
was  spoken  of  in  America  as  King  William’s  War,  being 
the  American  end  of  that  in  which  Louis  XIV.  undertook 
to  restore  James  II.  after  the  English  Revolution  of  1688. 
This  conflict  had  not  decided  results  on  this  side  of  the 
ocean,  the  chief  event  being  Frontenac’s  repulse  of  Admiral 
Phipp’s  attack  on  Quebec.  The  second  was  Queen  Anne’s 
War,  corresponding  to  that  of  the  Spanish  Succession,  waged 
mainly  in  the  north  and  ended  by  the  Peace  of  Utrecht, 
when  England  acquired  Acadia  and  Newfoundland.  The 


Henry  Bouquet,  1719-1765.  Brigadier-general  in  the  French 
and  Indian  War.  After  the  original  painting  in  Independence  Hall 
Philadelphia. 


OPEN  WAR 


337 


third  contest  was  King  George’s  War,  beginning  in  1744 
and  somewhat  corresponding  to  the  Austrian  Succession. 
This  again  related  mainly  to  the  North,  and  among  its 
achievements  was  the  capture  by  the  English  colonists  next 
year  of  Louisburg,  which  the  French  had  built  on  Cape 
Breton  Island  to  compensate  for  the  loss  of  Acadia,  and  the 
unsuccessful  attacks  in  the  South  on  St.  Augustine  and 
Charlestown.  So  little  yet  did  America  weigh  in  the  minds 
of  English  statesmen  that  Louisburg,  the  strategic  point 
for  the  control  of  the  St.  Lawrence,  was  ceded  back  to 
France  at  the  Peace  of  Aix-la-Chapelle,  in  1748,  in  ex- 
change for  Madras,  which  the  French  had  taken  in  India. 

The  French  plan,  dating  back  as  far  as  La  Salle  and 
Iberville,  was  to  develop  Canada  so  as  to  embrace  the  St. 
Lawrence  and  Great  Lake  regions,  and  Louisiana  to  cover 
the  Mississippi  valley  and  north  Gulf  coast,  and  by  portages 
and  forts  connect  the  two  so  as  really  to  constitute  one  New 
France  in  America.  Incidentally,  this  was  to  involve  con- 
fining the  British  to  the  seaboard  of  the  Atlantic  if  not  to 
drive  them  out  of  America  altogether,  for  France  had  taken 
up  the  burden  of  Spain,  improving  on  it  in  that  she  would 
encircle  the  British  from  the  rear  instead  of  attacking  from 
Florida  to  the  south.  The  scheme  was  more  promising  be- 
cause the  French  were  better  organizers  than  the  Spanish,  and 
in  their  hands  it  had  the  advantage  that  they  interested 
and  influenced  the  natives  where  the  Spaniards  had  largely 
antagonized  them.  Spain  had  failed  because  of  increasing 
weakness  at  home  and  the  growing  preponderance  of  the 
British  at  sea,  the  command  of  which  was  necessary.  The 
French  increased  in  Canada  and  Louisiana,  almost  unknown 
to  the  British,  who  stayed  at  home  and  developed  their  own 
colonies  without  thinking  a great  deal  of  what  was  going 
on  across  the  mountains.  The  French  had  the  inland,  with 
almost  complete  water  communication,  but  it  was  the  longer 
line.  The  British  had  the  coast,  with  the  sea  as  a base,  but 
were  separated  by  distance  and  mountains,  and  even  more 
by  their  local  jealousies. 


338 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


It  is  probable  that  the  two  nations  would  have  gone  on 
for  a long  time  without  clashing  had  it  been  simply  a ques- 
tion of  the  Atlantic  coast  and  the  St.  Lawrence  and  Missis- 
sippi countries.  They  were  too  far  apart  to  affect  each 
other  very  much.  But  it  so  happened  that  the  French  were 
not  able  to  make  themselves  full  masters  of  the  lower  lake 
region.  The  Mohawk  River,  rising  near  that  system  of 
lakes  emptying  into  Ontario,  and  the  old  native  warfare 
between  the  Iroquois  of  that  region  and  their  kinsmen 
the  Hurons  north  of  the  St.  Lawrence  were  unforeseen 
factors  in  the  result.  The  early  governors  of  Canada  had 
felt  compelled  to  take  the  part  of  the  Hurons  and  had  thus 
incurred  the  lasting  enmity  of  the  Iroquois, — the  bravest, 
fiercest,  and  best  organized  of  all  the  Indian  leagues  of  the 
north.  These,  although  mustering  less  than  four  thousand 
warriors,  all  but  exterminated  the  Hurons,  and  extended 
their  influence  far  to  the  south  and  down  Ohio  River  even 
to  the  Mississippi,  while  their  inroads  and  name  were  dreaded 
as  far  up  the  lakes  as  Michilimackinac.  The  French  had 
tried  to  placate  or  to  conquer  them,  and  the  devoted  Jesuits 
had  been  martyrs  in  their  country;  but  the  Dutch  and 
afterward  the  English  secured  their  friendship,  and  French 
control  was  finally  limited  to  the  western  tribe,  the  Senecas. 
The  English  built  a post  at  Oswego  in  1725,  and  the 
French  followed  the  next  year  by  a fort  at  Niagara.  If 
the  French  could  hold  both  sides  of  Lake  Ontario  and 
influence  the  Iroquois,  their  plan  of  developing  the  St. 
Lawrence  and  the  lake  region  would  be  successful.  If  not, 
they  would  labor  under  difficulties  which  might  be  insur- 
mountable. 

Thus  it  was  that  where  the  two  civilizations  were  closest 
together  and  where  only  the  native  league  of  the  Iroquois 
was  interposed  between  them  there  came  the  first  clash. 
King  George’s  War  had  settled  the  issue  in  favor  of  the 
English  for  the  time  being;  but  this  arbitrament  of  arms 
was  not  necessarily  final.  It  might  be  reversed,  and,  at  all 
events,  the  French  could  develop  the  northern  shore  of  the 


OPEN  WAR 


339 


lower  lakes  and  use  these  waters  freely  for  communication 
with  the  west.  There  were  portages  everywhere,  but 
curiously  enough  the  course  of  the  early  explorers  was 
the  one  afterward  generally  pursued.  From  Lake  Erie 
there  were  portages  over  to  Alleghany  River  on  the  east, 
and  from  near  Detroit  others  to  the  Miami,  leading  also  to 
the  Ohio;  but  the  pioneers  had  blazed  the  way  for  the 
great  fur  trade  of  the  upper  lakes,  and  the  great  highway 
remained  still  by  way  of  the  St.  Joseph  and  the  Chicago 
portages  to  the  south  end  of  Lake  Michigan  over  into 
Illinois  River.  And  yet  the  importance  of  the  eastern 
routes  from  Lake  Erie  was  never  forgotten  by  the  French, 
and  when  Virginians  organized  the  Ohio  Company  the 
French  were  not  slow  to  act.  We  can  see  now  that  they 
should  have  done  so  before,  but  even  among  pioneers  the 
earliest  established  routes  are  apt  to  continue  unless  there 
is  some  good  reason  for  a change,  and  the  upper  Ohio  pre- 
sented no  attractions.  It  ran  through  a mountainous  region, 
and,  more  than  that,  was  peopled  by  few  Indians.  The 
Delawares  and  Shawnees  were  to  become  important  again, 
but  in  early  times  the  former  had  been  conquered  by  the 
Iroquois,  who  called  them  women,  and  then  had  been  driven 
west  by  the  English,  while  the  Shawnees  were  themselves 
comparatively  late  comers  from  what  we  now  call  Kentucky. 
In  this  way  the  French  were  not  active  in  the  upper  Ohio 
valley  until  the  English  were  making  ready  on  their  side  to 
take  possession.  It  was  the  conflict  about  Fort  Du  Quesne, 
rather  than  any  question  about  the  lake  and  Mississippi  route, 
that  finally  decided  the  contest  over  America.  The  line 
was  too  long  to  be  strong  at  all  points,  and  it  so  happened 
that  the  British  colonial  advance  was  greatest  at  the  place 
where  the  French  defence  was  weakest,  at  what  has  been 
called  the  Portals  of  the  Ohio  Valley. 

Heretofore  the  scene  of  the  armed  conflicts  had  been 
Canada  and  its  approaches.  Nothing  had  been  thought  of 
the  Ohio  or  Mississippi  valleys  beyond  some  Indian  fights 
on  the  Miami,  and  singularly  modern  is  it  to  find  the  occasion 


340 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


of  the  greatest  war  of  all  in  the  claims  of  a land  company. 
In  consequence  Celoron  was  sent  from  Canada  in  1749, 
to  take  more  formal  possession  of  the  whole  Ohio  valley, 
which  he  did  by  conferences  with  the  Indians  and  by  bury- 
ing at  important  places  leaden  plates  with  the  claim  of 
France  inscribed,  as  La  Salle  had  done  on  the  Mississippi. 
Better  yet,  they  strengthened  Niagara  and  built  other  forts 
and  posts,  as  Sandusky  in  1751,  and  a little  later  Presqu’Ile, 
Le  Boeuf,  and  Venango.  Rumors  of  this  induced  Governor 
Dinwiddie  to  send  young  Washington  to  investigate,  and 
on  his  report  it  was  determined  by  Virginia  to  erect  a fort 
also.  Whether  the  junction  of  the  Alleghany  and  the  Mo- 
nongahela  was  in  Virginia  or  Pennsylvania  was  doubtful,  but 
there  the  Virginia  Assembly,  in  1754,  began  its  proposed 
post,  and  forthwith  the  French  drove  off  the  Virginians  and 
finished  it  for  themselves  as  the  famous  Fort  Du  Quesne. 
Washington  led  Virginia  and  North  Carolina  troops  in  this 
direction  and  defeated  a body  of  French,  but  after  throwing 
up  Fort  Necessity  was  himself  attacked  by  a larger  force 
and  compelled  to  surrender  on  honorable  terms.  Fort 
Cumberland  was  erected  to  protect  the  western  settlements 
of  Maryland,  and  then  came  Braddock’s  attempt  on  Fort 
Du  Quesne,  resulting  in  his  death.  With  this  and  the 
defeat  of  Dieskau  at  Lake  George  the  war  was  on  in  earnest, 
although  it  was  not  until  the  next  year  that  it  was  formally 
declared.  Montcalm  took  charge  in  Canada,  and  Aber- 
crombie and  Loudoun  proved  unable  to  cope  with  him,  so 
that  the  next  two  years  were  disastrous  for  the  British. 

A conference  of  southern  governors,  including  Dobbs  of 
North  Carolina,  Dinwiddie  of  Virginia,  Denny  of  Pennsyl- 
vania, and  Sharpe  of  Maryland,  was  held  with  the  Earl  of 
Loudoun  at  Philadelphia  in  March,  175 7.  It  was  proposed 
by  Loudoun  and  agreed  that  the  greater  part  of  the  troops 
should  be  employed  to  the  northward  and  that  the  defence 
of  the  southern  provinces  should  be  left  to  a battalion  of  a 
thousand  men  and  three  independent  companies  of  one 
hundred  each  in  South  Carolina,  although  the  provinces 


OPEN  WAR 


341 


should  raise  in  addition  enough  to  make  up  five  thousand 
men.  There  being  always  danger  of  an  attempt  on  South 
Carolina,  there  were  to  be  raised  for  the  defence  of  that 
province  and  Georgia  two  thousand  men,  including  five 
companies  of  regular  troops.  Lord  Loudoun  was  to  supply 
provisions,  and  the  transport  was  to  be  at  the  expense  of  the 
respective  provinces.  The  troops  were  placed  under  com- 
mand of  Lieutenant-colonel  Bouquet,  a Swiss  in  the  British 
service  at  Du  Quesne,  and  the  regulars  were  promptly  taken 
by  sea  to  Charlestown.  Lyttleton,  of  South  Carolina,  was 
not  present  at  the  meeting,  but  cooperated  in  the  plans. 

The  military  reputation  of  Lord  Loudoun  has  not  been 
high,  for  his  success  was  not  great,  but  at  least  he  made 
elaborate  preparations  during  the  French  War  and  his  name 
has  been  perpetuated  in  more  than  one  fort  and  district. 
As  a result  of  the  conference  of  governors  at  Philadelphia, 
he  sent  Lieutenant-colonel  Bouquet  to  the  South  with  regu- 
lars, followed  by  troops  from  Virginia  and  other  colonies. 
The  object  of  this  was  to  repel  attack  by  the  French  fleet; 
for  these  vessels  were  heard  from  at  different  times,  being 
now  in  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  now  at  Cap  Francois  in  Santo 
Domingo.  They  never  did  make  an  attack;  but  between 
them  and  the  privateers  the  southern  ports,  and  Charlestown 
in  particular,  were  kept  on  the  qui  vive.  A treaty  effected 
by  Governor  Ellis  with  the  Creeks  west  of  the  Georgia 
settlements  rendered  that  frontier  secure,  although  unfortu- 
nately this  was  not  to  prove  true  in  the  direction  of  Fort 
Loudoun  over  the  mountains. 

Charlestown,  being  the  largest  city,  became  the  headquar- 
ters of  Bouquet  and  thence  he  issued  orders  to  the  various 
forts,  of  which  he  named  Johnson,  Frederic,  Moore,  Prince 
George,  and  Loudoun  as  the  principal,  and  his  negotiations 
with  the  different  governors  and  their  assemblies  are  full  of 
interest.  Thus  North  Carolina  was  slow  in  furnishing  her 
quota,  and  South  Carolina  for  some  time  failed  to  provide 
barracks  and  furniture  for  the  soldiers.  Bouquet  said 
that  such  things  were  managed  better  at  the  north,  but  he 


342 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


expressed  his  entire  disgust  with  America  as  a whole,  and 
declared  that  if  he  could  once  get  out  of  it  no  consideration 
would  make  him  return.  In  South  Carolina  the  people  he 
thought  well  to  do,  and  yet,  while  they  were  pleased  to  have 
soldiers  defend  them,  they  made  no  difference  between  these 
and  the  negroes.  On  account  of  the  exposure,  troops,  even 
the  hardy  Highlanders,  who  were  well  upon  arrival  soon 
became  sick  and  unserviceable.  He  makes  an  exception  in 
favor  of  Georgia,  for  Governor  Ellis  he  declares  to  be  inde- 
fatigable. It  became  even  worse  after  Bouquet’s  departure, 
for  we  are  then  told  that  while  previously  “lawyers,  justices, 
and  the  whole  people  had  been  eternally  against  the  troops,” 
now  deserters  were  not  only  secreted  but  defended  by  mobs 
in  Charlestown. 

Bouquet  was  at  Charlestown  in  charge  of  the  Southern 
Department  from  June  15,  1757,  to  March  of  the  next 
year,  supervising  troops  in  the  field  and  the  recruiting  for 
the  independent  companies.  As  it  took  over  a month  to 
hear  from  Lord  Loudoun,  he  was  often  thrown  upon  his 
own  resources,  and  in  despair  for  money  to  pay  expenses. 
Not  only  did  South  Carolina  lay  a duty  upon  provisions 
imported  for  the  military  sent  to  defend  the  province,  but 
among  business  men  he  found  difficulty  in  negotiating  bills 
on  England  for  the  payment  of  troops.  Thus  in  October 
there  was  such  demand  for  exchange  for  moving  the  indigo 
crop  that  military  bills  had  to  wait  until  spring.  He  says 
that  one  time  he  had  to  take  money,  but  it  is  not  clear 
whether  this  was  in  the  nature  of  a forced  loan  or  not. 

A part  of  the  anxiety  of  the  British  was  caused  by  the 
Cherokees.  We  have  seen  how  they  were  usually  faithful, 
and,  in  fact,  with  the  Chickasaws  made  up  a wedge  extend- 
ing westwardly  into  what  would  otherwise  have  been  French 
territory  and  so  prevented  communication  between  the 
Alabama-Tombigbee  and  the  Ohio  valleys.  It  was  very 
desirable,  therefore,  that  they  should  be  kept  in  good  humor. 
At  some  unknown  time  there  had  been  a post  or  fort  built 
by  the  French  among  them  on  the  upper  waters  of  what  we 


OPEN  WAR 


343 


call  the  Tennessee,  but  then  known  as  Cherokee  River, 
and  after  the  fall  of  Fort  Du  Quesne  a new  fort  named 
Massac,  far  down  the  Ohio,  was  the  basis  of  French  opera- 
tions among  the  Indians.  Yet  the  English  approach  from 
the  east  was  more  successful  than  the  French  from  the 
west,  and  Fort  Prince  George  had  led  in  1758  to  building 
over  the  mountains  near  the  Cherokee  chief  town  a new 
fort,  called  for  Lord  Loudoun,  which  was  to  have  an  im- 
portant influence  and  history.  There  was  to  be  no  attack  on 
Charlestown,  and  the  forts  in  their  country  kept  the  Chero- 
kees  quiet  if  not  friendly.  The  stress  of  war  was  in  another 
direction. 

While  Vaudreuil  was  doing  his  best  to  save  Canada 
against  great  odds,  his  successor  Kerlerec  had  trials  enough 
of  his  own  in  Louisiana.  Agriculture  and  industry  had  so 
far  progressed  that  there  was  a fair  export  trade.  The  furs 
from  the  Northwest  sought  shipping  at  New  Orleans,  while 
cotton,  indigo,  tobacco,  and  timber  were  produced  on  a 
considerable  scale  throughout  much  of  the  province  and 
some  also  went  abroad.  It  is  true  that  the  inhabitants  were 
easy-going,  but  many  were  industrious,  and  for  some  time 
the  war  was  too  far  away  to  affect  them  seriously.  The 
superiority  of  the  British  at  sea  finally  had  its  result.  They 
established  a cruising  station  at  Cape  San  Antonio  off  the 
west  end  of  Cuba,  whence  they  preyed  on  French  commerce 
with  such  result  that  few  vessels  reached  the  ports  of  Loui- 
siana. At  last  a ship  was  even  stationed  off  the  mouths  of 
the  Mississippi,  and  New  Orleans  was  almost  in  a state 
of  blockade.  The  effects  of  this  were  threefold;  it  not 
only  cut  off  the  supplies  upon  which  the  inhabitants  still 
to  a large  extent  depended,  and  prevented  reports  from 
reaching  the  home  government  and  the  local  authorities 
from  receiving  instructions,  but,  even  worse,  no  money  or 
other  presents  could  be  given  to  the  Choctaws,  and  they 
again  became  restless  and  threatening.  Of  money  there  was 
only  the  paper,  which  had  reached  the  total  of  seven  million 
livres.  During  1757  Louisiana  was  practically  isolated. 


344 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


The  inactivity  of  Kerlerec  was  thus  unavoidable,  and  he 
was  absolutely  prevented  from  organizing  and  carrying  out 
what  had  been  the  favorite  plan  of  the  French  from  the 
time  of  Iberville.  For  Kerlerec  wished  to  unite  the  Indians, 
particularly  the  Choctaws  and  the  Alibamons,  whom  he 
called  the  bulwarks  of  the  colony,  as  well  as  all  others  of 
the  Southwest,  into  a great  confederacy  and  march  at  their 
head  against  the  English,  probably  of  Carolina.  This  would 
have  made  a great  diversion  and  drawn  off  much  of  the 
military  force  opposed  to  Vaudreuil  in  Canada;  for  he  says 
the  Choctaws  could  supply  four  thousand  warriors,  the  Ali- 
bamons three  thousand,  and  the  others  in  proportion.  Next 
year  Rochemore,  the  new  intendant , managed  to  get  through 
from  France  with  supplies  enough  to  keep  the  Indians  quiet, 
but  not  enough  to  carry  out  any  plan  of  invasion.  And  yet, 
Louisiana  was  not  entirely  idle  during  the  war,  for  troops 
from  the  Illinois  and  from  the  lower  province  also  partici- 
pated in  the  operations  about  Fort  Du  Quesne  upon  the 
upper  Ohio. 

Louisiana  was  unfortunate  in  domestic  affairs.  The  Com- 
pagnie  had  complained  that  the  Indian  trade  prevented  the 
growth  of  agriculture  and  that  people  tried  to  become  rich 
by  commerce  with  the  natives.  This  had  been  suppressed, 
but  the  same  desire  for  easy  wealth  broke  out  in  another 
direction.  The  officials  quarrelled  among  themselves,  for 
even  Rochemore  was  soon  at  almost  swords’  point  with 
Kerlerec,  but  they  seemed  all  to  unite  in  one  thing,  to  wit, 
the  desire  to  make  all  they  could  out  of  their  positions. 
A spirit  of  peculation  prevailed  from  the  time  that  Louisiana 
became  again  a royal  province,  and  the  reports  of  governors 
and  intendants  leave  no  doubt  that  it  became  a cancer  eating 
out  the  life  of  the  community.  It  was  complained  that  the 
officers  were  addicted  to  trade  and  practically  made  slaves 
of  their  soldiers;  that  peculation  became  a system,  even 
authorized  by  the  governors  provided  they  were  allowed 
to  share  in  it;  that  the  military  were  dissolute;  and  that 
drunkenness,  brawls,  and  duels  ruined  half  the  population. 


OPEN  WAR 


345 


If  a quarter  of  this  were  true,  the  situation  was  deplor- 
able. There  was,  moreover,  little  growth  in  the  population 
itself.  There  were  no  immigrants,  and,  while  the  creoles 
increased  somewhat,  it  is  said  that  half  the  married  women 
sent  to  Louisiana  were  between  fifty  and  sixty  years  of  age 
and  had  no  children.  It  could  have  been  with  no  regret 
that  Kerlerec  laid  down  the  cares  of  office  in  1763,  when 
he  was  succeeded  by  D’Abbadie,  but  Rochemore’s  accusa- 
tions, particularly  that  of  spending  ten  millions  in  four  years, 
lodged  him  in  the  Bastille. 

Before  this  the  end  had  come  in  America,  where  Pitt’s 
policy  was  to  attack  the  French  in  the  north  and  strike  at 
the  heart  of  New  France.  Ticonderoga  and  Niagara  were 
taken  in  1759,  followed  by  the  death  of  Wolfe  and  Mont- 
calm at  the  capture  of  Quebec.  It  had  been  part  of  the 
French  plan,  if  Canada  could  not  be  held,  to  retreat  to 
Louisiana.  If  this  had  been  carried  out  and  Montcalm  or 
even  Vaudreuil  with  disciplined  troops  had  met  the  provin- 
cials of  Georgia  and  Carolina  up  the  Alabama  or  the  British 
regulars  and  navy  below  New  Orleans,  another  and  possi- 
bly a different  history  might  have  been  written  for  the  Mis- 
sissippi valley.  But  this  was  not  to  be.  Vaudreuil  was 
besieged  at  Montreal  and  finally  forced  to  surrender  the 
whole  of  Canada,  including  the  fort  on  the  Maumee  and 
Ouatenon  on  the  Wabash.  The  total  population  of  Canada 
and  Louisiana  was  ninety  thousand,  three-quarters  of  it 
being  in  Canada,  as  against  a million  and  a half  acknowl- 
edging British  sovereignty.  There  could  hardly  be  other 
than  one  result  when  the  British  became  thoroughly  aroused. 

The  surrender  of  Montreal  marked  the  end  of  the  war 
in  America,  but  it  was  two  years  later  before  the  diplomats 
could  agree  on  what  was  the  result  of  the  world-wide  strug- 
gle. The  Treaty  of  Paris  was  not  signed  until  February, 
1763,  and  in  the  meantime  affairs  pursued  their  old  course, 
although  with  great  uncertainty  as  to  what  would  be  the 
outcome.  The  British  gradually  pushed  their  forces  up 
the  lakes  and  somewhat  into  the  Ohio  valley,  endeavoring 


346 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


to  secure  the  allegiance  of  the  different  tribes.  This  they 
found  difficult  on  account  of  the  hold  of  the  French  upon 
the  savages. 

With  the  close  of  hostilities  the  management  of  the 
Indians  by  the  British  was  not  tactful.  From  fear  of  re- 
sults or  overconfidence  in  their  own  power,  they  cut  short 
the  supplies,  particularly  of  ammunition,  to  the  savages, 
with  the  result  of  awakening  distrust  and  resentment.  Even 
this  was  measurably  true  of  the  Cherokees,  urged  on  as  they 
were  by  French  soldiers  and  Indians  from  the  Du  Quesne 
region.  Marauding  parties  began  to  appear  on  the  frontiers, 
horses  were  stolen,  and  even  scalps  were  taken.  Demere 
was  in  command  at  Fort  Loudoun,  and  on  his  message  to 
Governor  Lyttleton  the  militia  was  mobilized.  Occonos- 
tota  and  other  chiefs  went  to  Charlestown  to  adjust  matters  if 
possible,  and  were  virtually  made  prisoners  by  the  governor, 
who  undertook  an  expedition  to  overawe  the  Cherokees. 
His  troops,  however,  were  ill  disciplined,  if  not  mutinous, 
and  gradually  melted  away.  A congress  was  held  at  Fort 
Prince  George  in  December,  the  principal  result  being  that 
Attakullakulla,  or  Little  Carpenter,  succeeded  in  securing 
the  release  of  Occonostota  and  others.  Lyttleton  returned 
home  with  great  glory  from  an  expedition  which  had  cost 
the  province  ^25,000,  and  had  hardly  arrived  in  Charles- 
town and  received  instructions  to  proceed  to  Jamaica  as 
its  governor,  when  the  storm  which  he  had  provoked  burst 
in  the  Cherokee  region.  Occonostota  enticed  Coytomore, 
the  commander,  out  of  Lort  Prince  George  and  shot  him, 
whereupon  the  garrison  massacred  the  rest  of  the  Indian 
hostages,  and  the  result  was  to  set  the  whole  race  in  arms. 
The  Abbeville  district  was  laid  waste  by  the  Indians,  fol- 
lowed shortly  by  a corresponding  harrying  of  the  Keowee 
valley  by  regulars  under  Colonel  Montgomery,  whose  orders 
soon  compelled  him  to  sail  to  the  north  to  take  part  in  the 
closing  events  of  the  war. 

This  unfortunately  left  Lort  Loudoun  to  its  fate.  Isolated 
as  it  was,  it  was  invested  by  the  Indians  and  starved  out;  so 


OPEN  WAR 


347 


that  Demere  and  his  two  hundred  men  had  to  surrender  in 
May,  1760,  on  condition  of  being  permitted  to  retire  to 
Carolina.  As  usual  with  them,  the  Indians  did  not  keep 
the  terms  of  the  capitulation,  and  the  next  day  surrounded 
and  fired  on  the  British,  when  Demere,  three  officers,  and 
twenty-three  privates  were  killed  and  the  rest  were  taken 
prisoners.  Among  the  prisoners  was  Captain  John  Stuart, 
who  seems  to  have  come  out  with  the  Highlanders  under 
Oglethorpe,  under  whom  he  had  served  against  the  Spaniards. 
He  was  now  second  in  command  at  Fort  Loudoun.  Atta- 
kullakulla  was  much  attached  to  Stuart,  and  with  his  rifle, 
clothes,  and  other  things  ransomed  him  from  his  captor. 
Having  found  some  ammunition,  the  Indians  determined  to 
attack  Fort  Prince  George,  carrying  with  them  cannon  and 
cohorns,  which  they  determined  to  make  Stuart  operate 
against  his  comrades.  Attakullakulla  thereupon  secretly 
escaped  with  Stuart,  travelling  nine  days  and  nights  by  the 
light  of  the  sun  and  moon,  until  on  Holston  River  they  met 
a party  sent  by  Colonel  Byrd  for  the  rescue  of  refugees 
from  Fort  Loudoun. 

War  being  at  last  ended  in  the  north,  Lieutenant-colonel 
James  Grant  was  spared  to  Charlestown,  and  with  his 
Highlanders  and  provincials,  in  1761,  he  marched  to  the 
Cherokee  country,  where  he  devastated  the  territory  on 
all  sides  for  thirty  days.  Finally,  Attakullakulla  succeeded 
in  effecting  a peace,  but  the  kindly  relations  between  the 
Cherokees  and  the  English  were  never  fully  restored,  and 
in  the  war  of  the  Revolution  they  showed  that  they  had  not 
forgotten  the  invasions  of  Lyttleton  and  Grant.  An  even 
more  significant  feature  of  this  campaign  was  the  friction 
which  arose  between  the  regulars  and  the  Carolina  troops, 
for  Thomas  Middleton,  commanding  the  latter,  in  some 
way  considered  himself  slighted,  and  resented  it.  There 
came  a discussion  in  the  newspapers,  and  even  a duel,  but 
fortunately  no  one  was  injured. 

At  last  the  provisions  of  the  Peace  of  Paris  became 
known.  They  made  Great  Britain  the  foremost  country 


348 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


of  the  globe  as  to  colonies  and  trade.  The  dream  of  a 
New  France  in  America  ended  at  the  same  time  as  the 
dream  of  a French  empire  in  India,  and  the  mainland  in 
the  Orient  and  in  the  New  World  passed  together  from  the 
French  sceptre.  In  America  the  more  fertile  and  better 
known  half  of  Louisiana,  that  lying  east  of  Mississippi 
River,  and  the  more  ancient  dominion  of  Canada  were  ceded 
to  England.  Forts  Chartres,  Vincennes,  Tombecbe,  Mobile, 
and  Toulouse  have  heretofore  bulked  large  in  our  story 
because  they  marked  the  frontier  in  their  several  directions, 
but  now  they  were  swallowed  up  in  one  vast  English  empire. 
They  ceased  to  guard  the  frontier,  for  that  practically  ceased 
to  exist.  It  is  true  that  an  earlier  treaty  between  the  courts 
of  Versailles  and  Madrid  made  another  disposition  of  Loui- 
siana west  of  the  Mississippi  and  including  New  Orleans, 
but  this  remained  secret  for  some  time.  For  the  present 
it  seemed  as  if  the  eastern  half  of  the  valley  was  to  be- 
come British  and  the  western  to  remain  French.  But,  in 
any  event,  Louisiana  ceased  to  be  a unit,  and,  in  course  of 
time,  the  very  name  was  to  be  crowded  down  into  a corner 
of  the  map.  The  creoles  might  remain,  an  infusion  of 
other  blood  might  bring  them  to  the  front,  the  future  of  the 
country  might  be  even  greater  than  the  past.  And  yet, 
even  if  this  should  come  to  pass,  it  would  not  be  the  Loui- 
siana named  by  La  Salle,  founded  by  Iberville,  and  built  by 
Bienville  and  his  successors. 


CHAPTER  XIX 


COLONIAL  LIFE  ON  THE  ATLANTIC 

Peace  brought  great  development  to  the  English  colonies, 
but  the  war  can  hardly  be  said  to  have  retarded  the  growth 
of  those  at  the  South  at  any  time.  There  was  no  attack 
from  the  sea,  although  that  was  anticipated,  and  the  occa- 
sional ravages  of  the  western  borders  appealed  to  the  sym- 
pathies rather  than  the  fears  of  the  more  numerous  tidewater 
people.  Even  colonization  in  a sense  continued,  for  immi- 
grants still  came  from  Europe  and  the  old  centres  became 
themselves  points  of  departure  for  new  settlements.  And 
this  was  as  true  of  the  oldest  dominion  as  of  the  youngest, 
while  running  through  them  all  was  a constitutional  growth, 
a Zeitgeist , which  was  preparing  Virginians,  Carolinians,  and 
Georgians  alike  for  something  yet  to  come,  when  colonial 
growth,  intellectual  and  political,  had  fitted  them  to  assume 
their  just  place  among  the  nations  of  the  world.  Considera- 
tion of  their  several  situations  will  enable  us  to  see  better 
what  they  had  in  common. 

In  Virginia,  with  the  accession  of  Queen  Anne  came  the 
curious  institution  of  titular  governorships.  The  first  was 
when  the  Earl  of  Orkney  held  the  office  for  forty  years 
while  the  duties  were  exercised  by  deputies  of  varying 
ability,  as  in  1710  by  Alexander  Spotswood,  whose  energy 
left  marked  impress  upon  the  province.  Up  to  his  time 
there  had  not  been  the  right  of  habeas  corpus , and  now  that 
greatest  of  all  civil  remedies  was  brought  to  Virginia  by  this 

349 


350 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


soldier,  who  had  been  wounded  at  Blenheim;  and  the  colony 
was  connected  in  another  way  with  that  victory,  for  Marl- 
borough had  sent  the  Virginian  Colonel  Parke  to  bear  the 
news  to  the  queen.  Spotswood  was  well  received,  and  the 
burgesses  voted  .£2,000  to  build  a palace;  but  this  cordiality 
did  not  last  long,  for  when  he  wanted  to  fortify  the  frontier 
he  could  only  get  a bill  passed  for  scouts.  He  at  least 
managed  to  prevent  the  Virginia  Indians  from  joining  in 
the  Tuscarora  war,  however,  and  when  buccaneers  came 
into  Chesapeake  Bay  promptly  sent  out  vessels  to  capture 
them.  The  combat  with  Blackbeard  Teatch  came  on  in 
his  rendezvous  in  Pamlico  Sound  in  true  pirate  fashion ; for 
Blackbeard  leaped  upon  the  roundhouse  of  his  sloop,  tossed 
off  a glass  of  liquor  to  the  opposing  masters,  and  imprecated 
damnation  on  him  who  should  give  quarter.  But  his  bravado 
came  to  nothing,  for  his  crew  were  killed,  or  captured  to 
die  on  the  gallows,  and  Blackbeard’s  head  was  brought  back 
upon  the  bowsprit  of  the  colonial  craft. 

Spotswood  was  in  many  respects  the  best  executive 
Virginia  had  before  the  Revolution.  He  had  an  eye  single 
to  the  public  good,  and,  although  he  lectured  and  hectored 
everyone,  from  the  burgesses  down,  who  stood  in  the  way 
of  his  plans,  all  respected  him  because  they  knew  that  he 
had  no  private  object.  He  struggled  with  the  vestries 
over  the  appointment  of  ministers,  for  they  had  become 
used  to  choosing  their  own  pastors,  and  would  even  hear 
nothing  of  a Virginia  bishop.  There  were  not  long  after- 
ward fifty  parishes  and  one  hundred  and  thirty  pastors,  and 
Spotswood  had  finally  to  abandon  the  unequal  contest. 
More  popular  were  his  efforts  in  the  way  of  developing  in- 
dustries. During  her  reign,  Queen  Anne  sent  over  Germans 
from  the  harried  Palatinate  to  make  wine  and  iron,  and  they 
were  placed  at  Germanna  on  the  Rapidan,  near  which  Spots- 
wood had  a house  or  castle.  He  took  a deep  interest  in  their 
labors.  William  Byrd  visited  him  there  and  gives  a delightful 
account  of  the  trip,  for,  although  it  was  a long  way  off  from 
the  capital,  Spotswood  was  a fine  host.  He  could  tell  good 


COLONIAL  LIFE  ON  THE  ATLANTIC 


351 


stories  of  campaigns  under  Marlborough,  and  even  stand 
badinage  over  his  recent  surrender  to  the  fair  sex.  Byrd 
thought  him  uxorious,  but  Spotswood  said  that  whoever 
brought  a poor  gentlewoman  into  so  solitary  a place  was 
under  obligation  to  use  her  with  all  possible  tenderness. 

After  he  ceased  to  be  governor,  Spotswood’s  name  became 
connected  with  that  great  civilizer,  the  post  office.  Up  to 
the  end  of  the  preceding  century  letters  had  passed  by 
private  conveyance,  and  although  Thomas  Neale  was  au- 
thorized by  the  burgesses  to  establish  post  offices  and  re- 
ceive threepence  for  the  carriage  of  each  letter  addressed 
to  a place  not  exceeding  fourscore  miles  from  the  point 
where  it  was  mailed,  and  there  was  a postmaster-general 
from  a northern  colony,  we  do  not  know  what  was  done. 
When  Spotswood  became  postmaster-general  he  arranged 
that  post  riders  should  be  at  Susquehanna  River  on  Satur- 
day nights  to  receive  the  Philadelphia  mail,  get  back  to 
Annapolis  on  Monday,  by  Wednesday  be  near  Fredericks- 
burg, and  Saturday  night  at  Williamsburg,  where  connection 
was  made  once  a month  for  mails  to  Edenton.  The  time 
from  the  Susquehanna  to  Williamsburg  was  a week,  an 
improvement  over  methods  of  transfer  under  earlier  offi- 
cials. One  of  Spotswood’s  appointees  for  Pennsylvania  was 
Benjamin  Franklin. 

The  postmaster-general  had  on  the  Chesapeake  another 
home,  which  he  called  Temple  Farm,  and  there  he  spent 
his  last  years,  riding  in  his  London  chariot  and  dispensing 
hospitality.  It  may  not  have  been  so  much  of  “an  en- 
chanted castle”  as  Byrd  thought  the  other,  but  it  was  to 
have  a famous  history,  at  which  perhaps  its  owner  would 
have  been  aghast, — for  many  years  afterward  it  witnessed 
the  surrender  of  Cornwallis.  Spotswood  himself  was  to 
have  commanded  an  expedition  to  the  West  Indies  in  1740, 
but  died  just  before  embarking. 

One  of  his  successors  in  the  governorship  was  William 
Gooch,  who  held  the  office  twenty-two  years,  and  his  con- 
ciliatory attitude  made  him  a favorite.  It  was  during  his 


352 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


time  that  the  movement  to  the  west  became  prominent,  for 
the  Episcopal  population  on  the  tidewater  was  now  supple- 
mented by  a very  different  immigration,  that  of  Dissenters. 
It  was  already  evident  that  whatever  might  be  the  true 
western  boundary  under  her  charter,  Virginia  was  to  spread 
beyond  even  the  headwaters  of  the  James,  and  embrace  the 
beautiful  Shenandoah  Valley.  Heretofore  immigrants  had 
come  from  the  ocean  and  settled  mainly  on  the  rivers;  now 
there  was  to  be  a large  influx  from  the  more  northern 
colonies,  particularly  Pennsylvania.  The  interior  of  that 
province  had  been  developed  from  abroad  until  the  real 
frontier  was  along  the  Susquehanna,  and  this  region  was 
filled  with  a very  different  class  of  people  from  the  quiet 
Quakers  of  Philadelphia  and  the  east.  They  were  home- 
seeking Germans  and  Scotch-Irish,  fresh  from  Europe,  with 
no  ambition  to  advance  the  boundaries  of  Pennsylvania. 

The  history  of  the  Scotch-Irish  takes  us  back  to  Crom- 
well’s settlement  and  its  results.  In  1689  came  the  famous 
siege  of  Londonderry  by  James  II.,  in  which  the  Protes- 
tants of  Ulster  successfully  drove  back  the  Stuarts,  and  the 
same  year  was  no  less  famous  for  the  Act  of  Toleration. 
Unfortunately,  although  King  William  was  in  sympathy 
with  the  Dissenters,  their  position  even  in  Ireland  soon 
became  intolerable.  They  had  not  only  to  see  the  Episcopal 
Church  made  the  State  establishment,  and  contribute  them- 
selves to  its  support,  but  in  every  way  possible  they  found 
themselves  incommoded  and  sometimes  persecuted.  This 
was  the  cause  of  the  large  emigration  to  America,  which 
went  first  to  Pennsylvania  on  account  of  the  religious  free- 
dom established  there  by  the  Quakers.  These  colonists, 
however,  soon  found  the  border  insecure  because  of  the  In- 
dians and  of  the  reluctance  of  the  Quakers  to  take  warlike 
protective  measures. 

In  17x0  some  adventurers  had  seen  the  valley  of  the 
Shenandoah  from  the  top  of  the  Blue  Ridge,  and  six  years 
later  Governor  Spotswood  entered  it  and  bivouacked  along 
its  river,  which  to  him  and  his  Knights  of  the  Golden 


Thomas  Broughton,  Lieutenant-governor  of  South  Carolina.  From 
the  original  pastel  made  by  Henrietta  'Johnson,  circa  1712,  no-zu  in 
possession  of  Miss  Marion  Bryan. 


COLONIAL  LIFE  ON  THE  ATLANTIC 


353 


Horseshoe  was  known  as  the  Euphrates.  This  expedition 
was  famous  at  the  time  for  the  variety  and  number  of  wines 
which  were  drunk  in  honor  of  the  royal  family  and  others, 
and  famous  to  posterity  for  opening  the  way  to  the  West; 
but  the  first  settlers  were  the  Germans  and  Scotch-Irish 
from  the  north. 

The  valley  of  the  Shenandoah  was  claimed  by  Lord  Fair- 
fax in  his  grant  of  the  Northern  Neck,  and  he  filed  a caveat 
against  settlements  begun  by  Hite  and  others  under  a war- 
rant of  1 730.  This  brought  on  a lawsuit  lasting  for  fifty 
years,  and  the  result  was  that  incoming  immigrants  found 
titles  unsettled  near  the  Potomac  and  so  pressed  on,  past 
straggling  Winchester,  up  the  valley.  Only  some  Germans 
remained  and  built  Strasburg. 

The  valleys  of  western  Virginia  run  approximately  north- 
east and  southwest,  and  although  they  are  broken  by  a 
watershed  from  which  the  drainage  is  into  New  River, 
and  thence  through  broken  territory  toward  the  Ohio,  they 
communicate,  and  to  pioneers  there  was  no  great  difficulty 
in  passing  from  the  upper  Shenandoah  to  where  the  head- 
waters run  southwest  to  form  the  Tennessee  and  the  Cum- 
berland. So  that,  although  a part  of  their  history  is  only 
traditional,  we  early  find  settlers  on  the  upper  Shenan- 
doah, and  in  1738  the  district  was  erected  into  the  county 
of  Augusta,  named  for  the  Princess  of  Wales.  Caldwell 
the  Pennsylvanian  applied  to  Governor  Gooch  for  leave  to 
bring  Dissenters,  and  they  received  a cordial  welcome.  All 
the  benefits  of  the  Toleration  Act  were  promised,  as  there 
was  then  no  doubt  that  this  act  applied  to  Virginia,  and 
pastors  were  supplied  from  Pennsylvania  by  the  Presbytery 
of  Donegal.  Presbyterianism  had  begun  in  another  quar- 
ter, for  its  American  birthplace  was  in  eastern  Virginia.  As 
early  as  1683  Francis  Makemie  was  on  the  Eastern  Shore, 
and  in  1699,  when  Virginia  adopted  the  Toleration  Act, 
we  find  him  qualifying  and  there  exercising  his  minis- 
try. But  he  had  died  in  1708,  and  his  churches  had  all  but 
passed  away  when  the  Scotch-Irish  established  his  faith  and 


354 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


doctrine  in  the  valley,  and  Samuel  Davies,  Lewis,  and  others 
made  the  Presbytery  of  Hanover  famous.  To  these  immi- 
grants their  church  was  everything.  As  soon  as  a neigh- 
borhood had  a handful  of  residents,  a church  and  a preacher 
were  wanted.  Thus  Anderson  had  been  sent  out  by  the 
Synod  of  Philadelphia  even  before  1 740,  when  we  find 
John  Craig  well  established  in  the  west.  The  church  came 
even  before  the  county  organization,  for  it  was  not  until 
1745  that  the  governor  appointed  twenty-one  justices  of 
the  peace,  a sheriff,  and  other  officers,  for  the  vast  county 
of  Augusta,  whose  seat  was  in  a couple  of  years  to  be 
Stanton,  or  Staunton,  as  it  was  afterward  spelled.  The 
western  boundaries  of  this  county  were  the  western  boun- 
daries of  the  Old  Dominion,  but  it  was  steadily  filling  up. 
It  is  said  that  from  1729  to  1750  no  less  than  twelve 
thousand  Scotch-Irish  came  each  year  from  Ulster  to 
America,  and  not  a few  of  them  found  their  way  to  these 
parts  of  Virginia.  It  can  readily  be  understood,  therefore, 
that  not  only  was  this  an  addition  to  the  population,  but  one 
of  such  proportions  as  to  threaten  change  to  its  nature. 

It  was  a curious  problem  facing  these  Scotch-Irish.  They 
were  to  be  tolerated,  to  be  sure,  but  in  their  part  of  Virginia 
there  was  no  one  to  tolerate  them,  for  they  practically  made 
up  the  community  themselves.  If  there  was  to  be  a vestry, 
which  was  a legal  necessity,  they  had  to  select  the  members 
from  their  own  denomination.  And  this  they  did,  and  we 
find  the  vestries  made  up  of  good  Presbyterians,  perform- 
ing the  duties  placed  upon  the  parish  representatives.  How 
they  reconciled  this  with  their  religious  views  we  can  readily 
imagine,  for  it  was  a matter  of  necessity,  of  predestination, 
so  to  speak.  There  had  to  be  a vestry  and  there  was  no 
other  way  to  constitute  it  except  with  Presbyterians.  In 
one  part  of  the  county  there  were  other  immigrants,  for 
there  had  been  erected  by  Governor  Gooch  the  manor  of 
Beverley. in  favor  of  the  son  of  the  historian;  and  between 
the  Scotch-Irish  and  the  activity  of  agent  Patton  in  bringing 
over  Redemptioners  the  population  increased  rapidly. 


COLONIAL  LIFE  ON  THE  ATLANTIC 


355 


There  was  no  less  need  of  courts  than  churches,  for  the 
Scotch-Irish  will  have  their  differences,  and  in  this  case  it 
was  not  necessary  to  go  to  law  before  unbelievers.  The 
judicial  organization  of  Augusta  is  a fair  sample  of  that 
of  early  Virginia  counties.  Each  magistrate  had  a limited 
jurisdiction,  thus  bringing  justice  home  to  every  neighbor- 
hood, and  assembled  together  they  made  up  the  county 
court,  whose  jurisdiction,  civil  and  criminal,  was  almost 
unlimited.  There  debts  were  collected,  criminals  punished, 
wills  probated,  road  duties  prescribed,  and  almost  everything 
else  done  affecting  the  life,  liberty,  and  pursuit  of  happiness 
of  the  people. 

There  came  also  to  the  valley  Lord  Fairfax,  a very  dif- 
ferent kind  of  man  from  the  Scotch-Irish.  He  was  an 
English  nobleman  who  was  disappointed  in  love,  and  sailed 
to  the  New  World  to  look  after  his  property  and  forget  his 
sorrows.  He  liked  the  country  so  much  as  to  settle  on 
his  lands,  where  he  built  what  he  called  Greenway  Court. 
This  was  not  the  dignified  mansion  which  he  proposed,  or 
like  those  lining  the  James,  for  it  was  only  a long  one-story 
building  with  low  eaves,  having  an  office  adjacent  which 
long  survived,  and  the  manor  proper  was  never  erected. 
Nevertheless,  he  lived  in  considerable  state,  and  was  famous 
for  hunting  and  for  hospitality.  He  is  described  as  tall  and 
gaunt,  with  defective  eyesight,  but  a man  of  culture,  for  he 
was  a contributor  to  the  Spectator.  There  he  remained 
until  his  death  toward  the  end  of  the  Revolution,  and  among 
his  greatest  claims  to  our  gratitude  was  his  employment 
of  the  young  surveyor  George  Washington,  who  was  thus 
given  a knowledge  of  the  western  country  and  fitted  by  ex- 
perience of  its  dangerous  and  warlike  life  to  be  promoted  to 
a higher  station. 

The  tidewater  country  had  not  lagged  behind  the  valley 
section.  The  country  of  Powhatan  and  Opechancanough 
was  now  in  counties  and  parishes,  and  at  the  heads  of  rivers 
where  Bacon  had  raised  his  troops  tobacco  was  king.  The 
James  was  bordered  with  stately  homes,  and  Brandon, 


356 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


Westover,  Shirley,  and  the  like  not  only  transferred  to 
America  the  best  features  of  English  country  life,  but  with 
the  amenities  peculiar  to  Virginia  created  the  distinctive 
type  which  we  call  “colonial.”  Jamestown,  it  is  true,  de- 
clined, for  after  Bacon’s  destruction  of  the  place  it  was 
never  the  same.  The  long  brick  State  House  was  rebuilt, 
although  not  on  the  same  scale,  and  was  again  burned  near 
the  close  of  the  century.  Although  the  church  remained 
with  its  square  tower,  and  the  graves  and  old  coats  of  arms 
recalled  the  past,  an  insular  capital  was  inconvenient,  and 
hygienic  reasons  also  worked  for  Williamsburg.  There  the 
shaded  college,  built  between  the  road  to  Jamestown  and 
another  to  the  west,  was  flanked  on  the  one  side  by  the 
mansion  of  Blair  or  later  president,  and  on  the  other  by 
the  building  supported  by  the  Brafferton  parish  in  England. 
All  were  of  brick  whose  bond,  showing  a glazed  checker  pat- 
tern, betrayed  a similar  origin  to  that  of  Jamestown  church. 
At  the  opposite  end  of  Duke  of  Gloucester  Street,  likewise 
between  two  roads  angling  off  to  other  settlements,  was  the 
provincial  capitol,  also  of  brick,  the  scene  of  political  debate, 
warmed  thus  as  well  as  by  a new-fashioned  three-story  stove 
of  1700,  donated  by  the  inventor.  Facing  a green  midway 
between  college  and  capitol  was  the  “palace”  of  the  gov- 
ernor, near  the  quaint  church  and  courthouse,  and  England, 
Scotland,  Ireland,  and  Nassau  Streets  showed  the  patriotism 
of  the  people.  The  church  held  the  Jamestown  font  from 
which  Pocahontas  was  perhaps  baptized,  and  near  by  was 
the  provincial  powder  house  soon  to  be  equally  famous. 

Williamsburg  was  thus  historical  to  the  core  and  dear  to 
all  Virginians.  It  had  a viceregal  quality,  but  it  never  be- 
came a great  city  despite  its  ports  toward  York  and  James 
Rivers.  It  remained  dignified,  rather  collegiate  than  urban, 
although  the  students  and  the  Raleigh  tavern  enlivened  it 
at  times.  And  yet,  although  the  Cohabitation  Acts  had 
brought  only  paper  towns,  the  general  prosperity  of  the 
period — for  the  eighteenth  century  was  Virginia’s  golden 
age — had  the  effect  of  laying  the  foundation  of  real  cities. 


COLONIAL  LIFE  ON  THE  ATLANTIC 


357 


As  early  as  1728,  William  Byrd  could  speak  of  the  seaport 
Norfolk  as  having  most  the  air  of  a city  of  any  place  in  the 
colony,  and  its  St.  Paul’s  churchyard  goes  back  even  to 
the  preceding  century.  With  seven  thousand  people  at  the 
end  of  the  French  wars,  Norfolk  retained  its  preeminence 
despite  certain  efforts  of  Byrd  of  Westover  himself.  He 
owned  a place  at  the  falls,  which  he  called  Shocco,  and 
there  about  1733  he  had  the  surveyor  Mayo  lay  off  a town 
to  be  known  as  Richmond.  It  grew  slowly,  mainly  along 
the  river  bank  east  of  Shocco  Creek,  although  in  eight  years 
there  were  enough  people  to  justify  the  erection  on  its 
commanding  height  of  St.  John’s  Episcopal  Church,  soon  to 
be  made  immortal  by  a Scotch-Irishman’s  appeal  for  liberty 
or  death.  Petersburg,  too,  owes  its  origin  to  Byrd,  whose 
joke  as  to  his  cities  in  the  air  was  unjust  to  himself. 

His  own  library  at  Westover,  the  finest  in  America,  con- 
sisted of  four  thousand  volumes  in  English,  French,  Latin, 
Greek,  and  Hebrew,  besides  a few  in  German  and  Dutch. 
It  shows  a culture  which  must  have  had  companionship,  and 
inventories  back  even  to  the  preceding  century  show  many 
collections  of  hundreds  of  volumes.  In  general  literature 
he  had  such  authors  and  books  as  Shakespeare,  Ben  Jonson, 
Spenser,  Chaucer,  Dryden,  Hudibras , Gil  Bias , Don  Quixote , 
and  Moliere;  and  in  law  there  were  Bracton,  Glanvil,  Coke, 
Virginia  Statutes , and  laws  of  other  colonies,  such  as  Jamaica 
and  Barbadoes,  besides  the  Institutes  and  Corpus  Juris , and 
Grotius  on  War  and  Peace.  In  history  he  read  Burnet, 
Clarendon,  Commines,  Raleigh’s  History  of  the  World , Neal’s 
New  England , Beverley’s  Virginia , and  had  in  manuscript 
that  great  historical  source,  Records  of  the  Virginia  Company. 
He  was  fond  of  travels  too,  and  along  with  Purchas  had 
the  very  different  Hennepin  and  La  Hontan.  The  depart- 
ment of  theology  shows  Tillotson,  Hall,  South,  A’Kempis, 
Prideaux;  and  in  philosophy  we  find  some  volumes  of 
Descartes,  Locke,  and  Boyle.  There  were  also  Eliot’s 
Indian  Bible,  and  the  Monthly  Mercury  from  1688  to  1742. 
These  are  only  samples  of  the  books,  many  in  “the  best 


358 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


editions”  and  “elegant  bindings,”  contained  in  “twenty- 
three  double  presses  of  black  walnut,”  and,  moreover,  there 
were  “capital  engravings”  and  many  “philosophical  instru- 
ments.” On  the  whole,  it  would  be  a collection  which 
would  reflect  credit  on  a student  of  to-day. 

The  writings  of  William  Byrd  are  always-  interesting  and 
instructive,  often  witty,  even  if  with  an  occasional  tinge  of 
coarseness.  They  throw  light  upon  him  and  upon  the  state 
of  society  in  which  he  could  move  with  ease,  although  they 
were  not  all  published  in  his  own  day  and  so  did  not  form 
a part  of  the  printed  literature  of  the  era.  Unfortunately, 
the  same  is  true  in  all  the  Southern  colonies.  The  literature 
consisted  largely  of  controversial  pamphlets,  as  by  Blair  and 
Garden,  or  for  and  against  governors  and  political  move- 
ments. This,  of  course,  has  all  now  lost  its  savor  and 
hardly  ranks  high  in  a literary  way,  but  it  is  quite  charac- 
teristic of  the  Anglo-Saxons.  It  needed  a Milton  to  write 
Paradise  Lost , and  yet  much  of  his  ability  was  acquired  in 
political  controversies.  Nothing  in  Southern  writings  can 
compare  with  the  Areopagitica  in  defence  of  public  printing, 
but  sometimes  we  find  passages  which  remind  us  of  the 
Junius  who  was  yet  to  come.  Neither  pure  literature  nor 
economics  were  to  flourish,  but  parliamentary  debates,  find- 
ing their  counterpart  in  political  pamphlets,  were  training 
Americans  for  the  political  struggles  of  the  future.  Men 
were  too  busy  founding  States  to  have  time  for  fine  writing. 

The  western  line  of  the  Northern  Neck  was  surveyed 
by  Byrd  and  others  in  the  thirties,  although  not  confirmed 
until  1745,  and  the  growth  of  the  Virginian  commonwealth 
is  indicated  among  other  things  by  the  necessity  for  run- 
ning the  dividing  line  with  adjoining  colonies.  In  this  way 
commissioners  were  appointed  by  Virginia  and  North  Caro- 
lina as  early  as  1710,  and,  1728—1729,  part  was  resurveyed 
on  behalf  of  the  two  colonies.  William  Byrd  was  one  of 
the  Virginia  commissioners  and  has  left  a history  of  the 
demarcation  from  the  ocean,  through  the  Dismal  Swamp, 
west  to  the  mountains.  Twenty  years  later  the  line  was 


COLONIAL  LIFE  ON  THE  ATLANTIC 


359 


run  further  by  Frye  and  the  father  of  Thomas  Jefferson,  and 
during  the  Revolution  it  was  continued  to  Tennessee  River. 

Robert  Dinwiddie  succeeded  Gooch,  and  it  was  his  duty 
to  conduct  Virginia  through  the  last  French  war.  He  was 
more  successful  than  his  predecessors  in  making  the  colony 
feel  the  need  of  action,  for  the  Ohio  valley  was  claimed  by 
Virginia,  and  Celoron’s  prise  de  possession  was  resented  as  an 
invasion  of  her  Augusta  County.  It  was  Dinwiddie  who 
sent  Washington  to  reconnoitre,  and  when  Fort  Du  Quesne 
was  finally  captured  and  became  Fort  Pitt  it  was  claimed 
by  both  Virginia  and  Pennsylvania  as  within  their  respect- 
ive boundaries — a dispute  settled  only  in  1779  in  favor  of 
Pennsylvania.  The  immigration  into  the  western  country 
was  accentuated  by  the  events  of  the  war,  for  the  families 
who  fled  from  the  French  and  Indians  came  southward. 
Virginia’s  activity  had  resulted  in  a debt  of  ,£400,000,  but 
it  had  also  resulted  in  a large  accession  of  hardy  and  indus- 
trious people  to  her  population. 

Virginia’s  neighbor  to  the  south  did  not  occupy  so  com- 
manding a position.  North  Carolina  was  the  scene  of 
Raleigh’s  experiment,  and  there  was  the  first  proprietary 
effort,  and  other  settlements  besides,  but  they  were  discon- 
nected and  temporary.  We  have  seen  that  possibly  the 
earliest  settlers  were  those  on  the  Chowan  from  Virginia, 
by  whom  the  short-lived  New  England  colony  about  Cape 
Fear  was  absorbed,  and  that  this  became  the  nucleus  of 
North  Carolina.  The  proprietors  had  got  Berkeley  to  ap- 
point a governor,  and  it  was  odd  that  his  choice  fell  upon 
the  William  Drummond  whom  later  he  was  so  grimly  glad 
to  see.  The  normal  state  of  the  settlement  has  been  spoken 
of  as  one  of  “ tranquil  anarchy,” — although  the  adjective 
may  be  doubted, — and  on  the  occasion  of  one  of  the  fre- 
quent rebellions  Culpepper,  when  tried  in  England,  was 
acquitted  of  high  treason  because  this  was  impossible  where 
there  was  no  settled  government.  The  Fundamental  Con- 
stitutions were  even  more  of  a dead  letter  in  what  from 
1691  was  occasionally  called  North  Carolina  than  in  the 


36° 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


southern  colony,  although  as  there  was  no  revolution  the  pro- 
prietary rule  lasted  until  1729.  The  legislation  which  was 
enacted  related  principally  to  such  things  as  exemptions 
from  suit  for  debts  contracted  outside  of  the  colony  and  to 
marriages  by  a declaration  of  mutual  consent  before  the 
governor,  indicating  that  the  settlement  was  the  resort  of 
the  needy  if  not  of  the  wicked.  The  rebellion  of  Culpepper 
at  the  same  time  as  that  of  Bacon  in  Virginia,  and  the  rebel- 
lion of  Cary  later,  were  only  extreme  instances  of  the  usual 
lack  of  government.  An  unfortunate  result  of  the  last  was 
that  it  brought  on  theTuscarora  war,  when  the  Swiss  Baron 
de  Graaffenriedt  and  many  of  the  Palatines  whom  he  had 
brought  from  Europe  to  colonize  about  New  Berne  were 
slaughtered  before  Barnwell  and  Moore  forced  the  Indians 
into  subjection.  Byrd,  in  his  account  of  the  boundary  line, 
does  not  spare  his  southern  neighbors.  He  speaks  of  their 
felicity  of  having  nothing  to  do,  and  says  that  Edenton  en- 
joyed the  evil  preeminence  of  being  the  one  capital  in  the 
world  without  any  place  of  worship.  This  was  more  pithy 
than  true,  for  her  St.  Paul’s  records  show  organization  in 
1701,  and,  although  the  building  was  moved,  the  church 
kept  its  identity.  Edenton  was  incorporated  in  1712,  and 
Bath  was  a town  six  years  earlier.  Immigration  of  French 
Protestants  settled  on  the  Pamlico  and  on  the  Neuse,  and 
of  the  Swiss  and  Germans  who  survived  the  massacre, 
tended  to  develop  the  interior,  and  at  the  surrender  by  the 
proprietors  the  population  was  upward  of  ten  thousand. 
They  had  in  Archdale,  Hyde,  and  Eden  fairly  good  gov- 
ernors, and  of  the  royal  colony  Gabriel  Johnson  made  a 
good  executive  for  almost  twenty  years.  This,  of  course, 
did  not  prevent  his  having  the  same  trouble  with  the  Assem- 
bly that  was  now  becoming  common  elsewhere,  for  the  sala- 
ries of  officials  were  payable  from  quitrents  which  could  not 
be  collected  without  enabling  statutes.  Prorogation  and  dis- 
solution were  not  uncommon  and  were  equally  unproductive. 

There  were  originally  the  three  counties  of  Albemarle, 
Bath,  and  Clarendon,  and  now  the  precincts  of  these  were 


COLONIAL  LIFE  ON  THE  AT L ANTIC 


361 


made  into  counties  and  the  three  original  names  disappear, 
and  in  time  others  were  added  to  the  westward.  When  the 
seven  proprietors  surrendered  their  rights,  Lord  Granville 
retained  his  share,  and  in  1744  it  was  set  apart  to  him  as 
a strip  sixty-six  miles  wide,  extending  along  the  northern 
border  from  the  Atlantic  nominally  to  the  Pacific.  Prac- 
tically, it  did  him  very  little  good,  although  for  years  even 
after  the  Revolution  he  litigated  over  his  rights.  There 
were  schools  at  New  Berne  and  Edenton,  the  Legislature 
sometimes  meeting  in  the  former  schoolhouse,  but  the  act 
of  1754  to  establish  a public  seminary  failed  for  want  of 
royal  assent. 

The  population  of  North  Carolina  during  the  French 
war  was  upward  of  fifty  thousand,  for  the  Scotch-Irish  immi- 
gration in  the  west  by  way  of  the  Virginia  valleys  was  great. 
From  this  time  they  exported  tar,  pitch,  turpentine,  staves, 
corn,  and  tobacco,  besides  skins  and  some  other  products, 
the  tobacco  amounting  apparently  to  one  hundred  thou- 
sand hogsheads.  Thus  the  colony  had  reached  a somewhat 
stable  condition  and  was  making  what  have  ever  since  been 
its  main  products.  Its  war  governor  was  Arthur  Dobbs, 
who  came  in  1754,  and  his  very  efficiency  as  he  understood 
it  brought  him  in  conflict  with  the  Assembly.  They  even 
insisted  that  the  council  had  no  proper  part  in  the  legisla- 
tive functions.  A fort  on  the  Yadkin  to  protect  the  grow- 
ing western  frontier  was  named  for  him.  He  died  in  1765, 
over  eighty  years  old,  and  was  succeeded  by  Tryon. 

In  South  Carolina,  on  the  other  hand,  the  Proprietary 
Revolution  was  effectual  from  the  proclamation  of  Governor 
James  Moore,  December  21,  1719.  The  royal  fleet  that 
arrived  threatened  to  give  some  trouble,  but,  upon  fully 
understanding  the  situation,  abandoned  all  effort  to  reinstate 
the  deposed  Johnson.  He  himself  afterward  accepted  the 
situation,  and  Francis  Nicholson  became  the  established  gov- 
ernor. Instructions  sent  out  at  this  time  became  in  effect  the 
charter  of  South  Carolina,  although  until  the  purchase  from 
the  proprietors  in  1729  the  government  was  provisional. 


362 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


They  provided  for  legislation  by  the  governor,  council,  and 
Assembly,  which  last  should  have  the  same  rights  as  the 
H ouse  of  Commons;  the  Anglican  Church  remained  estab- 
lished under  the  jurisdiction  of  the  Bishop  of  London,  by 
whom,  or  by  the  governor,  schools  were  to  be  licensed; 
and  the  Royal  African  Company  was  to  be  given  special 
encouragement.  The  people  were  now  happy  and  loyal, 
although  Colonel  Rhett  could  foresee  that  the  revolt  against 
the  proprietors  would  be  a precedent  for  setting  up  for 
themselves. 

Internal  affairs  being  arranged  and  Carolina  now  expand- 
ing in  all  directions,  it  was  important  to  secure  the  frontier 
toward  the  Cherokees.  The  nation  had  become  attached 
to  the  English  trade,  and  yet  the  active  competition  of  the 
French  from  Fort  Toulouse  and  afterward  from  the  Ohio 
valley  gave  great  concern.  To  counteract  this,  in  1730, 
Sir  Alexander  Cumming  was  appointed  agent  to  deal  with 
them,  and  with  traders  and  interpreters  he  undertook  an 
expedition  to  Keowee,  on  the  upper  Savannah,  where  he 
met  chiefs  of  the  lower  towns  and  then  assembled  at  Ne- 
quassee  a general  congress  of  all  the  nation.  He  was  com- 
pletely successful,  making  Moytoy  head  chief,  and  bringing 
back  with  him  a delegation  to  carry  to  King  George  their 
national  crown  or  emblem  of  feathers,  as  well  as  scalps  and 
the  like.  This  was  done,  one  of  the  Indians  being  young 
Attakullakulla,  and  a treaty  was  entered  into  at  London 
putting  the  Cherokees  under  British  protection,  “brighten- 
ing the  chain  of  friendship  which  connected  the  breast  of 
the  king  and  that  of  their  chiefs,”  and  providing  means  for 
“ keeping  the  trading  paths  clean  of  blood.”  What  King 
George  thought  of  the  scalps  we  are  not  told,  but  all  public 
men  of  Walpole’s  time  understood  well  enough  the  value 
of  presents,  and  the  chiefs  returned  to  their  country  much 
impressed.  Peace  was  long  preserved  and  the  Cherokees 
became  faithful  allies. 

On  the  other  border,  the  Spaniards  harbored  runaway 
slaves,  refusing  to  give  them  up  from  a desire  to  save  their 


COLONIAL  LIFE  ON  THE  ATLANTIC 


363 

souls  by  converting  them  to  Catholicism.  This  was  bad 
enough,  but  it  was  found,  or  thought,  that  emissaries  tampered 
with  the  negroes  in  their  homes,  and  certainly  in  1738  there 
was  an  insurrection,  and  murder  and  arson  were  rife  about 
Stono  River.  The  plot  was  discovered  on  a Sunday  when  the 
whites  were  at  church,  armed  as  usual,  and  prompt  action 
resulted  in  its  suppression  while  a number  of  the  slaves  were 
drinking  and  dancing  at  one  of  their  fires.  There  were 
forty  thousand  slaves  in  the  province,  and  the  dread  of  a 
servile  insurrection  was  great,  for  many  of  the  negroes  were 
fresh  from  Africa  and  were  more  savage  than  the  Indians. 
The  Assembly  gave  the  number  of  negroes  as  three  to  one  of 
the  whites,  and  certainly  they  were  always  more  numerous. 

In  Oglethorpe’s  war  we  saw  a Carolina  regiment,  and 
afterward  Governor  Glen  built  Fort  Prince  George  and  aided 
Virginia  in  erecting  Fort  Loudoun  among  the  Cherokees. 
These  and  Forts  Frederica  and  Augusta  were  guarded  by 
royal  troops.  The  misplaced  activity  of  Lyttleton,  the  next 
governor,  insulted  the  Cherokees,  and,  despite  the  cam- 
paigns of  the  regular  army  under  Montgomery,  caused  the 
massacre  of  Fort  Loudoun.  This  war  was  ended  only  by 
the  merciless  invasion  of  the  nation  by  Colonel  Grant,  under 
whom  served  such  provincials  as  Laurens,  Moultrie,  Marion, 
Pickens,  and  other  names  shortly  to  become  famous. 

The  growth  of  population  in  the  Southern  colonies  in 
the  eighteenth  century  was  marked.  It  was  no  longer  con- 
fined to  natural  increase,  or  even  to  continued  immigra- 
tion from  the  home  country,  although  each  of  these  had  its 
share.  Carolina  from  an  early  period  had  a large  Huguenot 
element,  and  now  Swiss  and  Germans,  who  were  building 
up  North  Carolina,  came  through  Charlestown  also.  Jean 
Pierre  Purry,  of  Neufchatel,  late  of  the  Compagnie  des 
Indes,  received  the  grant  of  twelve  thousand  acres  from 
the  proprietors  on  condition  that  he  secure  three  hundred 
colonists,  and  he  proceeded  by  publication  to  arouse  interest 
in  the  project.  Beginning  in  1733  he  brought  several  hun- 
dred Swiss,  and  in  a year  or  two  Purrysburg  on  the  Savannah 


364 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


was  quite  a flourishing  place.  Unfortunately,  the  transfer 
from  the  Alps  to  these  lowlands  was  too  great  a climatic 
change,  and  the  settlement  suffered  so  from  malaria  as  to  be 
almost  broken  up.  Some  Swiss,  however,  went  in  another 
direction,  and  about  this  time  with  Palatines  settled  what 
was  named  Orangeburg  on  the  north  Edisto.  Many  were 
for  their  ocean  fare,  say  ^5,  sold  for  a period  of  several 
years,  and  from  their  working  this  out  were  known  as 
Redemptioners.  They  were  generally  Lutherans,  although 
their  ministers  affiliated  indifferently  with  Presbyterians  or 
Anglicans  and  preserved  their  German  language  and  cus- 
toms for  a long  time.  Similar  was  the  origin  of  Saxe 
Gotha,  but  less  welcome  and  less  lasting  was  another  foreign 
addition — the  hapless  Acadians.  Their  story  was  sad  and 
the  policy  barbarous  which  expatriated  them  and  burned  their 
homes  to  prevent  their  return;  but  when  in  1755  over  a 
thousand  came  to  Charlestown  in  successive  shiploads,  their 
distress  appealed  little  to  the  Carolinians,  for  they  were 
French  Romanists,  enemies  against  whom  the  English  colo- 
nies were  in  arms,  and  even  the  Huguenots  looked  askance 
at  the  exiles.  The  vestries  were  instructed  to  care  for 
them  as  for  other  poor  and  bind  them  out  to  labor.  The 
government  had  difficulty  in  making  disposition  of  the  forced 
immigrants,  and  on  their  side  the  fugitives  could  not  feel 
any  love  for  the  land  of  their  captivity.  Nor  were  they 
always  meek.  Some  committed  robberies,  and  many  at- 
tempted to  escape  by  boats  or  through  the  woods.  Ulti- 
mately most  of  them  drifted  away,  and  we  shall  meet  them 
in  Louisiana.  Over  eleven  hundred  had  been  imported 
into  Virginia  also,  and  these,  after  being  cared  for  through 
the  winter,  were  sent  to  England. 

Other  foreigners  also  came  to  South  Carolina,  as  Ger- 
mans to  Hard  Labor  Creek,  and  French  to  New  Bordeaux 
and  New  Rochelle,  and  thus  in  the  sixties  was  settled  the 
Abbeville  district.  But,  as  in  Virginia  and  North  Caro- 
lina, the  principal  increase  in  population  was  due  to  the 
invasion  by  the  Scotch-Irish  of  the  upper  country.  Their 


COLONIAL  LIFE  ON  THE  ATLANTIC 


365 


original  seat  was  at  the  Waxhaws,  where  long  continued  the 
parent  church,  and  thence  they  spread  through  the  deserted 
Catawba  region.  They  were  to  supersede  the  Cherokees 
after  the  massacre  of  Fort  Loudoun  and  that  of  their  own 
Calhouns  had  been  avenged  by  Grant  and  peace  arranged  by 
Bull.  By  the  decade  following  1770  one-third  of  Carolina’s 
population  of  sixty  thousand  was  in  these  back  districts,  and 
this  fact  had  unexpected  results. 

There  had  long  been  complaint  of  a judicial  system  which 
compelled  all  litigants  to  go  to  Charlestown.  The  chief 
justice  and  assistants  sitting  in  criminal  cases  made  up  the 
court  of  general  sessions,  in  civil,  that  of  common  pleas,  and 
the  governor  and  council  constituted  a chancery  court  as  in 
other  colonies.  It  is  true  that  from  the  Proprietary  Revo- 
lution there  were  local  tribunals  analogous  to  county  courts, 
but  the  limited  jurisdiction  and  the  lack  of  sheriffs  impaired 
their  utility.  With  the  growth  of  the  interior,  the  old  parish 
system  became  inadequate.  The  need  became  pressing, 
and  in  1768  circuit  courts  were  provided  for  Charlestown, 
Orangeburg,  Camden,  Ninety-Six,  Cheraw,  Georgetown, 
and  Beaufort.  There  was  a difficulty  in  that  the  office  of 
provost  marshal,  or  high  sheriff,  was  held  by  a placeman  in 
England,  but  it  was  obviated  by  buying  him  out,  although 
this  was  not  done  in  the  similar  cases  of  the  attorney-general 
and  the  clerk.  Various  objections  prevented  the  act,  even 
when  amended  to  suit  the  Board  of  Trade,  from  going  into 
effect  for  some  years,  until  the  upper  country  was  almost 
in  rebellion,  and  only  in  1773  were  the  courts  actually 
opened. 

Thus  gradually  the  needs  of  the  growing  population  were 
met,  but  outside  of  Charlestown  no  town  came  into  being 
except,  about  1733,  Georgetown  on  the  coast,  and  that 
remained  small.  The  civil  divisions  were  not  uniform. 
On  the  coast  were  parishes,  gradually  increasing  in  number, 
taking  care  of  the  poor  and  managing  elections,  more  power- 
ful even  than  in  Virginia.  In  the  interior  the  Scotch-Irish 
might  as  there  possibly  have  adopted  the  same  system  in 


3 66 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


time,  and  civil  development  gone  on  unimpeded,  although 
this  is  not  probable,  as  there  was  a large  lowland  Presbyte- 
rian population  also,  which  was  not  the  case  in  Virginia. 
The  Presbyterians  thus  came  to  equal  the  Episcopalians, 
and  with  Garden  passed  away  the  time  for  the  Church  to 
be  able  to  make  a show  of  disciplining  Whitefields.  There 
was  a township  system,  it  is  true,  but  it  was  artificial,  and 
the  name  only  indicated  a division  of  land.  As  a civil 
unit  the  parish  was  not  to  prevail  in  the  interior,  although 
with  the  close  of  our  period  nothing  had  taken  its  place 
except  election  districts  to  a limited  extent. 

In  all  the  colonies  were  political  struggles,  many  of 
sociological  interest  as  showing  what  a Teutonic  people 
would  do  under  new  conditions,  and  some  of  historical  im- 
portance as  training  the  colonists  for  constitutional  conflicts 
on  a broader  stage.  Of  peculiar  value  were  those  in  South 
Carolina  because  of  the  insular  origin  of  its  people,  and  espe- 
cially because,  not  having  subsequent  to  their  Proprietary 
Revolution  any  definite  charter,  they  fought  out  the  battle 
on  general  principles  of  British  rights  after  a training  of 
strict  construction  under  the  old  Fundamental  Constitutions. 
They  established,  and  were  probably  the  first  to  establish, 
several  institutions  which  are  now  fundamental. 

There  was  the  standing  dispute  as  to  the  extent  of 
the  royal  prerogative  as  represented  by  the  governor,  and 
it  was  complicated  by  the  fact  that  there  were  numerous 
and  long  interregnums  when  governors  were  not  appointed 
or  did  not  come  over,  and  the  office  was  filled  by  Carolinians 
as  presidents  of  the  council  or  lieutenant-governors.  Thus 
Arthur  Middleton  acted  from  1724  to  1729,  Thomas 
Broughton,  1735-1737,  William  Bull,  Sr.,  from  1738  to 
1743,  and  William  Bull,  Jr.,  in  1760-1761,  1764-1766, 
1768,  1769-1771,  and  1773-1775-  The  Bulls  were  thus 
almost  professional  ad  interim  executives,  and  by  their  wisdom 
healed  many  breaches  made  by  the  royal  governors.  One 
result  of  it  all  was  that  the  power  of  the  people  became 
fixed,  for,  although  firm  for  all  proper  prerogatives,  these 


COLONIAL  LIFE  ON  THE  ATLANTIC 


367 


temporary  governors  looked  on  the  government  with  Caro- 
linian eyes  and  feelings.  A more  novel  struggle  was  that 
between  the  commons  house  and  the  council  as  to  amend- 
ment of  money  bills.  The  lower  body  was  expressly  given 
the  rights  of  the  English  House  of  Commons,  and  this  car- 
ried with  it  the  exclusive  power  of  originating  revenue  acts. 
The  council  attempted,  however,  in  1735,  to  add  an  item  of 
,£2,100,  and  the  house  was  at  once  up  in  arms.  The  dis- 
pute continued  in  one  form  or  another  for  years,  involving 
even  the  right  of  the  council  to  act  as  an  upper  house  at  all. 
This  was  discussed  along  the  rather  technical  line  whether 
since  the  abolition  of  the  Fundamental  Constitutions  and 
the  nobility  there  could  be  any  Carolinian  equivalent  of  the 
English  House  of  Lords.  The  advantage  of  an  upper  house 
as  a check  upon  hasty  legislation  was  not  prominent  in  the 
minds  of  the  writers  and  orators  of  the  day.  It  was  rather 
a drawn  battle  as  to  the  power  of  amendment,  for  there  was 
no  common  judge  to  decide,  and  the  compromise  was  adopted 
of  having  the  council’s  amendments  offered  on  the  floor  of 
the  house.  The  council  went  further,  however,  and  insisted 
successfully  that  not  only  were  they  more  than  a body  of 
advisers  to  the  governor,  but  as  they  were  an  upper  house 
it  was  “ unparliamentary  ” for  him  to  be  present  at  their 
debates.  This  was  assented  to  by  Bull,  and  the  only  modi- 
fication subsequent  governors  could  obtain  was  the  right  to 
be  present  without  participation  in  the  proceedings.  It  was 
therefore  settled  that  the  Assembly  was  made  up  of  two 
bodies,  the  commons  house  and  the  councd,  and  that  the 
governor’s  power  in  legislation  was  limited  to  a veto. 

The  independence  of  the  judiciary  was  also  early  estab- 
lished, particularly  by  Chief  Justice  Wright,  himself  the  son 
of  the  English  chief  justice  who  tried  the  Seven  Bishops. 
Deeming  certain  land  grants  illegal,  the  commons  house 
in  1733  had  their  messenger,  or  sergeant-at-arms,  arrest 
the  claimant  and  his  surveyor.  The  chief  justice  released 
them  on  habeas  corpus , and  stood  firm  against  resolutions 
of  the  commons  as  to  their  power  to  imprison  whom  they 


368 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


pleased — even  the  chief  justice.  They  deprived  him  of  his 
salary,  demanded  his  suspension,  and  sought  to  pass  an  act  to 
prevent  suits  against  magistrates  refusing  the  writ.  But  all 
in  vain.  Wright  in  Carolina  was  not  less  determined  than 
Holt  in  England.  The  three  departments  of  government 
were  clearly  differentiated,  and  this  earlier  than  elsewhere 
in  America. 

The  domestic  history  largely  centres  about  Charlestown, 
and  this  fact  gives  Carolina  a peculiar  tone  which  is  not 
found  elsewhere,  for  it  thus  not  only  has  many  elements  of 
urban  life  but  urban  life  of  a very  high  character.  The 
relative  importance  of  Charlestown  in  colonial  times  has  not 
been  fully  appreciated. 

It  is  usually  thought  that  education  was  at  a low  ebb  in 
South  Carolina,  while  the  reverse  seems  to  be  the  fact. 
Even  before  1710a  free  school  was  attempted,  and  we  often 
find  mention  of  legacies  to  found  them.  In  1712  there  was 
an  act  for  the  encouragement  of  learning,  and  next  year 
one  for  a free  school  in  Charlestown.  Governor  Nichol- 
son helped  provincial  libraries  and  aided  schools  and  school- 
masters all  he  could.  A difficulty  was  found  in  the  fact 
that  the  teachers  were  to  a large  extent  ministers  of  the 
Church  of  England,  who  shortly  after  arrival  had  calls  to 
churches,  and  this  interfered  a good  deal  with  the  continuity 
of  education.  We  find,  on  the  other  hand,  a great  many 
societies,  charitable  and  otherwise,  and  even  those  of  a social 
nature  frequently  had  a benevolent  side  to  them.  Thus  the 
Winyaw  Indigo  Society  originated  in  1740  at  Georgetown, 
and  when  later  at  a convivial  meeting  the  president  proposed 
a charity  school  for  the  poor,  the  members  emptied  their 
glasses  as  a way  of  saying  “aye.”  The  school  is  said  for 
over  one  hundred  years  to  have  been  the  educational  main- 
stay of  the  district  from  Charlestown  to  the  North  Carolina 
boundary.  In  the  interior  there  was  more  difficulty  as  to 
schools,  but  it  is  to  be  remembered  that  with  the  Scotch-Irish 
education  and  religion  went  together.  The  ministers  were 
themselves  educated,  and  among  their  duties  teaching  was 


vf  w-.sljinn-ton  Sjhnewintr  an  altered  -breliminarv  studv  of  head  on  the  left  and  tJie  corresponding 


COLONIAL  LIFE  ON  THE  ATLANTIC 


369 

prominent.  From  early  in  the  eighteenth  century  there  was 
not  a parish  in  South  Carolina  where  education  could  not 
be  obtained. 

In  the  same  direction  was  the  influence  of  the  press. 
The  beginning  of  printing  in  South  Carolina,  as  in  the 
other  colonies,  was  probably  in  publishing  the  laws,  and 
then  came  newspapers.  These  last  were  by  no  means  the 
great  unbound  folio  books  of  modern  times,  telling  every- 
thing new  and  strange,  true  and  false,  and  influencing  if  not 
controlling  public  policy.  The  colonial  papers  were  gener- 
ally called  “gazettes,”  and  were  in  many  respects  only  offi- 
cial publications.  The  day  of  great  newspapers  had  not 
come,  and  yet,  in  proportion  to  information  and  civilization, 
these  weekly  journals  held  no  mean  place.  A Gazette  began 
in  South  Carolina  in  1731  which,  after  some  struggles,  be- 
came a regular  weekly,  and  in  1736  we  have  the  Virginia 
Gazette , and  thirteen  years  later  the  North  Carolina  Gazette , 
published  at  New  Berne  and  professing  to  give  the  latest 
advices,  both  foreign  and  domestic.  A competitor  of  the 
first  Gazette  came  in  1758  as  the  South  Carolina  and  Ameri- 
can General  Gazette,  its  name  shadowing  a dim  feeling  of 
common  American  interests.  In  Georgia,  too,  we  have  the 
Georgia  Gazette , undertaken  by  the  public  printer.  Shortly 
before  the  great  Revolution  it  is  said  that  in  all  America 
there  were  thirty-five  newspapers,  of  which  fourteen  were 
in  New  England,  four  in  New  York,  nine  in  Pennsylvania, 
two  in  Virginia  and  North  Carolina  each,  in  South  Caro- 
lina three,  and  in  Georgia  one.  In  proportion  to  the  white 
population,  South  Carolina  would  therefore  head  the  list, 
for  there  was  in  that  colony  one  newspaper  to  every  fifteen 
or  twenty  thousand  white  people;  in  Massachusetts,  which 
heads  the  list  in  the  North,  there  was  one  to  every  fifty 
thousand.  At  the  present  time  such  comparisons  would  be 
unfair,  because  of  the  immense  circulation  of  journals  out- 
side of  the  State  of  publication,  but  such  was  not  then  the 
case,  as  a newspaper  had  few  readers  beyond  the  colony  in 
which  it  was  printed. 


37° 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


If  the  test  were  made  in  regard  to  libraries,  this  colony 
ranks  high.  While  there  was  a library  at  Henrico  in  1623, 
and  the  Rev.  John  Harvard  left  his  books  to  the  Wilder- 
ness Seminary  somewhat  later,  these  were  collegiate  rather 
than  public  institutions,  and  it  is  probable  that  the  first 
library  in  America  supported  by  the  public  as  such  was  one 
at  Charlestown  from  1698.  In  1697  Governor  Nichol- 
son, of  Maryland,  had  recommended  the  support  of  one 
which  Dr.  Bray  was  endeavoring  to  found,  but  nothing  was 
done  then  beyond  a vote  of  thanks;  while  in  South  Caro- 
lina not  only  was  a committee  appointed  to  return  thanks, 
but  dressed  skins  were  sent  to  England  to  the  amount  of 
£jo  current  money  to  pay  for  books  bought  and  to  be 
bought  in  London.  This  institution  was  in  existence  in 
1712,  and  the  acts  of  the  legislature  on  the  subject  are 
probably  the  earliest  library  laws  in  America.  It  is  not 
known  how  long  this  library  existed,  but  an  association 
formed  in  1743  imported  some  books  and  soon  had  quite 
a collection.  The  organization  assumed  the  name  of  the 
Charlestown  Library  Society,  and  after  a long  while  this 
was  duly  incorporated.  The  governor  for  the  time  being 
was  always  president,  except  when  politically  unaccept- 
able, as  was  the  case  with  Boone.  This  corporation 
met  with  varying  fortunes,  but  in  one  form  or  another 
has  continued  until  the  present,  and  its  collections  are 
invaluable. 

The  existence  of  a real  city  made  South  Carolina  different 
from  every  other  southern  colony.  The  planters  found  it 
necessary  to  resort  to  town  during  the  summer  months  on 
account  of  the  malaria  prevalent  in  the  marshes  in  which 
the  rice  was  cultivated,  and  not  infrequently  they  were  there 
also  at  one  time  or  another  during  the  winter.  The  advan- 
tages of  the  schools,  libraries,  and  newspapers  were  thus 
generally  diffused.  Not  only  were  goods  imported  from 
the  home  country,  but  British  manners  were  preserved  in 
Charlestown  perfiaps  more  than  in  any  other  place  in  the 
country.  People  even  imported  bricks,  and  after  they  began 


COLONIAL  LIFE  ON  THE  ATLANTIC 


371 


to  manufacture  their  own  they  still  called  them  English.  In 
true  English  fashion,  whether  in  town  or  country,  the  Caro- 
linians, like  the  Virginians,  were  fond  of  horses,  which  at 
first  probably  came  from  the  Spaniards  of  Florida,  although, 
no  doubt,  afterward  Virginia  supplied  them. 

Racing  has  existed  from  the  earliest  times  in  Virginia,  and 
a characteristic  judgment  entry  of  the  York  County  court  in 
1674  declared  that  it  was  a sport  only  for  gentlemen.  They 
put  a man  in  stocks  there  for  letting  his  horse  run  out  of 
the  track  so  as  to  enable  a confederate  to  win  the  race.  The 
distances  were  so  great  that  the  use  of  horses  was  universal, 
and  in  the  next  century  a traveller  reported  that  in  Virginia 
no  one  walked.  Races  were  perhaps  the  favorite  amuse- 
ment both  in  Virginia  and  Carolina,  and  the  prizes  are  often 
mentioned  in  court  and  other  records.  In  1734  there  is 
notice  in  Charlestown  of  a race  for  a saddle  and  bridle, 
and  the  same  is  found  also  in  Virginia.  The  native  stock 
was  much  improved  about  1740  by  importing  blooded  ani- 
mals from  England,  and  the  interest  in  the  turf  was  corre- 
spondingly increased.  In  1752  there  was  a great  race  on 
the  Gloucester  race  ground  between  William  Byrd  the 
Third’s  Tryall  and  Selima,  from  Maryland,  in  which  Selima 
won.  One  of  the  most  famous  horses  in  Carolina  was 
Flimnap,  which  the  royalists  were  to  endeavor,  although  in 
vain,  to  capture  during  the  Revolution. 

Carolina  had  other  amusements  also,  for  before  1735 
there  was  a theatre,  which  antedates  the  one  in  Philadelphia 
and  was  probably  the  earliest  in  the  country.  In  course  of 
time,  we  find  on  its  boards  many  of  Shakespeare’s  plays, 
besides  She  Stoops  to  Conquer  and  other  familiar  names.  Con- 
certs also  date  from  an  early  year;  Josiah  Quincy  furnishes 
quite  an  elaborate  account  of  one  given  when  he  was  in 
Charlestown.  Social  societies  have  been  mentioned  as  giving 
rise  to  schools;  they  encouraged  music, and  aided  the  insane 
also.  In  1735  there  was  an  organization  for  mutual  insur- 
ance against  fire,  and  this  is  earlier  than  the  one  over  which 
Franklin  presided  in  Philadelphia. 


372 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


Society  was  gay  and,  as  it  often  centred  about  the  colo- 
nial governors,  was  sometimes  brilliant,  for  the  governors 
held  considerable  state.  Dancing  was  taught  in  “all  the 
forms  approved  in  London,”  and  drinking  prevailed,  although 
there  was  no  evidence  that  it  was  to  excess.  It  is  even  said 
that  madeira  became  fashionable  in  England  from  being 
recommended  by  army  and  navy  officers  who  had  served  in 
the  West  Indies  and  about  Charlestown. 

Charlestown  established  a Chamber  of  Commerce  in 
1774,  which  is  early  for  such  an  institution,  but  shipping 
had  been  extensive  for  a long  time  before  that.  Thus  in 
1 749  when  Governor  Glen  answered  some  inquiries  of 
the  Board  of  Trade,  he  reported  that  there  had  loaded  at 
Charlestown  on  an  average  two  hundred  and  twenty  vessels 
annually  for  the  preceding  ten  years.  In  one  season  the 
commerce  of  South  Carolina  was  eleven  times  as  large  with 
Europe  as  with  the  northern  provinces,  three  times  as  large 
with  the  West  Indies  as  with  the  colonies  on  the  mainland, 
and  similar  proportions  generally  prevailed.  The  exports 
amounted  to  about  ,£160,000,  being  mainly  of  rice,  of 
which  but  little  went  south  of  Cape  Finisterre,  although 
Walpole  had  secured  an  Act  of  Parliament  permitting  such 
export  for  the  purpose  of  encouraging  its  cultivation.  Even 
then,  indigo  was  a great  staple  crop  of  the  colonists.  It 
came  originally  from  Hindostan,  but  was  in  1741  introduced 
into  South  Carolina  by  Eliza  Lucas,  afterward  the  wife  of 
Charles  Pinckney  and  the  mother  of  celebrated  men.  Indigo 
seed  was  sent  to  her  by  her  father  from  Antigua,  of  which 
place  he  was  the  governor,  and  it  soon  became  a considerable 
crop.  Even  in  1747  one  hundred  and  thirty-four  thousand 
pounds  were  sent  to  England,  and  in  consequence  the  next 
year  a bounty  of  sixpence  per  pound  was  allowed  for  the 
American  article.  By  1765  the  increase  in  rice  and  indigo 
had  been  such  that  there  were  cleared  from  Charlestown 
three  hundred  and  sixty  vessels,  besides  forty  from  Beaufort 
and  twenty-four  from  Georgetown,  carrying  in  all  over  one 
hundred  and  ten  thousand  barrels  of  rice,  and  almost  five 


COLONIAL  LIFE  ON  THE  ATLANTIC 


373 


hundred  and  fifty  thousand  weight  of  indigo,  and  by  that 
time  over  one-fifth  of  the  rice  went  south  of  Cape  Finis- 
terre.  A barrel  containing  over  six  hundred  pounds  was 
worth  some  fifty-five  shillings  per  hundred.  There  was, 
moreover,  still  a considerable  business  done  in  peltries,  for 
the  period  after  the  pacification  of  the  Cherokees  was  a 
prosperous  time  for  that  trade.  The  whole  nation  was 
mapped  out  into  thirteen  ranges,  with  a trader  for  every  one, 
and  in  1747  we  find  exported  from  Charlestown  two  hun- 
dred weight  of  beaver  skins,  seven  hundred  and  twenty  hogs- 
heads of  deer  skins,  all  worth  perhaps  $300,000.  These 
three  articles,  rice,  indigo,  and  peltries,  made  up  by  far  the 
principal  items  of  South  Carolina’s  foreign  trade.  It  was 
not  found  necessary  to  impose  taxes  upon  real  or  personal 
property,  all  necessary  funds  being  derived  from  a three  per 
cent  duty  on  imports  and  on  deer  skins  exported.  Of  the 
whole  trade  of  the  American  colonies,  which  amounted  to 
^3,000,000,  South  Carolina  contributed  about  one-sixth. 
The  imports  also  were  considerable,  although  Glen — the 
governor  for  whom  the  Church  failed  to  pray — endeavored 
to  restrain  them  on  the  idea  that  the  colonists  in  buying 
laces,  linens,  tea,  and  other  articles  were  indulging  in  too 
much  luxury.  However,  as  a result  of  commerce  Charles- 
town had  become  a great  port  and  by  far  the  richest  in  the 
southern  part  of  America.  Its  quaintly  named  streets  were 
busy  thoroughfares  and  on  them  were  the  State  House, 
Armory,  St.  Michael’s  Church,  and  new  Exchange,  all  built 
since  1752,  besides  probably  one  thousand  five  hundred 
houses,  including  six  meeting  houses.  St.  Michael’s  was  a 
famous  building  with  a steeple  one  hundred  and  ninety-two 
feet  high,  a landmark  visible  far  out  at  sea.  Charlestown 
was  outgrowing  her  fortifications,  and  had  a population  of 
almost  eleven  thousand,  in  which  the  negroes  slightly  pre- 
dominated. Quincy  says  that  in  grandeur  the  city  surpassed 
all  he  ever  saw  or  ever  expected  to  see  in  America. 

In  some  respects  the  history  of  Georgia  is  not  unlike 
that  of  South  Carolina,  particularly  from  the  time  of  the 


374 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


surrender  by  the  trustees  to  the  crown.  Slavery  had  already 
been  permitted,  the  sale  of  liquor  legalized,  and,  perhaps  the 
most  important  of  all,  titles  had  been  simplified,  so  that  there 
was  little  distinction  between  the  eastern  and  western  banks 
of  Savannah  River.  Rice  was  cultivated  in  the  marshes  near 
the  sea,  indigo  on  the  islands,  and  the  Indian  trade  divided 
between  Savannah  and  Charlestown.  Indeed,  the  distinc- 
tive features  of  Georgia’s  origin  became  almost  obliterated. 
With  the  surrender  by  the  trustees  there  was  no  longer 
any  organized  effort  to  transport  to  America  the  distressed 
of  England  or  the  continent,  and  immigration  was  left  to 
follow  more  natural  lines.  A new  characteristic,  however, 
took  the  place  of  the  old  ones  which  had  been  lost.  While 
immigrants  still  arrived  from  abroad,  there  came  into  exist- 
ence the  new  feature  of  immigration  from  the  older  colonies. 
As  early  as  1752  the  Medway  River  region,  in  what  is  now 
Liberty  County,  was  peopled  by  Congregationalists  from 
South  Carolina,  who  called  their  new  settlement  Dorchester 
from  the  name  of  their  earlier  ones  in  Carolina  and  Massa- 
chusetts. They  proved  to  be  a valuable  addition  to  the 
Georgia  population,  and  took  the  lead  in  the  troubles  to 
come  with  the  mother  country.  Their  church  lasted  until 
the  American  Civil  War,  and  the  town  of  Sunbury,  which 
was  afterward  built  as  the  port  for  this  region,  had  on  its 
beautiful  site  a brilliant  if  short  existence.  The  Moravians 
left  Georgia,  for  their  refusal  to  bear  arms  against  the  Span- 
iards was  misconstrued,  and  the  Salzburgers  also  did  not 
remain  in  their  old  seats.  In  course  of  time,  they  all  became 
mixed  with  the  rest  of  the  population,  and  the  descendants 
of  these  German  Protestants  gradually  spread  in  all  direc- 
tions, carrying  thrift  and  character  everywhere  they  went. 
Their  names  under  different  orthography  can  be  traced  in 
other  communities,  for  to  this  day  many  a family  in  the 
South  goes  back  to  these  persecuted  highlanders  of  Austria. 
Further  up  the  Savannah,  about  and  above  Augusta,  colo- 
nists from  Virginia  and  North  Carolina  and  Scotch-Irish 
from  other  quarters  soon  occupied  the  territory  acquired  by 


COLONIAL  LIFE  ON  THE  ATLANTIC 


375 


treaty  from  the  Creeks,  and  began  that  advance  to  the 
northwest  by  which  Georgia  was  to  become  far  more  than 
a seacoast  settlement.  This  was  indeed  the  line  of  growth 
of  all  the  colonies.  Settled  at  first  on  the  coast,  where  they 
had  to  fight  for  existence  against  white  enemies,  they  gradu- 
ally extended  into  the  interior,  acquiring  by  war  or  treaty 
with  the  natives  land  which  was  gradually  peopled  by  sub- 
immigration, by  the  back  door,  as  it  were,  from  the  other 
colonies.  Georgia’s  freedom  from  Indian  wars  was  always 
remarkable,  and  at  no  time  more  so  than  when  the  sister 
province  of  South  Carolina  was  convulsed  by  the  Cherokee 
massacres  about  Forts  Prince  George  and  Loudoun.  It  is 
true  that  as  a precaution  Savannah  was  palisaded,  but  its 
defences  were  never  tested. 

After  the  surrender  by  the  trustees,  Georgia  became  a 
royal  province,  with  governor,  council,  and  commons  house 
of  assembly.  The  chief  executive  as  captain-general  con- 
trolled the  military,  as  governor  participated  in  legislation, 
and  judicially  he  was  chancellor,  presided  in  the  court  of 
errors,  probated  wills,  and  the  like.  He  affixed  to  docu- 
ments the  great  seal  of  the  province,  its  design  still  com- 
memorating in  wax  the  hope  of  the  government  that  the 
colonists  should  cultivate  silk.  As  Oglethorpe  had  preferred 
Frederica  to  Savannah,  which  he  also  founded,  so  Governor 
Reynolds  endeavored  to  build  a new  capital  at  Hardwicke,  on 
Ogeechee  River,  and  the  plan  was  favored  also  by  his  suc- 
cessor, the  efficient  Henry  Ellis.  It  was  not  abandoned  until 
the  time  of  James  Wright,  son  of  the  Carolina  chief  justice, 
the  last  royal  governor.  Savannah  suffered  by  the  scheme 
and  did  not  assume  its  proper  rank  until  Wright’s  final  de- 
cision. In  1758  the  colony  was  divided  like  South  Carolina 
into  parishes,  eight  in  number,  alFon  the  sea  or  on  rivers,  and 
these  were  followed  a few  years  later  by  four  more.  Christ 
Church  included  Savannah,  St.  Matthew’s  embraced  Eben- 
ezer,  Augusta  was  within  St.  Paul’s,  St.  John’s  held  both  \ 
Midway  and  Sunbury,  and  Darien  and  Frederica  were  in 
St.  Andrew’s  and  St.  James’s  respectively.  While  some 


376 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


provision  was  made  for  churches,  it  was  never  thoroughly 
carried  out,  and  the  parishes  were  really  civil  divisions. 
They  were  very  large,  and  as  population  increased  were, 
during  the  Revolutionary  War,  subdivided  into  counties, 
many  of  which  still  remain. 

Exports  at  the  beginning  of  this  period  were  hardly 
^30,000,  and  when  the  Revolution  came  they  were  almost 
seven  times  this  amount;  but  it  would  be  a mistake,  of 
course,  to  think  of  Georgia  any  more  than  of  the  other 
colonies  as  progressing  quietly.  The  fear  of  the  French 
and  the  fear  of  the  Spaniards  was  gone,  because  in  both 
directions  the  English  ruled  the  old  regions  which  had 
caused  so  much  alarm;  but  Georgia  would  not  have  been 
British  if  there  had  not  been  a dispute  between  the  Assem- 
bly and  the  governor,  although  it  did  not  assume  so  acute 
a phase  as  elsewhere.  With  the  vast  extension  of  British 
possessions  by  the  Peace  of  Paris,  it  was  appropriate  that 
Georgia  should  be  rounded  out  to  the  south,  and  her  boun- 
dary was  accordingly  fixed  by  the  famous  proclamation  of 
October  7,  1763,  at  St.  Mary’s  River.  This  was  as  near  as 
fairly  practicable  to  the  line  of  thirty-one  degrees  which  at 
first  bounded  West  Florida  on  the  north,  and  on  the  west  the 
colony  claimed  to  Mississippi  River.  This  was  the  procla- 
mation which  prohibited  extension  of  the  colonies  over  the 
mountains,  but  in  that  respect  it  did  not  affect  Georgia,  for 
she  had  no  transmontane  possessions.  It  led,  in  fact,  to  a 
more  compact  development,  for  the  result  was  a general 
treaty  of  cession  and  of  peace  with  the  Creeks  in  the  fort  at 
Augusta  in  1763,  under  the  presidency  of  Governor  Wright, 
attended  by  several  Southern  governors. 

The  sparseness  of  the  population,  the  extent  of  the  prov- 
inces, and  the  distance  of  the  settlements  from  each  other, 
tended  to  create  and  maintain  in  all  the  Southern  colonies 
an  interest  and  a love  for  their  respective  governments.  Pos- 
sibly nowhere  was  the  particularistic  feeling  stronger,  and 
pride  and  love  for  local  institutions  were  to  develop  later  into 
zeal  for  State  rights.  And  yet,  by  a paradox,  the  Southern 


COLONIAL  LIFE  ON  THE  ATLANTIC 


377 


colonies  had  so  much  in  common  as  to  give  them  a real 
unity.  This  was  due  to  several  causes  and  it  had  important 
effects,  the  more  so  that  it  was  all  unrealized  by  the  people 
themselves.  It  sprang  up  as  naturally  as  the  growth  of  the 
tree  from  hidden  roots. 

We  have  seen  running  through  the  texture  of  all  history 
the  four  threads  of  Family,  Church,  State,  and  Industry, 
intermingling  their  strands  until  the  full  pattern  of  civiliza- 
tion is  shown,  but  often  traceable  separately.  The  family 
relation  presents  no  variations  in  the  Southern  colonies  from 
those  seen  in  the  Northern  or  in  the  old  country,  but  there 
are  strong  peculiarities  in  regard  to  the  other  elements. 

Elaborate  attempts  have  been  made  to  trace  the  origin  of 
American  civil  institutions  to  the  old  village  community 
of  the  Aryan  races,  and  to  some  extent  this  has  succeeded. 
Thus  Mr.  Freeman  finds  it  distinctly  preserved  on  the  civil 
side  in  the  New  England  town  meeting,  while  in  Maryland 
it  reappears  in  the  feudal  manors.  But  further  south  there  is 
greater  difficulty-.  The  efforts  to  discover  it  in  Virginia  and 
Carolina  are  sometimes  forced,  for  while  the  Anglo-Saxons 
took  with  them  to  this  as  to  all  other  quarters  of  the  globe 
the  same  love  of  local  self-government,  the  extent  of  settle- 
ment and  the  social  conditions  were  so  different  as  to  call 
for  new  forms.  The  colonists  brought  with  them  in  each 
instance  written  charters  and  elaborate  regulations  based 
upon  a civilization  which  had  changed  the  old  Aryan  system 
almost  beyond  recognition,  and  these  entered  largely  into 
the  development  of  the  new  States.  When  it  came  to  civil 
organization,  while  hundreds  and  towns  were  not  unknown 
in  Virginia,  the  official  unit  was  the  shire,  copied  largely 
from  the  corresponding  division  in  England.  Its  limits  had 
to  be  changed  in  order  to  cover  enough  people  and  planta- 
tions to  be  worth  the  expense  and  trouble  of  government 
by  a lieutenant,  sheriff,  and  county  court;  and  yet,  the  very 
names  given  show  the  survival  of  the  old  English  local 
feeling.  Thus  the  shire  containing  Jamestown  was  called 
James  City,  and  the  names  of  a number  of  others  repeat  the 


378 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


word  “ city.”  There  were  few  real  cities  in  Virginia,  and  in 
the  shires  which  contain  no  towns  the  county  seat  was 
frankly  called  the  “courthouse,”  nothing  more.  Gradually 
the  word  “county”  superseded  “shire,”  but  the  thing  re- 
mained the  same,  and  this  institution  became  as  marked  a 
peculiarity  of  Virginia  as  the  town  meeting  did  of  New 
England. 

Ecclesiastically,  the  same  conditions  did  not  obtain.  The 
church  was  the  Church  of  England,  and  the  parish  was,  as 
in  the  mother  country,  the  district  under  the  control  of  one 
pastor.  We  have  seen  that  the  weakness  of  the  Church  was 
the  size  of  its  parishes,  and  yet  they  were  not  coterminous 
with  the  counties.  Women  and  children  made  up  then  as 
always  a large  part  of  the  congregation,  and  this  necessi- 
tated a smaller  district  than  the  county.  Not  unnaturally, 
therefore,  the  vestry  of  the  parish  had  control  over  many 
local  concerns,  for  this  necessity  had  been  appreciated  in 
England  itself,  where  indeed  the  parish  meeting  was  in  a 
sense  the  old  “ Tun-moot,”  or  village  community  acting  as  to 
worldly  concerns,  such  as  the  poor  and  even  sometimes  as 
to  elections.  In  Virginia  there  was  imposed  upon  the  vestry 
the  further  neighborhood  duty  of  processioning  lands  at  cer- 
tain intervals  so  as  to  fix  private  boundaries.  The  adminis- 
tration of  justice  assumed  a somewhat  different  local  form, 
for  beats  assigned  to  the  justices  of  the  peace  appointed  by 
the  central  government  had  no  necessary  connection  with 
parish  limits.  Just  as  convenience  made  the  county  larger 
than  the  parish,  so  the  same  reason  made  the  beats  smaller, 
and  caused  them  to  bear  some  relation  to  business  interests; 
for  the  value  of  justice  is  in  its  promptness.  Collectively, 
the  justices  made  up  the  county  court  and  had  all  forms  of 
jurisdiction.  They  probated  wills,  attended  to  orphans  and 
administration  business,  heard  appeals  from  the  local  jus- 
tices, and  had  considerable  civil  and  criminal  jurisdiction  of 
their  own.  They  were  always  subject  to  appeal  to  the 
general  court  at  the  capital.  The  necessity  for  circuit  courts 
came  later,  and  bears  a striking  parallel  to  the  institution  in 


COLONIAL  LIFE  ON  THE  ATLANTIC 


379 


the  earlier  ages  of  England  of  the  justices  in  eyre  for  the 
same  purpose  of  making  justice  more  uniform  throughout 
the  State. 

It  would  be  a mistake  to  assume  that  what  was  true  of 
Virginia  was  true  in  Carolina  and  Georgia  too,  and  yet  the 
preceding  review  is  in  its  main  features  correct  for  them 
also.  Carolina,  we  recall,  owed  its  immediate  institutions 
to  Barbadoes,  where  the  presence  of  slavery  and  the  growth 
of  the  parish  system  created  an  almost  distinct  form  of  civili- 
zation. When  the  Fundamental  Constitutions  of  Locke 
died  their  natural  death,  the  development  of  Carolina  was 
along  the  lines  brought  by  the  Barbadian  settlers.  The 
church  became  the  unit  of  civil  organization,  and  this  was 
carried  out  with  a thoroughness  which  cannot  be  equalled 
outside  of  the  Latin  colonies,  where  Church  and  State  were 
almost  the  same.  The  population  of  Carolina  being  more 
compact,  this  form  of  government  suited  local  conditions, 
and  the  town  meeting  of  New  England  was  more  closely 
paralleled  by  the  parish  meetings  of  Carolina  than  by  any- 
thing in  Virginia.  Elections  were  almost  from  the  begin- 
ning definitely  committed  to  the  vestries,  and  the  parish  was 
frankly  made  the  civil  unit.  Here  again,  in  true  Anglo- 
Saxon  manner,  the  names  and  theory  did  not  run  on  all 
fours  with  the  facts,  for  the  extent  of  the  Carolina  parish 
made  it  really  equivalent  to  the  Virginia  county.  In  Georgia 
we  find  much  the  same  state  of  affairs,  due  no  doubt  largely 
to  the  neighborhood  of  Carolina  with  its  established  institu- 
tions. It  is  true  that  in  Carolina  the  administration  of  jus- 
tice was  long  confined  to  the  city  of  Charlestown,  and  this 
resulted  in  building  up  that  city  at  the  expense  of  rural 
interests.  We  have  seen  that  this  was  not  the  fault  of  the 
Carolinians  themselves,  for  they  passed  laws  to  remedy 
the  evil  and  these  were  vetoed  in  England. 

As  if  to  make  the  question  more  complex,  there  came 
to  modify  the  situation  a large  number  of  immigrants  from 
the  continent  of  Europe.  The  legal  theory  was  that  the 
discovery  of  particular  regions  in  America  gave  England, 


3So 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


France,  or  Spain,  as  the  case  might  be,  the  absolute  right 
thereto,  provided  the  claim  was  consummated  by  possession. 
At  first  the  natives  were  practically  an  important  factor, 
although  theoretically  to  the  public  law  of  that  day  they 
counted  for  little.  Now,  after  centuries  of  white  invasion, 
the  Indians  had  become  a negligible  quantity,  and  there  was 
a tacit  assent  that  where  the  English  had  settled  there  they 
should  remain.  When  continental  colonists  came,  as  in 
the  eighteenth  century,  they  came  to  a British  country. 
The  incomers  were  numerous,  but  they  came  now  as  settlers 
and  not  as  invaders.  And  yet  measurably  the  same  result 
was  to  follow  as  in  the  case  of  England  itself.  There  Danes, 
Normans,  nay,  the  Anglo-Saxons  themselves,  had  entered, 
sword  and  spear  in  hand,  and  civilization  was  evolved  from 
these  different  elements.  In  America,  on  the  other  hand, 
the  new  white  invasion  was  peaceful.  In  England  the 
different  districts  settled  of  old  by  the  different  peoples  re- 
mained to  some  extent  separate  and  had  their  own  customs, 
although,  in  course  of  time,  all  this  was  modified  by  contact. 

In  America  there  was  no  such  barrier  between  the  new- 
comers and  the  older  white  inhabitants.  The  Germans  or 
the  French  came  indifferently  to  New  York  or  Carolina, 
and  although  for  the  first  generation  on  account  of  language 
they  remained  separate,  a fact  aided  by  their  settlement  in 
new  and  unoccupied  localities,  they  soon  yielded  to  their 
surroundings,  and  the  second  generation  spoke  the  language 
as  well  as  obeyed  the  laws  of  Queen  Anne  or  King  George. 
And  yet,  coming  as  they  did,  and  often  many  at  one  time, 
these  foreigners  could  not  but  influence  the  colonies  in 
which  they  planted  themselves.  Possibly  Virginia  remained 
the  most  homogeneous,  while  in  the  Carolinas  the  French 
as  well  as  the  Germans  became  important  enough  to  name 
districts  and  long  preserve  their  own  method  of  worship. 
It  is  true  that  all  were  of  the  Aryan  stock  and  some  time 
in  their  history  had  had  forms  of  the  village  community; 
but  that  was  long  ago,  and  it  came  to  the  surface  now 
only  so  far  as  suited  the  new  surroundings.  The  instances 


COLONIAL  LIFE  ON  THE  ATLANTIC 


381 

mentioned  in  recounting  the  stories  of  the  several  colonies 
by  no  means  exhaust  the  immigrations  from  France  and  Ger- 
many. The  Revocation  of  the  Edict  of  Nantes  is  said  to 
have  driven  seven  hundred  thousand  Huguenots  abroad, 
besides  causing  the  death  of  two  hundred  thousand  more, 
and  many  of  those  who  crossed  the  Channel  to  England 
continued  further  and  crossed  the  ocean  to  New  York,  Vir- 
ginia, and  the  Carolinas.  The  Thirty  Years’  War  also  and 
subsequent  oppression  almost  depopulated  the  Palatinate  on 
the  Rhine.  Its  inhabitants  were  largely  Lutherans  or  Cal- 
vinists, and  often  found  a refuge  not  short  of  America.  The 
same  was  true,  we  may  remember,  of  the  Salzburgers,  and, 
indeed,  the  whole  of  beautiful  Germany  was  but  a battle 
ground  for  the  rest  of  Europe,  and  the  fatherland  for  cen- 
turies could  offer  no  home  to  many  of  its  loving  children. 
It  has  been  said  that  the  history  of  the  colonization  of 
America  is  the  history  of  the  crimes  of  Europe,  and,  on 
the  other  hand,  the  story  of  the  development  of  these  colo- 
nies is  that  of  assimilation  by  the  English  of  foreign  material, 
which  in  its  turn  modified  the  blood  and  institutions  of  the 
older  colonists. 

Possibly  the  greatest  single  immigration  of  this  kind  was 
that  of  the  Scotch-Irish,  whom  we  saw  turned  by  the  Alle- 
ghanies  of  Pennsylvania  southwardly  into  Virginia,  whence 
they  spread  to  the  Carolinas  and  even  to  Georgia.  And 
yet  it  must  not  be  supposed  that  all  the  Scotch-Irish  who 
were  in  the  Southern  colonies  came  by  way  of  the  Virginia 
valley.  No  doubt  the  great  majority  journeyed  by  this  route, 
but  some  also  came  direct  from  Ireland.  Many  Irish  are 
mentioned  from  time  to  time  as  arriving  at  Charlestown 
and  elsewhere,  and  they  were  almost  invariably  Presbyte- 
rians from  the  north  of  Ireland.  Papists,  as  the  Catholics 
were  called,  were  not  welcomed,  and  very  few  came  be- 
fore the  Revolutionary  War.  Many  Scotch-Irish  settled 
in  the  lowlands  of  the  South,  but  some  ascended  the  rivers 
until  they  met  their  fellow  countrymen  coming  down  from 
the  other  colonies.  They  deserve  special  consideration 


382 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


because,  possibly,  they  were  the  largest  influence  outside  of 
the  original  English,  and  they  were  to  play  a part  greater  than 
any  other  immigrants  in  modifying  the  institutions  which 
they  found.  In  their  own  mountains  and  backwoods,  with 
the  gun  in  one  hand  and  the  axe  in  the  other,  they  not  only 
protected  the  tidewater  colonies  but  built  up  new  communi- 
ties after  their  own  manner.  In  course  of  time  they  did 
more  than  this,  and  the  courtly  Virginian  on  the  James  and 
the  fiery  Carolinian  of  Charlestown  found  that  their  old 
commonwealths  had  ceased  to  be  wholly  their  own.  The 
Scotch-Irish  backwoodsman  was  religious,  and  adhered  with 
the  earnestness  of  his  Covenanter  ancestors  to  the  form  of 
worship  which  Knox  had  brought  from  Geneva  and  which 
had  been  endeared  to  him  by  centuries  of  strife  and  persecu- 
tion. And  the  same  strife  and  persecution  which  made  that 
dear  made  him  detest  episcopacy  and  aristocracy  in  all  their 
forms. 

There  was  thus  to  arise  not  only  the  difference  which  will 
be  caused  by  different  occupations  and  surroundings  between 
men  of  the  seacoast  and  men  of  the  interior,  between  low- 
landers  and  highlanders,  but  also  the  differences,  amounting 
almost  to  an  antipathy,  between  men  of  varying  religious 
beliefs.  There  was  no  longer  the  strife  of  Protestant  and 
Catholic  as  in  the  times  of  Elizabeth  and  Philip,  for  the 
American  communities  were  at  least  of  one  general  race 
and,  living  under  a representative  government,  could  fight 
out  the  battle  of  different  interests  in  the  legislative  chamber. 
These  Presbyterian  backwoodsmen  of  Virginia  not  only 
took  advantage  of  the  Act  of  Toleration  which  from  the 
time  of  King  William  had  become  the  law  of  Virginia  also, 
but  they  even  began  to  insist  that  “toleration”  was  a mis- 
nomer and  that  all  creeds  should  stand  equal  before  the  law. 
To  the  battle  between  liberty  and  prerogative,  between  Par- 
liament and  the  burgesses,  was  added  that  of  the  Scotch- 
Irish  for  religious  liberty.  It  was  not  until  later  that  George 
Mason  was  to  carry  this  principle  and  Thomas  Jefferson  to 
write  the  bill  which  secured  it,  but  any  view  of  colonial 


COLONIAL  LIFE  ON  THE  ATLANTIC 


383 


times  which  ignores  the  struggle  is  imperfect.  In  Carolina 
there  was  less  need  for  such  an  act,  because  on  account 
of  the  composite  character  of  its  population  religious  free- 
dom had  long  been  practically  carried  out  despite  laws  to 
the  contrary.  These  Scotch-Irish  came  in  such  numbers 
as  ultimately  to  affect  the  polity  of  America.  They  were  to 
make  toleration  more  than  a name  and  in  their  own  Jefferson 
inaugurate  more  than  one  kind  of  revolution.  From  them 
were  to  come  Marshall,  Henry,  Paul  Jones,  and  later  the 
Jacksons,  a Lincoln,  and  a Grant. 

No  small  part  in  this  movement  was  played  by  George 
Whitefield  in  his  American  tours.  Differing  from  the  Wes- 
leys in  his  Calvinistic  beliefs,  caring  nothing  for  the  Episco- 
pal forms  which  at  first  he  did  not  discard,  he  shook  the  dry 
bones  of  ecclesiasticism  and  both  revived  religion  and  split 
the  churches.  He  knew  no  North  and  no  South,  and  from 
Boston  to  Georgia  was  equally  at  home.  He  was  possibly 
the  greatest  preacher  ever  known,  for  it  is  said  his  hearers 
sometimes  went  insane,  and,  although  of  conciliatory  tem- 
perament, the  Word  in  his  hands  was  like  a sharp  two-edged 
sword,  piercing  to  the  marrow,  dividing  even  denominations 
asunder.  The  Old  Side  and  New  Side  schools  date  from 
his  teachings.  The  cast  of  his  eyes  does  not  seem  to  have 
diminished  the  charm  of  his  personality,  and  it  is  curious 
that  his  domestic  life,  like  that  of  his  friend  Wesley,  was 
marred  by  marriage  to  a widow.  We  are  gravely  told  by 
Whitefield’s  biographer  that  the  death  of  his  wife  brought 
peace  to  his  mind.  His  revivals  affected  even  the  Anglican 
establishment,  and  there  was  need,  for  Byrd  tells  us  that  the 
Virginians  thought  being  members  of  the  Established  Church 
sufficient  to  sanctify  very  loose  and  profligate  morals. 

Thus  grew  the  Southern  colonies,  the  inhabitants  of  each 
intent  upon  his  own  commonwealth  and  yet  all  tending  in 
the  same  direction,  creating  a sectional  unity  while  building 
up  separate  States,  forgetting  the  savages  who  had  meant  so 
much  to  their  ancestors,  and  pressing  onward  to  a new  goal, 
they  knew  not  what.  There  was  still  a Latin  civilization 


384 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


facing  them,  there  were  yet  to  be  problems  connected  with 
their  relations  to  their  own  mother  country.  What  the 
future  held  for  them  they  could  not  tell,  nor  did  they  often 
stop  to  wonder.  But  perhaps  they  were  building  better  than 
they  knew. 

On  the  whole,  except  for  a while  on  the  borders,  the 
time  of  the  last  French  war,  as  well  as  that  just  before  and 
after,  was  one  of  prosperity.  Politically  something  was  won 
and  much  valuable  experience  gained,  and  agriculture  and 
commerce  were  improved,  although  there  was  some  uneasi- 
ness at  the  increase  of  slaves,  enforced  by  the  home  gov- 
ernment. City  life  came  more  to  the  front,  especially  in 
Carolina,  and  intellectual  activity  increased  with  education, 
newspapers,  and  discussion.  The  war  itself  brought  a vast 
increase  of  population  in  the  Scotch-Irish,  who  infused  more 
religion  and  more  sturdiness  generally  into  colonial  life. 
People  even  began  to  look  westward  to  see  if  settlements 
were  not  possible  beyond  the  mountains,  and  eastward  to 
revise  perhaps  the  relations  with  the  mother  country.  If 
the  period  of  original  colonization  of  the  coast  had  practically 
closed,  that  of  colonial  development  had  come. 


Joseph  Habersham,  of  Georgia.  Noble  Wimberley  Jones,  of  Georgia. 

After  the  painting  by  Charles  M illson  Peale,  in  bide-  After  the  painting  by  John  Wesley  Jar-vis,  in  Independence 

pendence  Hall,  Philadelphia.  Hall,  Philadelphia. 


CHAPTER  XX 


THE  FLORIDAS 

The  changes  called  for  by  the  Treaty  of  Paris  were 
world-wide  in  their  scope,  and  it  was  not  for  some  time  that 
the  transfer  of  the  Floridas  and  east  Louisiana  was  effected. 
On  August  7,  1763,  Captain  Wills,  of  the  third  battery  of 
royal  artillery,  proceeded  from  Havana  and  received  from 
the  Spanish  commandant  possession  of  Pensacola,  from 
which  on  the  3d  of  the  next  month  every  Spaniard  sailed 
for  Vera  Cruz.  In  October  a detachment  of  Highlanders 
reached  Mobile,  and  the  proces  verbal  of  transfer  was  signed 
by  De  Velle  and  Fazende  for  France  and  Robert  Farmar 
for  Great  Britain.  The  lilies  were  lowered,  the  red  flag 
ascended  to  the  music  of  bagpipes,  and  Bienville’s  fort  was 
renamed  Fort  Charlotte  for  the  young  Queen  of  England. 
About  the  same  time,  St.  Augustine  was  similarly  occupied, 
and  the  British  banner  waved  over  the  whole  continent  east 
of  Mississippi  River,  except  the  New  Orleans  district. 

The  new  possessions  other  than  those  immediately  around 
the  three  towns  named,  and  as  many  in  the  northwest,  had 
few  inhabitants  except  the  Indian  tribes;  and  the  govern- 
ment, with  true  British  indifference  toward  the  past  history 
of  its  provinces,  proceeded  as  on  a tabula  rasa , and  by 
proclamation  of  October  7th  divided  up  the  country  on  new 
lines.  Of  course,  the  old  Atlantic  colonies  were  not  them- 
selves disturbed,  but  their  claims  of  extension  westwardly 
received  a rude  shock.  In  the  negotiations  before  the  treaty 

385 


386 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


England  had  declined  to  adopt  the  French  suggestion  to 
create  a neutral  ground,  or  buffer  country,  to  be  reserved  for 
the  Indians  between  British  and  French  possessions;  but 
now  it  seemed  good  to  carry  out  that  idea  and  create  an 
Indian  zone  embracing  most  of  the  Ohio  valley,  while  the 
part  of  French  Fouisiana  south  of  the  parallel  of  thirty-one 
degrees  and  all  Spanish  Florida  were  thrown  into  hotch- 
potch and  subdivided  anew.  Peninsular  Florida,  that  is,  the 
part  lying  east  of  Appalachicola  River,  was  called  East 
Florida,  with  its  capital  at  St.  Augustine;  and  all  west  of  the 
Chattahoochee  and  the  Appalachicola  to  the  Mississippi  was 
erected  into  a separate  province  called  West  Florida,  with 
Pensacola  for  its  capital. 

The  line  of  thirty-one  degrees  was  soon  found  to  be 
inappropriate,  as  it  made  continental  Florida  little  more 
than  a strip  of  seacoast,  dependent,  especially  in  the  case  of 
Mobile,  upon  rivers  whose  sources  and  main  courses  were 
far  outside,  among  Indian  tribes  like  the  Choctaws,  Creeks, 
and  Chickasaws.  Next  year  it  was  pushed  up  to  thirty- 
two  degrees  twenty-eight  minutes,  and  thus  included  the 
site  of  Natchez,  which  had  been  important  in  the  past  and 
for  strategic  reasons  might  become  so  again. 

It  may  well  be  that  the  British  government  had  no  defi- 
nite plan  in  view  when  it  acquired  the  province,  except  to 
get  at  least  two  good  ports  on  the  Gulf  of  Mexico.  Up 
to  this  time,  the  British  possessions  had  been  confined  to  the 
Atlantic  coast,  and  the  Treaty  of  Paris  in  effect  exchanged 
the  port  of  Havana  for  those  of  St.  Augustine,  Pensacola, 
and  Mobile,  besides  affording  the  possibility  of  developing 
others.  Intentionally  or  otherwise,  this  was  one  step  in  the 
expansion  of  British  power  over  the  globe  and  more  par- 
ticularly in  America.  With  the  acquisition  of  the  valley 
of  the  St.  Lawrence  on  the  north  and  the  peninsula  of 
Florida  with  all  ports  west  to  Lake  Borgne  on  the  south, 
Great  Britain  had  acquired  a scientific  frontier,  or  rather 
her  possessions  were  so  extended  that  there  was  no  frontier 
except  at  Bayou  Manchac. 


THE  FLO  RIDAS 


387 


Under  the  French  in  the  Mobile  part  of  West  Florida,  as 
under  the  Spaniards  in  Pensacola  and  the  peninsula,  the  gov- 
ernment had  been  practically  military.  So  far  as  there  was 
a civil  or  political  side,  it  was  carried  on  by  the  same  persons 
under  another  title.  This  was  not  to  be  the  case  with  the 
British,  for  George  Johnstone  came  early  on  the  scene  as 
a civil  governor.  The  military  of  West  Florida  was  com- 
manded until  1765  by  Colonel  William  Taylor,  and  the 
post  at  Mobile  consisted  at  first  of  the  Twenty-second  and 
Thirty-fourth  Regiments.  After  Taylor  came  the  famous 
Bouquet,  whose  administration  would  doubtless  have  been 
energetic  and  beneficial  to  the  province  had  he  not  died 
shortly  after  his  arrival.  A pathetic  feature  is,  according  to 
the  story,  that  while  he  was  away  on  duty  his  fiancee,  Miss 
Willing,  of  Philadelphia,  married  Mr.  Francis,  a wealthy 
Londoner,  and  that  the  soldier  grieved  himself  to  death. 
He  was  buried  in  a tomb  of  English  gray  brick  on  the 
shores  of  Pensacola  Bay,  but  all  memorial  of  this  too  faith- 
ful love  has  long  since  disappeared,  possibly  washed  away  by 
encroachments  of  the  sea. 

His  successor  was  Frederick  Haldimand,  whose  term 
was  almost  equally  important  for  what  he  did  and  for 
what  he  preserved.  Swiss  by  birth,  he  was,  like  his  friend 
and  fellow  countryman  Bouquet,  an  officer  of  note  in  the 
British  service.  A misfortune  in  the  history  of  the  Southern 
colonies  is  the  lack  of  memoirs,  letters,  and  diaries,  so  that 
it  is  a great  thing  to  chance  upon  so  methodical  a man.  He 
seems  to  have  kept  almost  every  paper  written  to  him  and 
copies  of  much  of  his  own  correspondence.  This  collection, 
very  miscellaneous  in  character,  but  all  the  more  valuable 
on  that  account,  he  left  at  his  death  to  a nephew,  who  in 
turn  bequeathed  it  to  the  British  Museum.  These  docu- 
ments present  an  attractive  picture  of  his  business  ability. 
They  cover  almost  every  conceivable  subject,  from  remarks 
on  the  relations  of  Spain  and  Great  Britain,  or  the  conflict 
between  the  military  and  civil  authorities  of  West  Florida, 
to  the  question  of  rum  vs.  sassafras  beer  for  the  soldiers, 


388 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


complaints  of  a widow  about  officers  leaving  her  boarding- 
house without  paying,  or  the  planks,  chickens,  and  eggs 
supplied  by  a French  carpenter.  When  you  add  to  this  the 
fact  that  he  was  in  debt  considerably,  and  for  family  reasons 
active  in  trying  to  get  commissions  for  nephews  and  friends, 
it  may  be  imagined  that  he  had  his  hands  full, — as  did  also 
General  Thomas  Gage,  at  Boston,  for  he  not  only  super- 
vised Haldimand  in  Florida,  but  other  commanders  in  dif- 
ferent parts  of  America.  Gage  had  to  go  to  England  in 
1773,  and  Haldimand  was  promoted  to  take  his  place  at 
New  York  until  Gage  returned  to  America  two  years  later. 
Thus  when  the  Boston  Tea  Party  and  other  troubles  came, 
Haldimand  was  in  command,  but,  as  it  was  thought  inex- 
pedient that  a foreigner  should  be  prominent  in  dealing  with 
the  colonists,  he  was  sent  to  the  West  Indies.  He  was 
Governor  of  Canada  for  the  ten  years  following  1778,  and 
to  Canadian  interest  in  that  fact  we  owe  the  existence  in 
America  of  full  copies  of  his  papers. 

At  Mobile  we  have  that  very  interesting  character,  Major 
Robert  Farmar  [or  Farmer],  of  the  Thirty-fourth  Regi- 
ment. He  was  then  forty-five  years  of  age,  and  the  pic- 
ture of  him  by  the  contemporary  Aubry  is  both  valuable 
and  piquant.  “This  governor  of  Mobile,”  writes  he  to 
the  French  government,  “is  an  extraordinary  man.  As  he 
knows  that  I speak  English,  he  occasionally  writes  to  me 
in  verse.  He  speaks  to  me  of  Francis  I.  and  Charles  V. 
He  compares  Pontiak,  an  Indian  chief,  to  Mithridates;  he 
says  that  he  goes  to  bed  with  Montesquieu.  When  there 
occur  some  petty  difficulties  between  the  inhabitants  of 
New  Orleans  and  Mobile,  he  quotes  to  me  from  the 
Magna  Charta  and  the  laws  of  Great  Britain.  It  is 
said  that  the  English  ministry  sent  him  to  Mobile  to  get 
rid  of  him,  because  he  was  one  of  the  hottest  in  the  opposi- 
tion. He  pays  me  handsome  compliments,  which  I duly 
return  to  him,  and,  upon  the  whole,  he  is  a man  of  parts, 
but  a dangerous  neighbor,  against  whom  it  is  well  to  be  on 
one’s  guard.” 


THE  FLO  RID  AS 


389 


The  major  was  very  active  in  entertaining  the  Indians  in 
French  fashion,  although  much  against  his  will,  in  repairing 
dilapidated  Fort  Charlotte,  and  in  securing  military  supplies. 
Farmar  became  quite  attached  to  West  Florida,  and  Mobile 
in  particular,  and  managed  to  secure  several  grants  of  land, 
one  being  a place  where  the  British  had  their  statehouse 
or  headquarters.  On  reaching  Mobile  he  had  complained 
that  the  real  estate  used  by  the  government  was  claimed  by 
private  individuals,  and  it  would  seem  that  the  lesson  had 
not  been  lost  on  himself.  Having  a semi-independent  com- 
mand, he  had  large  discretion  in  military  affairs.  He  joined 
hands  with  Gage  in  opposition  to  Johnstone’s  claim  of 
supremacy  over  the  military,  for  the  general  distinctly  in- 
structed Taylor  to  recognize  no  such  claim,  and  Farmar 
was  among  the  nineteen  officers  at  Mobile  who  signed  the 
memorial  against  the  governor  which  Gage  forwarded  to 
Lord  Halifax  at  court.  Johnstone  heartily  reciprocated 
Farmar’s  dislike  and  made  charges  of  embezzlement,  which, 
of  course,  led  to  a court  martial.  The  charges  were,  specifi- 
cally : “For  sending  flour  belonging  to  the  King  to  New 
Orleans,  and  selling  or  attempting  to  sell  it  there,  by  means 
of  one  Pallachio,  a Jew.  For  selling  the  Fort  of  Tom- 
beckbee  to  Mr.  Terry,  a merchant.  For  misapplication  of 
ten  thousand  pounds  said  to  be  expended  on  Indian  presents, 
and  on  the  fortifications.  For  making  a job  of  the  Publick 
service,  in  the  operation  of  the  Iberville.  For  turning  in  a 
different  channel  the  monies,  which  should  have  been  ex- 
pended on  the  Barracks,  so  that  the  officers  and  soldiers 
lived  in  a miserable  condition.  For  insisting  to  charge  five 
bitts  p.  barrel  for  lime,  which  could  be  made  for  three  bitts, 
and  dividing  the  profits  with  the  Engineer.  For  desiring 
the  Engineer  to  bear  a man  extraordinary  upon  the  works 
at  three  shillings,  P.  Diem;  and  to  charge  a laboring  negro 
belonging  to  him  the  Major  at  three  shillings  more,  both 
which  was  done.  For  employing  the  King’s  boat  to  his 
own  emolument,  and  dividing  the  profits  with  the  sailors.” 
The  matter  dragged  on  for  some  time  on  account  of  the 


390 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


difficulty  of  getting  witnesses,  and  involved  incidentally  a 
court  martial  on  charges  preferred  by  Farmar  against  Lieu- 
tenant Pittman.  It  outlasted  Johnstone’s  term  and  resulted 
in  the  full  acquittal  of  Farmar. 

On  his  arrival  in  Pensacola  the  governor  was  given  a 
house  in  the  fort  as  his  residence,  but  this  courtesy  led  to 
bad  results,  for  Haldimand  was  to  observe  that  it  gave 
Johnstone  the  impression  that  he  owned  the  fort,  too.  By 
decision  of  the  attorney-general  of  the  province,  confirmed 
at  Whitehall,  the  forts  were  declared  to  be  subject  to  the 
governor’s  jurisdiction,  but  the  military  strenuously  insisted 
that  they  themselves  were  not.  The  very  opposite  of  the 
French  system  therefore  developed;  and  instead  of  there 
being  no  distinction  between  civil  and  military  governments, 
they  were  not  only  different  but  at  odds,  the  civil  depart- 
ment even  claiming  to  be  supreme  and  to  have  the  direction 
of  the  other.  The  dispute  was  by  no  means  courteously 
conducted.  Everybody  took  sides  one  way  or  the  other 
and  the  spirit  of  faction  became  rife,  affecting  all  public  and 
even  private  affairs. 

Of  the  condition  of  West  Florida  at  the  time  of  the 
British  occupation  we  may  form  some  idea  from  that  of 
Pensacola,  the  new  capital,  which  then  consisted  of  only  forty 
thatched  huts  and  some  small  barracks,  all  surrounded  by  a 
stockade  of  pine  posts.  Even  as  late  as  1767,  when  some 
improvements  had  been  made,  Haldimand  writes  to  Gage 
that  the  place  was  in  a wretched  state,  the  forts  being  de- 
cayed, the  huts  merely  of  bark  and  the  palisades  of  wood, 
as  were  the  hospital,  storehouse,  and  everything  else,  which 
the  least  spark  might  destroy  and  which  were  at  best  entirely 
at  the  mercy  of  the  Indians.  The  streets  of  the  towns  were 
narrow,  as  was  the  case  in  Mobile  also,  and  the  heat  even 
in  April  great  and  the  air  stagnant,  causing  mortality.  The 
water  at  Pensacola  was  a mere  drain  from  the  swamp  and 
“ when  unadulterated  was  as  bad  as  pure  rum.”  There 
was  confusion  in  the  province  caused  by  the  quarrels  of 
officials,  but  Haldimand  was  then  trying  to  establish  some 


THE  FL0R1DAS 


391 


method  in  public  business,  and  appointing  officers  to  carry 
on  the  public  duties.  He  found  Lieutenant  Elias  Durn- 
ford,  the  governor’s  engineer,  a willing  worker,  but  subject 
primarily  to  the  orders  of  the  civil  branch  and  for  a while 
not  available  for  military  purposes. 

It  was  fitting  that  the  capital  of  the  province  should  pre- 
sent an  attractive  appearance,  and  the  field  was  clear  for 
reconstruction  of  the  town  according  to  Durnford’s  plan, 
which  still  prevails.  This  consisted  in  running  streets  north 
and  south  from  the  bay,  the  main  avenue  being  named 
George  [now  Palafox],  and  one  to  the  eastward  Charlotte 
[Alcaniz] . The  space  between  as  far  north  as  what  is  now 
Intendencia  Street  was  reserved  as  a public  park  and  on  it 
was  placed  a star-shaped  stockade  fort,  for  some  time  the 
only  defence  of  the  town,  and  near  it  were  barracks,  store- 
house, magazine,  and  other  public  buildings.  As  a military  as 
well  as  sanitary  measure  Haldimand  cut  away  much  of  the 
forest  and  undergrowth  surrounding  the  town  to  the  north, 
and  converted  what  were  swamps  into  meadows.  Lots 
south  of  Garden  Street  were  eighty  by  one  hundred  and 
seventy  feet ; north  of  this  they  were  one  hundred  and 
ninety-two  feet  square,  called  arpent  or  garden  lots,  also 
private  property,  being  numbered  to  conform  to  the  smaller 
town  lots,  and  used  for  cultivation  by  the  respective  owners. 
So  that  while  the  survey  was  English,  the  plan  still  preserved 
features  frequent  in  the  Spanish  settlements  and  which  recall 
the  arrangements  of  the  old  village  community.  Durnford, 
without  knowing  it,  was  with  his  house  and  garden  lots 
working  on  the  same  lines  as  the  New  England  towns, 
whose  origin  goes  back  to  Aryan  or  even  more  primeval 
times.  George  Street  was  extended  by  causeways  or  other- 
wise to  an  elevation  known  as  Gage’s  Hill,  now  marked  by 
the  Confederate  monument.  Here  Haldimand  built  a con- 
siderable fortress  named  Fort  George,  a part  of  which  still 
remains  around  the  Herron  residence,  and,  as  the  safest 
place  in  the  capital,  within  Fort  George  were  the  council 
chamber  and  the  archive  office.  The  city  was  not  without 


392 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


good  buildings.  Bartram  speaks  of  the  governor’s  stone 
palace,  with  a dome,  erected  by  the  Spaniards,  although  this 
is  somewhat  doubtful.  The  largest  business  firm  was  that 
of  Panton,  Leslie  and  Company,  whose  senior  member,  Wil- 
liam Panton,  had  a handsome  house  and  garden  on  the  bay. 
The  warehouse  still  survives  and  the  house  foundations  are 
visible. 

The  vicinity  of  the  capital  was  not  neglected.  At  Tartar 
Point,  later  the  site  of  the  United  States  Navy  Yard,  a 
battery  and  barracks  were  built,  and  it  is  an  interesting 
though  singular  fact  that  the  name  of  the  point  is  almost  the 
sole  reminder  of  the  British  occupation.  Similarly  at  Red 
Cliff,  or  Barrancas,  were  two  batteries,  one  at  the  top  and 
the  other  at  the  foot  of  the  hill,  with  officers’  quarters 
and  soldiers’  barracks  in  one  structure,  built  in  the  nature 
of  a block  house.  Near,  was  the  powder  magazine  of  the 
province,  itself  a survival  of  the  old  Spanish  fort  of  San 
Carlos. 

Thus  Pensacola  practically  dates  from  the  British  occu- 
pation, but  Mobile,  far  from  being  rebuilt  at  that  time,  be- 
came, by  the  exodus  of  many  French,  smaller  than  before, 
although  it  remained  the  largest  town  in  the  province.  The 
centre  was  still  the  old  fort,  now  renamed  Charlotte,  and 
the  royal  wharf  leading  out  to  fourteen  feet  of  water  is  the 
only  one  shown  in  the  plans.  The  town  extended  along 
the  river  bluff,  the  front  street,  still  called  Royal,  running 
north  and  south  from  the  fort.  One  block  west  was  the 
government  house  adjoined  by  the  bakehouse,  and  a block 
further  was  the  long  Indian  house,  the  scene  of  treaties. 
Further  north  were  the  warehouse  and  hospital.  All  over  the 
town  were  public  parks.  The  principal  residences  were  of 
brick,  surrounding  a courtyard,  while  those  of  the  poorer 
class  were  made  of  cypress  filled  in  with  brick,  plastered 
and  whitewashed.  It  was  a fair  type  of  all  the  French 
towns  in  America,  New  Orleans  being  larger  and  Vin- 
cennes being  smaller,  but  all  were  much  alike.  The  houses 
were  shaded  by  oaks  and  magnolias.  The  botanist  Bartram 


THE  FLORID  AS 


393 


travelled  over  the  South  at  this  period  and  was  much  pleased 
with  the  place,  although  he  found  many  houses  vacant  and 
mouldering  to  earth.  The  Indian  trade,  he  notes,  was  man- 
aged by  the  house  of  Swanson  and  McGillivray,  who  had 
made  great  improvements. 

The  principal  change  made  by  the  British  was  in  the  way 
of  improvement  of  trade,  for  the  bulk  of  the  inhabitants 
remained  French  as  heretofore.  For  a while  the  British 
suffered  greatly  in  health,  according  to  Haldimand,  on  ac- 
count of  their  own  imprudence,  and  a summer  resort  had 
to  be  provided  for  the  soldiers  across  the  bay  at  Croftown. 
Gradually  this  difficulty  was  overcome,  and  the  business  of 
the  port  with  Great  Britain  became  considerable.  By  1776 
it  paid  upward  of  ,£4,000  annually  in  the  custom  house  of 
London  alone. 

The  work  cut  out  for  the  British  gradually  developed 
along  several  lines.  There  was,  of  course,  the  matter  of 
the  old  population  of  West  Florida,  Indian  and  Latin,  and 
the  problem  of  securing  immigration.  Development  of 
agriculture  and  trade  must  be  encouraged,  and  then  again 
there  was  the  fact  that  this  country  was  valuable  not  only 
for  itself  but  for  its  connection  with  Mississippi  River, 
toward  wffiich  routes  by  land  or  water  must  be  opened. 
And  lastly,  there  were  to  arise,  although  more  slowly,  the 
political  questions  connected  with  representation  and  gov- 
ernment. Great  Britain  by  this  time  knew  how  to  colo- 
nize a virgin  country;  but  in  this  instance  there  was  an 
old,  settled  colony,  of  a Latin  power,  and  on  a small 
scale  there  was  the  same  problem  which  was  faced  on  the 
St.  Lawrence. 

First  in  immediate  importance  probably  was  the  Indian 
question.  We  have  studied  the  methods  of  the  French  and 
seen  how  the  natives  immediately  adjacent  became  devoted 
to  them,  and  that  while  they  were  dependent  it  was  not  the 
dependence  of  the  Indians  upon  the  Spaniards.  There  was, 
if  anything,  more  danger  of  the  French  becoming  Indianized 
than  of  the  Indians  becoming  Gallicized,  for  their  customs 


394 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


and  habits  were  all  respected  and  the  natives  had  come  to 
consider  themselves  as  quasi-subjects  of  King  Louis.  With 
the  British,  on  the  other  hand,  the  popular  although  perhaps 
not  the  official  view  was  that  the  only  good  Indian  was  a 
dead  Indian.  The  wars  upon  the  James  and  elsewhere 
were  almost  incessant,  and  proceeded  on  the  idea  that  there 
was  natural  enmity  between  the  white  and  red  races,  and 
that  the  English  were  gradually  to  dispossess  the  Indians 
of  their  territory.  There  was  no  declaration  to  this 
effect,  and  yet  the  difference  between  the  polished  and 
insinuating  Frenchman  and  the  rough  Briton  was  so  marked 
that  the  Indians  of  the  Southwest  showed  a tendency  to 
leave  their  seats  and  retire  across  the  Mississippi  so  as  to  re- 
main with  their  old  friends.  The  Alibamons,  for  instance, 
took  this  course,  although  for  a while  some  of  them  remained 
on  the  east  bank  of  the  river  near  Bayou  Manchac,  and  the 
Coosadas  had  camps  for  a little  while  on  the  lower  Tom- 
bigbee.  Even  where  they  did  not  actually  leave  the  country, 
a number  of  the  small  tribes  whose  names  have  become  so 
familiar  retired  from  the  coast  and  were  lost  among  the 
greater  nations  of  the  interior.  Thus  the  Chattos,  the  Nania- 
bas,  and  others  joined  the  Choctaw  tribe ; and  if  theTaensas 
and  Apalaches  remained  in  part  near  Mobile  River,  they 
gradually  thinned  in  numbers. 

And  yet,  it  would  be  a great  mistake  to  think  that  the 
English  had  no  Indian  policy  or  that  this  policy  was  not  a 
success.  The  contrary  is  true.  Fort  Toulouse  and  Fort 
Tombecbe,  under  its  altered  name  of  Fort  York,  were  occu- 
pied, a garrison  being  maintained  at  the  former,  as  much 
to  watch  the  Indians,  and  perhaps  foment  their  quarrels,  as 
for  any  other  reason.  Toulouse  never  was  much  used,  and 
Gage  wrote  that  the  expense  of  occupying  Fort  Tombecbe 
made  it  the  dearest  post  on  the  continent.  It  was  aban- 
doned in  the  severe  winter  of  1768  and  other  means  adopted 
to  retain  influence  over  the  savages.  Distributions  of  mer- 
chandise in  the  way  of  presents  were  regularly  made,  but  in 
respect  to  trade  there  was  quite  a change  from  the  French 


THE  FLO  RID  AS 


395 


method,  which  had  regarded  it  as  a function  of  the  govern- 
ment. It  was  still  fully  recognized  that  there  was  need  for 
supervision,  and  the  plan  adopted  was  that  of  putting  the 
traders  under  license  and  bond,  which  some  thought  worked 
successfully.  While  these  measures  kept  the  Indians  more 
or  less  satisfied,  there  was  need  of  some  definite  understand- 
ing under  the  altered  conditions  as  to  the  acquisition  of  land. 
Where  the  white  and  the  red  man  were  equally  subjects  of 
the  French  king,  this  was  hardly  necessary;  but  from  the 
British  tendency  to  keep  the  races  separate  it  seemed  expe- 
dient to  have  a treaty  basis.  Thus  came  about  the  treaty 
of  March  26,  1765,  arranged  and  carried  out  by  the  in- 
fluence of  Superintendent  John  Stuart,  of  Fort  Loudoun 
memory.  This  was  more  particularly  with  the  Choctaws 
and  the  Chickasaws,  but  another  at  Pensacola,  of  almost  the 
same  time  and  embracing  the  Creeks  also,  pursued  the  same 
policy.  The  former  was  the  more  striking  historically,  be- 
cause inaugurating  for  the  Southwest  the  policy  of  the 
Atlantic  colonies,  continued  by  the  American  government 
after  the  Revolution,  of  extinguishing  the  Indian  title. 
Practically  the  seacoast  about  Mobile  and  the  lower  river 
basin,  particularly  up  the  Tombigbee,  was  open  to  white 
occupation,  but  now  there  was  a definite  cession  of  this 
land  with  greater  extent  than  heretofore  actually  occupied, 
constituting  the  first  link  in  all  chains  of  title. 

The  congress  at  which  the  treaty  was  made  was  attended 
by  Governor  Johnstone,  Superintendent  Stuart,  and  twenty- 
nine  chiefs,  and  was  probably  held  in  the  Indian  house, 
which  had  just  been  repaired.  Stuart’s  “talk”  has  been 
preserved  by  Hewat  and  is  a model  of  firmness  and  tact, 
couched  in  the  imagery  dear  to  the  natives. 

A congress  was  held  almost  every  year,  although  the 
military  said  the  principal  object  was  for  the  governor  to 
make  a show,  and  land  cession  was  not  the  only  subject  of 
discussion,  for  there  were  questions  as  to  traders,  liquor,  and 
murders  by  one  side  or  the  other.  Stuart  was  efficient, 
and  in  influence  in  the  southern  department  hardly  inferior 


396 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


to  Sir  William  Johnson  in  the  northern.  Fie  had  a deputy, 
Charles  Stuart,  located  first  at  Mobile  and  then  afterward 
at  Pensacola,  and  various  agents  among  the  tribes,  such  as 
David  Tait  for  the  Creeks,  and  Alexander  Cameron  for 
the  Cherokees.  The  department  was  subject  to  the  mili- 
tary, although  from  1768  the  regulation  of  Indian  affairs, 
including  traders  and  supplies,  was  by  direction  of  the  home 
government  left  to  the  colonies,  and  the  superintendent  had 
control  only  of  such  matters  as  were  of  immediate  negotia- 
tion between  the  king  and  the  savages.  There  was  almost 
constant  trouble,  the  cause  being  principally  the  introduction 
of  rum  by  the  traders  despite  all  regulations,  and  hardly 
second  to  this  was  the  encroachment  on  Indian  lands.  As 
a result  there  were  frequent  murders  of  whites  and  some- 
times of  Indians,  requiring  diplomacy  and  satisfaction  in  their 
adjustment.  The  home  government  disapproved  of  foment- 
ing quarrels  among  the  tribes,  but  the  military  thought  this 
the  true  policy,  and  as  opportunity  offered  quietly  indulged 
in  it.  There  was  ever  fear  that  emissaries  from  the  North- 
west or  traders  and  others  from  New  Orleans  would  unite 
the  southern  Indians  against  the  British,  and  so  the  authori- 
ties were  not  unwilling  to  see  the  restless  Creeks  involved 
in  difficulties  with  the  Choctaws,  who  were  sometimes 
aided  by  the  Chickasaws.  There  was  war  between  them 
from  1766  until  the  summer  of  1770,  and  it  was  renewed 
at  intervals  afterward.  Haldimand  and  Stuart  even  thought 
the  colonies  owed  their  own  exemption  from  Indian  war, 
despite  rather  acute  friction  between  the  races,  to  the  fact 
that  the  savages  were  thus  too  much  taken  up  with  their 
own  quarrels. 

The  white  population  heretofore  had  been  exclusively 
French  or  Spanish.  From  Mobile  had  gone  out  the  families 
who  settled  New  Orleans  and  the  banks  of  the  Mississippi; 
and  now  that  the  daughter  settlements  had  grown  and  were, 
so  far  as  could  be  seen,  to  remain  French,  it  was  not  un- 
natural that  many  of  the  parent  city  should  prefer  to  follow 
the  old  flag  to  the  west.  From  the  time  of  the  British 


THE  FLO  RID  AS 


397 


occupation,  therefore,  we  find  a partial  emigration  from 
Mobile  and  a complete  exodus  from  Pensacola,  the  Spanish 
going  to  Mexico.  The  mass  of  people  about  Mobile  re- 
mained French,  and  since  the  institution  of  negro  slavery 
there  had  arisen  a considerable  mulatto  population,  who  also 
spoke  French  and  were  even  less  apt  to  leave  the  old  homes 
than  their  white  congeners.  Not  only  were  these  people 
in  the  towns,  but  also  far  up  the  rivers  and  in  the  interior. 
These  quiet,  thrifty  creoles,  both  white  and  of  mixed  blood, 
did  much  to  develop  the  country,  and  if  they  lacked  the 
ambition  and  aggressiveness  of  the  Anglo-Saxons  they  at 
least  lived  simpler  lives  and  suffered  less  from  disease.  Even 
as  late  as  1771,  when  Romans  descended  the  Tombigbee 
what  few  inhabitants  he  found  bore  French  names. 

When  Spain  sent  Ulloa  to  take  possession  of  her  province 
of  Louisiana,  the  dissatisfaction  of  the  French  at  New  Or- 
leans was  so  general  as  to  lead  to  a plan  on  the  part  of  the 
British  to  induce  them  to  come  over  in  large  numbers  to 
Mobile.  Haldimand,  being  a French  Swiss  himself,  entered 
heartily  into  the  scheme  and  did  all  he  could  to  advance  it. 
It  is  not  certain  what  success  it  had.  The  French  remain 
much  attached  to  their  native  soil,  and  even  in  Acadia  it 
took  absolute  force  to  make  them  move.  Here,  in  point  of 
fact,  in  some  instances  the  movement  was  the  other  way. 
The  British  had  succeeded  in  getting  one  Monberault,  a 
French  officer  who  had  a pleasant  home  at  Lisloy  in  the 
lower  part  of  Charlotte  County,  to  enlist  in  their  Indian 
service;  but  Johnstone  did  not  have  the  tact  to  keep  on 
good  terms  with  the  new  recruit,  and  as  a result  Monberault 
not  only  abandoned  his  place  but  left  the  province  and  be- 
came an  officer  in  New  Orleans  under  the  King  of  Spain. 
Gage,  it  is  true,  calls  him  a dirty  fellow,  but  then  this  was 
after  Monberault  had  gone  and  Gage’s  views  might  have 
been  biased. 

The  British  have  in  tropical  lands  been  content  to  adopt 
the  French  plan  and  rule  subject  races,  but  they  have  in- 
stinctively felt  in  all  temperate  zones  that  hold  upon  a 


39^ 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


country  must  be  secured  by  colonization  of  their  own  race. 
West  Florida  was  no  exception.  It  was  not  long  after 
Governor  Johnstone’s  arrival  in  February,  1764,  that  he 
issued  a glowing  proclamation  or  circular  painting  the  beau- 
ties and  advantages  of  the  country.  Agriculture,  timber, 
and  trade  with  Central  America  were  dwelt  on,  and  analogies 
found  to  Tyre,  Sidon,  Carthage,  Colchos,  Palmyra,  Amster- 
dam, Venice,  and  Genoa.  “On  the  whole,”  we  learn, 
“whether  we  regard  the  situation  or  the  climate,  West 
Florida  bids  fair  to  be  the  emporium  as  well  as  the  most 
pleasant  part  of  the  New  World.” 

There  were  from  the  beginning  newcomers  from  Great 
Britain  and  the  other  colonies,  besides  a number  of  disbanded 
soldiers;  and  when  friction  arose  between  the  parties  known 
as  Whigs  and  Tories  on  the  Atlantic,  there  was  a large 
immigration  of  the  latter.  In  fact,  how  much  is  due  to  the 
British  domination  is  not  often  appreciated.  The  country 
has  been  so  long  American  that  a great  deal  which  is  really 
British,  dating  back  to  this  time,  has  been  considered  as 
American  in  origin.  Many  names  of  families,  of  planta- 
tions, and  of  natural  objects  can  be  traced  to  the  British 
occupation  of  West  Florida.  As  an  inducement  to  settle- 
ment the  colonial  government  was  authorized  to  grant 
lands,  without  fee,  to  reduced  officers  of  the  last  war  and 
private  soldiers  disbanded  in  the  province,  as  follows:  a 
field  officer  might  obtain  five  thousand  acres,  a captain  three 
thousand,  a subaltern  or  staff  officer  two  thousand,  a non- 
commissioned officer  two  hundred,  and  a private  fifty  acres. 
These  grants  were  free  of  taxation  for  ten  years,  and  only 
after  that  time  subject  to  the  same  quitrents  and  conditions 
as  other  lands  in  the  province;  and  many  took  advantage 
of  the  provision. 

Besides  the  Indian  trade  and  the  promotion  of  immigra- 
tion, there  was  the  development  of  agriculture  and  all  other 
natural  resources  for  domestic  consumption  and  foreign 
trade  to  occupy  the  British.  They  found  that  the  products 
of  the  country  about  Mobile  and  Pensacola  were  insignificant. 


THE  FLORIDAS 


399 


Cotton  was  not  unknown,  but  amounted  to  little.  Indigo 
was  cultivated  with  some  success,  while  timber  and  lumber, 
which  have  become  the  two  leading  productions  of  the 
district,  were  as  yet  hardly  touched.  Hides  were  perhaps 
the  principal  export. 

Trade  with  the  Indians  could  use  trails  and  rivers,  but 
commerce  with  European  and  American  centres  called  for 
good  harbors  and  roads.  So  far  as  is  known,  the  French 
had  never  made  an  accurate  chart  of  the  Bay  of  Mobile, 
nor  had  the  Spaniards  of  Pensacola.  There  are  numerous 
maps,  but  they  usually  give  no  soundings.  Being  the 
modern  maritime  nation  of  the  world,  England  has  always 
been  quick  to  find  harbors  and  necessarily  to  make  sound- 
ings and  charts,  and  such  was  now  the  case  along  the  north 
coast  of  the  Gulf,  as  is  shown  by  the  charts  of  Jeffreys  and 
others.  A special  instance  is  found  in  the  admiralty  chart 
of  Mobile  Bay  dating  from  1771. 

Later  came  a project  of  a road  to  the  Natchez  settle- 
ment, but  it  is  uncertain  how  far  it  was  actually  carried 
out.  The  internal  improvement  of  this  part  of  the  province 
was  along  another  line.  It  early  occurred  to  the  provin- 
cial authorities  that  if  Bayou  Manchac,  otherwise  called 
Iberville  River,  could  be  made  navigable,  there  would  be 
an  all-water  route  from  Mobile  Bay,  under  the  shelter  of 
the  outlying  islands  of  the  sound,  into  Mississippi  River, 
practically  within  British  territory,  instead  of  the  longer 
way  through  the  passes  and  the  lower  Mississippi  under  the 
cannon  of  the  Spaniards.  This  plan  was  no  new  one,  and 
even  the  old  Compagnie  had  wished  to  utilize  the  Iberville. 
Until  steam  was  applied  to  navigation,  which  was  not  to  be 
for  fifty  years,  rivers  could  not  be  used  to  the  best  advan- 
tage; but  still  a good  deal  was  accomplished  by  bateaux  or 
canoes  in  the  old  Indian  fashion.  Therefore,  it  seemed 
worth  while  trying  to  open  what  was  called  the  Lake  Route, 
especially  as  in  March,  1764,  when  Major  Loftus  with 
four  hundred  troops  attempted  to  ascend  the  Mississippi 
he  was  driven  back  by  the  Tonika  Indians.  For  this  reason 


400 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


in  the  summer  of  1764  the  British  repaired  Fort  Rosalie  on 
the  commanding  bluff  of  Natchez,  renaming  it  Panmure, 
and  stationed  a garrison  there;  and  in  January,  1765,  if  not 
earlier,  Colonel  Taylor  took  steps  toward  clearing  the  river 
Iberville.  In  that  month  Lieutenant  James  Campbell,  of 
the  Thirty-fourth  Regiment,  received  upward  of  ^326  for 
this  purpose,  and  next  month  the  larger  sum  of  ^863  was 
paid  to  Dupard  on  the  same  account.  In  April,  Pittman 
was  at  work  there,  but  he  contended  that  his  predecessors 
had  cut  the  drift  logs  up  so  near  the  Mississippi  that  they 
were  carried  by  high  water  yet  further  into  the  Iberville  and 
blocked  it  up.  In  connection  with  this  work  the  Scots 
Fusiliers  in  the  next  year,  by  command  of  Governor  John- 
stone, built  a fort  on  the  site  of  the  workmen’s  camp,  and 
thus  originated  Fort  Bute.  Every  summer  the  Iberville 
was  dry,  for  its  bed  was  then  twelve  or  more  feet  above  the 
Mississippi,  and  Strachan’s  plan  for  deepening  it  by  drawing 
water  from  the  Mississippi  was  hardly  practicable  in  those 
days.  Gage  was  never  favorable  to  the  Mississippi  forts, 
and  thought  that  the  contraband  trade  of  the  French  with 
the  Choctaws  could  be  better  prevented  by  boats,  although 
Haldimand  was  satisfied  that  forts  had  a good  effect  upon  the 
Indians.  There  was  ultimately  much  more  smuggling  by 
the  British  into  Louisiana  than  by  the  French  into  Florida. 

Of  course,  the  building  of  forts  by  the  British  led  to  the 
building  of  forts  by  the  Spanish,  and  soon  opposite  Bute 
and  Panmure  rose  corresponding  fortifications,  confirming 
Gage’s  idea  that  such  distant  posts  could  not  be  held  in  the 
event  of  rupture  with  the  Spaniards.  Haldimand  looked 
more  into  the  future  in  suggesting  a military  colony  at 
the  Natchez,  and  a commandant  there  later  declared  it 
desirable  to  fix  the  site  of  a town  near  the  fort.  A settle- 
ment under  military  supervision  was  to  be  the  ultimate 
solution.  In  1765  or  1766  some  adventurous  North  Caro- 
linians came  by  sea  and  river  and  settled  about  Natchez  and 
Baton  Rouge,  and  others  emulating  them  pressed  over  the 
Alleghanies  to  the  Mississippi  country,  and,  exploring  and 


THE  FLO  RIDAS 


401 


hunting,  began  the  trade  to  New  Orleans.  By  the  irony  of 
fate,  on  their  overland  return  the  adventurers  were  by  the 
Choctaws  robbed  of  all  they  had  made.  We  find  specu- 
lators even  in  1767  discounting  the  future  and  securing 
warrants  of  survey  for  large  tracts  of  land  about  Natchez. 
Thus  the  Earl  of  Eglinton,  the  Colonel  Grant  of  the  South 
Carolina  Indian  wars,  got  twenty  thousand  acres,  and 
Samuel  Hannay  and  associates  five  thousand.  John  McIn- 
tosh obtained  five  thousand  contiguous  to  Fort  Bute,  George 
Johnstone  ten  thousand  at  Baton  Rouge,  and  Daniel  Clark, 
afterward  a famous  name,  showed  his  foresight  by  locating 
three  thousand  at  Natchez,  one  thousand  at  the  head  of 
Lake  Maurepas  and  five  hundred  more  near  Fort  Bute. 

Gage,  in  1769,  seems  to  have  been  glad  to  carry  out  the 
orders  from  England  to  abandon  Mobile,  Pensacola,  and 
St.  Mark’s  also,  and  to  remove  almost  everything  and  every- 
body of  military  character.  From  three  to  six  companies 
only  were  left  to  look  after  Mobile  and  Pensacola,  and  the 
rest  were  taken  to  St.  Augustine,  although  some,  especially 
those  with  artillery,  were  sent  to  Charlestown.  The  con- 
sternation in  West  Florida  may  well  be  imagined,  and  even 
the  civil  government  suddenly  discovered  a warm  attach- 
ment for  the  military.  Every  effort  was  used  to  procure  the 
rescission  of  the  order.  The  inhabitants  of  Pensacola  peti- 
tioned vigorously  against  such  abandonment  of  the  “ Em- 
porium of  the  West,”  although  Haldimand  sarcastically 
attributed  the  anxiety  there  and  at  Mobile  to  a desire  to 
make  a hundred  per  cent  or  more  out  of  the  supplies  they 
had  to  sell. 

This  flurry  was  not  to  last  long,  for  by  May  next  year 
Haldimand  was  back  at  Pensacola  with  instructions  to  dis- 
tribute the  troops  between  Mobile  and  Pensacola  as  before, 
for  the  English  government  was  somewhat  apprehensive 
that  O’Reilly’s  Spanish  troops  were  to  be  used  against  West 
Florida  as  well  as  the  Louisiana  insurgents,  and  for  that 
reason  restored  its  own.  A guardship  was  also  placed  at 
Manchac. 


402 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


During  the  withdrawal  of  the  troops,  one  John  Bradley 
received  possession  of  Fort  Panmure  with  the  duty  of  keep- 
ing it  in  order  and  defensible.  Even  at  this  time  some 
enthusiasts  thought  of  Natchez  as  a terrestrial  paradise,  for 
the  project  of  settling  the  Mississippi  remained  a favorite 
idea  of  the  province,  and  in  1770  this  began  in  earnest.  It 
would  seem  that  some  eighteen  families  of  immigrants  with 
negroes  settled  down  about  Natchez,  and  Chester  promptly 
applied  for  troops  to  protect  them.  Gage,  of  course,  opposed 
it,  and  expressed  astonishment  that  avidity  for  lands  should 
make  people  scramble  thither  through  the  deserts.  The 
necessity  may  be  shown  by  a report  to  Haldimand  in  1772 
that  the  materials  of  Fort  Bute  had  been  destroyed  and  the 
writer  turned  out  by  the  help  of  the  Spanish  officers;  but 
this  seems  to  stand  unsupported.  The  jealousy  of  the  Span- 
iards, however,  might  well  be  aroused,  for  Durnford  reports 
that  three  hundred  persons  from  Virginia  and  the  Carolinas 
were  then  settled  on  the  Mississippi  and  three  or  four  hun- 
dred families  were  expected  before  the  end  of  summer.  As 
a result  the  posts  at  Natchez  and  Bute  were  ultimately 
repaired  and  some  sort  of  government  instituted  on  the 
Mississippi.  Good  order  prevailed  in  the  Natchez  settle- 
ment, according  to  the  surveyor  Thomas  Hutchins,  and  even 
the  Indians  were  amicable,  and  a considerable  immigration 
took  place  from  New  England  under  the  distinguished 
General  Lyman  in  1775.  Under  a treaty  with  the  Indians 
the  boundaries  of  the  Natchez  district  were  marked  off,  and 
then  development  began  in  earnest.  Colonel  Putnam  went 
to  the  Mississippi  from  New  England  with  a company 
of  adventurers,  and  returned  charmed  with  the  country  in 
the  neighborhood  of  the  river  Yazoo.  In  1777  Bartram 
found  at  Fort  Bute  the  large  establishment  of  Swanson  and 
Company,  a branch  of  the  great  Indian  trading  firm  of 
Swanson  and  McGillivray  at  Mobile,  and  writes  of  a wooden 
bridge  over  the  narrow  Iberville  connecting  Louisiana  and 
West  Florida,  and  commanded  by  the  forts  of  both  Spanish 
and  British. 


THE  FLO  RID  AS 


403 


The  public  history  of  the  province  was  not  eventful, 
apart  from  quarrels  of  the  civil  and  military  authorities,  but 
it  is  not  without  interest.  Governor  Johnstone  had  resigned 
in  1766,  and  Montfort  Browne,  the  lieutenant-governor, 
proved  more  conciliatory  to  the  military.  Elliott,  who  suc- 
ceeded, committed  suicide,  apparently  just  after  his  arrival 
at  Pensacola.  The  influence  of  Haldimand  then  secured 
the  appointment  of  Durnford  as  acting  governor,  and  in  the 
year  1770  Peter  Chester  came  out  to  fill  the  office. 

Chester  made  an  excellent  executive,  as  is  shown  by  the 
fact  that  although  involved  in  official  controversy  with  both 
the  army  and  tbe  people  he  was  a favorite  with  both.  He 
remained  in  office  throughout  the  rest  of  the  British  period. 
When  Bartram  visited  Pensacola  he  met  several  members  of 
the  council  and  the  governor  also,  for  it  happened  that  the 
“chariot”  of  his  excellency  passed  returning  from  his  farm 
a few  miles  off.  The  botanist  was  introduced  and  com- 
mended for  his  pursuits,  the  governor  “ nobly  offering  to 
bear  his  expenses.” 

As  in  the  Atlantic  colonies  there  were  also  a Council  and 
an  Assembly;  the  council,  composed  in  part  of  other  officials 
such  as  Terry,  Blackwell,  Livingston,  Charles  Stuart,  Lori- 
mer,  and  Durnford,  made  the  land  grants,  superintended  the 
Indians,  regulated  commerce,  roads,  pilots,  elections,  and, 
when  they  could,  military  posts.  With  the  true  British 
love  of  local  self-government  there  were  General  Assem- 
blies almost  from  the  start.  Thus  we  know  of  one  in  1766, 
another  in  1767,  and  so  on,  and  ultimately  the  Assembly 
and  the  governor  quarrelled  quite  as  was  the  case  in  the 
east.  The  electoral  boroughs  or  precincts  varied  from  time  to 
time,  being  at  first  Mobile  and  Pensacola  with  six  members 
each,  and  Campbell  Town  with  two,  but  in  1771  the  writ 
was  withheld  from  Campbell  Town  because  it  was  almost 
deserted.  From  that  time  there  was  trouble,  the  origin  of 
which  is  not  quite  clear.  Chester  explained  it  to  the  home 
government  by  saying  that  the  people  at  Mobile  did  not  want 
an  Assembly  at  all  for  fear  this  would  regulate  the  Indian  trade 


4°4 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


and  thus  prevent  their  traders  from  selling  rum  to  the  In- 
dians, and  that  the  Mobile  members  seldom  attended  the 
Assembly  anyhow.  Whatever  may  be  the  truth  of  this, 
there  was  also  dissatisfaction  over  the  apportionment  and 
term  of  the  representatives.  Thus  in  1772  the  freeholders 
of  Mobile  and  Charlotte  County  elected  eight  representa- 
tives, but  would  not  execute  the  required  indenture  except 
with  a provision  limiting  the  Assembly  to  one  year,  and  so 
a special  return  of  the  writ  had  to  be  made  to  the  council. 
Four  of  the  six  Pensacola  representatives  sympathized  with 
the  Mobilians  and  would  not  convene  without  their  repre- 
sentatives, whereupon  the  governor  prorogued  the  Assembly 
twice,  hoping  that  the  Mobile  members  would  come;  and 
when  they  did  not,  he  dissolved  it.  The  Earl  of  Dart- 
mouth approved  this  action  in  the  name  of  the  king,  and 
Chester  was  instructed  to  omit  Mobile  entirely  from  the 
next  election  writ.  Chester  prudently  managed  to  get  along 
without  an  Assembly  until  1778,  when  militia  and  Indian 
bills  had  to  be  passed.  Then  four  representatives  were 
allotted  to  the  districts  of  Natchez,  Manchac,  Mobile,  and 
Pensacola,  besides  four  more  to  Pensacola  because  it  was  the 
capital,  but,  as  instructed,  Mobile  and  Campbell  Town  were 
omitted.  As  a result  the  Assembly  was  “cantankerous,” 
as  Chester  calls  it,  sat  thirty-four  days  without  passing  the 
bills,  and  otherwise  obstructed  business  in  order  to  force 
reenfranchisement  of  the  two  places.  They  went  so  far  as 
to  present  a memorial  to  the  king’s  majesty  in  council, 
stating  that  Mobile  was  “ by  far  the  most  important  of  any 
in  the  province,  for  its  antiquity,  commerce,  and  revenue 
of  the  crown.”  This  was  so  thoroughly  approved  at  Mobile 
that  a paper  was  sent  up  by  the  principal  inhabitants,  thank- 
ing the  speaker  and  members,  and  some  of  them  the  next 
year  even  signed  a memorial  to  the  king  against  the  governor 
himself. 

From  this  time  we  can  think  of  the  province  of  West 
Florida  as  made  up  of  three  distinct  districts, — that  of 
Pensacola  the  capital,  that  about  Mobile,  and  a third  on  the 


THE  FLORID  AS 


405 


Mississippi  from  Natchez  to  Fort  Bute.  The  first  and 
the  last  were  essentially  British.  The  settlers  were  of 
British  extraction,  as  were  their  customs  and  institutions  in 
almost  all  respects,  and  nothing  recalled  the  previous  Spanish 
claims  except  an  occasional  name.  Mobile  and  its  district 
were  predominantly  French  in  blood;  but  many  of  the 
leading  inhabitants  were  British,  and  even  the  natives  were 
contented  and  prosperous  under  their  new  allegiance.  In- 
deed, it  is  said  an  emissary  bringing  a copy  of  the  Declara- 
tion of  Independence  from  the  North  was  imprisoned  and 
the  treasonable  document  confiscated.  The  settlements 
did  not  extend  far  into  the  interior.  Alabama  River  still 
drained  Indian  territory  throughout  almost  its  whole  extent. 
Fort  Tombecbe  was  abandoned,  and  white  settlers  were  few 
above  McIntosh’s  Bluff.  The  coast  was  Anglo-French, 
but  the  long  stretch  between  the  Tombigbee  and  the  Mis- 
sissippi was  occupied  as  of  old  by  the  Choctaws,  whose 
nearest  town  toward  Mobile  was  Yowanee,  with  a thriving 
trade.  The  north  boundary  was  about  the  line  of  Vicks- 
burg, Meridian,  Montgomery,  and  Columbus,  but  practically 
all  except  the  coast  was  occupied  by  Indians,  more  or  less 
friendly,  supervised  from  Mobile  or  Pensacola,  and  among 
whom  McGillivray  and  Strothers  from  the  one  place  and 
Panton,  Leslie  and  Company  from  the  other  did  a growing 
business. 

Turning  now  to  the  province  of  East  Florida,  we  come 
upon  a much  less  animated  scene.  It  would  almost  seem 
as  if  the  dolce  far  niente  spirit  into  which  the  inhabitants  of 
Menendez’s  colony  had  sunk  affected  even  their  successors 
when  the  rivalry  of  the  Briton  and  Spaniard  ceased  on  the 
lower  Atlantic.  In  fact,  it  is  only  by  a stretch  of  words 
that  East  Florida  was  at  first  called  a province  at  all,  as 
then  it  practically  consisted  of  only  two  real  settlements, — 
St.  Mark’s  at  Appalachee  on  the  Gulf,  and  St.  Augustine 
with  its  dependencies  on  the  Atlantic.  St.  Mark’s  was  main- 
tained for  military  purposes,  in  order  to  keep  an  eye  on 
the  Indians,  and  the  garrison  was  generally  hardly  a score 


406 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


of  men.  St.  Augustine  was  an  interesting  place,  but  of  the 
existing  remains  other  than  the  fort  few  date  back  even  to 
this  time.  Narrow  streets  wound  between  adobe  houses 
with  projecting  balconies  and  windows  similar  to  those  now 
there,  and  landing  places  for  a small  coastwise  commerce 
took  the  place  of  the  present  sea  wall.  Across  the  inlet, 
Anastasia  Island,  with  its  salt  marshes  and  low  oak  and 
palmetto  growths,  faced  the  town  of  that  day,  and  on  it  the 
long  quarries  for  the  fossil  called  coquina  were  in  use  on 
both  sides  of  the  shell  road.  The  site,  the  climate,  the 
quaintness,  were  ever  at  St.  Augustine,  but  under  the  British 
and  long  afterward  the  places  of  stately  hotels  and  beautiful 
gardens  of  our  time  were  still  covered  by  sluggish  bayous 
and  occupied  only  by  seaweed  and  waterfowl. 

A transfer  of  sovereignty  in  those  days  had  much  more 
serious  results  to  the  inhabitants  than  in  our  own.  Theo- 
retically, private  property  was  respected,  but  it  was  generally 
to  the  extent  of  permitting  a sale  within  a few  months,  or 
taking  the  oath  of  allegiance  to  a new  sovereign.  This 
occurred  about  Mobile,  and  in  the  occupation  of  East  Florida 
the  conduct  of  Major  Ogilvie  is  said  to  have  been  so 
oppressive  that  only  five  Spanish  inhabitants  remained  in 
St.  Augustine.  It  was  the  day  of  Scotch  ascendency 
in  England,  as  reflected  in  the  name  of  Fort  Bute  to  the 
west,  and  so  James  Grant  was  appointed  governor.  One 
of  the  most  important  things  accomplished  by  the  British 
was  the  building  of  highways,  still  known  in  part  as  king’s 
roads.  One  was  constructed  in  1762  from  St.  Mary’s  River 
to  St.  Augustine  by  subscription,  and  many  of  the  names 
indicate  that  at  this  time  South  Carolina  families  resided 
there.  A bridge  over  the  San  Sebastian  and  the  improve- 
ment of  the  Anastasia  lighthouse  date  also  from  British 
times. 

In  1766  about  forty  families  came  from  the  Bermudas 
to  Mosquito  Inlet  to  engage  in  shipbuilding,  an  industry 
which  the  live  oaks  of  that  neighborhood  rendered  promis- 
ing, and  shortly  afterward  near  by  was  a more  remarkable 


THE  FLO  RID  AS 


407 


experiment.  An  association  in  London,  with  Dr.  Andrew 
Turnbull  at  its  head,  brought  next  year  from  Smyrna,  the 
Greek  Islands,  Minorca,  and  elsewhere,  some  fifteen  hundred 
people  and  settled  them  under  indentures  which  required 
them,  in  consideration  of  money  expended  for  passage  and 
support,  to  work  for  a fixed  period,  when  they  should  receive 
allotments  of  land.  The  location  was  admirable,  and  much 
labor  and  money  were  spent  in  improvements,  of  which 
canals  and  ditches  still  remain,  and  indigo,  sugar  cane,  and 
other  products  were  successfully  raised.  When  Haldimand 
was  in  St.  Augustine,  and  retrenchment  was  the  word, 
although  he  abandoned  the  posts  of  Matanzas  and  Picolette 
[Picolata]  in  that  neighborhood,  he  retained  Mosquito,  or 
Mokeko.  About  1769  there  was  discontent  among  the 
colonists  as  to  their  treatment,  and  a revolt  grew  out  of 
some  punishments  inflicted  on  them;  but  the  rebellion  was 
repressed  and  several  of  the  leaders  convicted.  Seven  years 
later  the  dissatisfaction  took  the  form  of  legal  proceedings, 
carried  on  by  the  attorney-general  Yonge,  and  resulted  in  a 
decree  cancelling  the  indentures  and  releasing  the  colonists. 
They  had  been  reduced  by  death  to  about  six  hundred,  who 
now  embraced  the  opportunity  of  leaving  New  Smyrna  for 
St.  Augustine;  and  lands  were  granted  them  in  the  northern 
part  of  the  city,  where  their  blood  and  complexion  can  still 
be  traced. 

Governor  Grant  was  succeeded  in  1771  by  Lieutenant- 
governor  Moultrie,  and  he  in  turn  in  1774  by  Patrick 
Tonyn,  who  issued  a proclamation  inviting  the  loyalists 
and  other  inhabitants  of  Georgia  to  Florida.  Many  ac- 
cepted, and  East  Florida  has,  in  fact,  been  called  the  Tory 
Paradise,  so  that  we  are  not  surprised  that  Adams  and  other 
American  leaders  were  burned  in  effigy  in  St.  Augustine. 
There  were  grants  of  land  to  English  noblemen  and  also  to 
others  who  actually  established  plantations,  such  as  Mount 
Oswald  on  the  Halifax,  and  Rollestown  near  Palatka,  as 
well  as  at  Beresford  and  Spring  Garden.  The  new  set- 
tlers brought  with  them  their  negroes,  for  slavery  prevailed 


408 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


in  both  Floridas;  but  if  the  slaves  in  the  eastern  province 
were  not  better  workmen  than  Haldimand  represents  them 
to  be  at  Pensacola,  the  institution  could  not  have  been  of 
much  benefit  to  anyone  except  the  negroes. 

Haldimand,  whether  at  Pensacola  or  St.  Augustine,  was 
head  of  the  military  department  of  the  Floridas,  and,  in  fact, 
seems  to  have  been  that  of  Jamaica  also,  if  not  of  Bermuda 
too.  It  is  interesting  to  see  how  closely  united  in  this  way 
the  British  possessions  were.  Troops  came  from  Jamaica 
to  Mobile,  and  deserters  were  sent  from  Florida  to  Grenada. 
The  Taylor  in  command  at  St.  Augustine  is  the  one  who 
was  at  Mobile,  and  the  same  difficulties  between  the  mili- 
tary and  the  civil  authorities  prevailed  in  East  Florida  as 
in  West. 

However,  we  miss  the  friction  between  governor  and 
assembly  in  East  Florida,  for  there  was  no  assembly  there 
until  1781.  Nevertheless,  the  province  steadily  grew,  and 
at  one  time  Haldimand  thought  it  might  equal  West  Florida 
in  importance.  British  rule  was  a blessing  in  both  and, 
despite  all  the  troubles  which  have  been  noticed,  there  was 
no  disposition  in  either  province  to  join  the  revolt  which 
about  this  time  broke  out  on  the  Atlantic.  The  natives 
of  French  and  Spanish  blood  were  well  enough  satisfied 
with  the  unexpected  measure  of  liberty  acquired  under  the 
British,  and  among  the  British  themselves  the  loyalists  were 
so  largely  in  the  majority  as  to  give  tone  to  the  whole  so- 
ciety. The  result  was  to  be  that  the  American  Revolution 
was  confined  to  the  colonies  early  settled  or  occupied  by 
the  English  from  Massachusetts  to  Georgia,  and  was  to 
make  no  impression  upon  the  old  Latin  provinces  of  Canada 
and  the  Floridas.  So  far  as  could  be  foreseen,  British  colo- 
nization and  influence  were  not  only  to  be  permanent  in 
the  lands  on  the  St.  Lawrence  and  the  Gulf  of  Mexico, 
but  were  to  have  indefinite  expansion  in  the  future. 


CHAPTER  XXI 


ACROSS  THE  ALLEGHANIES 

Besides  the  growth  upon  the  Atlantic  and  the  assimila- 
tion of  Canada  and  Florida,  a new  field  was  to  open  before 
the  British.  The  interior  of  the  country  west  of  the 
Alleghanies  had  been  by  proclamation  reserved  for  the  use 
of  the  Indians,  but  not  only  were  the  old  French  settle- 
ments of  Kaskaskia  and  Vincennes,  the  lake  posts  and  other 
places,  ready  for  future  growth,  but  practically  the  land 
hunger  of  the  Anglo-Saxons  was  to  offer  great  obstacles  to 
the  preservation  of  such  a buffer  country.  The  Illinois, 
confined  though  it  now  was  to  the  territory  east  of  the 
Mississippi,  the  Ohio  valley  where  had  been  so  much  of 
the  late  war,  the  interesting  country  extending  from  the 
Mississippi  to  the  Cherokee  mountains, — these  were  to 
have  a story  and  a future  greater  than  their  past.  The 
French  were  ready  to  surrender  the  posts,  but  the  British 
had  hardly  been  able  to  take  possession  of  those  along  the 
lakes  when  they  realized  that  a new  danger  had  arisen.  The 
Indian  reservation  had  come  too  late  to  satisfy  the  savages, 
who  were  already  in  arms. 

The  French  plan  of  indiscriminate  presents  had  not 
commended  itself  to  the  frugal  British  authorities,  and  even 
the  supply  of  ammunition  was  lessened.  Sir  William  John- 
son, it  is  true,  was  active  and  intelligent,  but  his  influence 
was  greatest  among  the  Iroquois,  and  almost  nil  in  the 
great  western  valleys ; and  while  George  Croghan  was  there 

409 


410 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


indefatigable,  he  found  himself  hampered  by  lack  of  means. 
It  was  not  the  first  or  last  time  that  the  British  when  con- 
querors have  not  risen  equal  to  their  opportunities  and  re- 
sponsibilities. Johnson  bears  witness  to  the  “utter  aversion 
of  our  people  for  them  [the  Indians]  and  the  imprudence 
with  which  this  was  expressed.” 

As  with  most  savage  or  barbarous  races,  American  Indians 
would  as  a rule  fight  bravely,  but  only  for  a limited  time 
and  with  lack  of  cohesion.  Now  suddenly  came  an  in- 
stance to  the  contrary.  It  may  or  may  not  be  that  Pontiac 
saw  the  necessity  for  uniting  the  red  men  against  the  British 
now  that  the  latter  had  become  the  victors  in  contest  with 
the  French;  certainly  others  with  him  felt  more  or  less 
clearly  that  they  could  no  longer  play  off  the  French  against 
the  British,  and  that  the  British  were  the  more  ruthless. 
Probably  the  actual  cause  of  the  war  was  that  the  treaty 
nominally  gave  away  the  whole  country  to  the  Missis- 
sippi without  taking  into  account  the  Indians  at  all,  and 
that  their  supplies  were  lessened.  Even  of  the  Iroquois, 
the  Senecas,  the  furthest  tribe  to  the  west,  had  become 
friendly  with  the  French,  and  seem  to  have  taken  the  lead 
in  the  early  disturbances.  The  Shawnees  and  Miamis  near 
the  Ohio  below  Fort  Pitt  also  became  active  factors,  but 
finally  the  actual  headship,  strange  to  say,  became  vested 
in  an  Ottawa  Indian  near  Detroit.  It  is  said  that,  first 
and  last,  Pontiac  had  eighteen  tribes  under  his  command,  and 
certain  it  is  that  his  emissaries  were  active  throughout  the 
Ohio  valley,  and  almost  as  far  south  as  New  Orleans,  and 
the  French  traders  throughout  the  valley,  backed  by  at  least 
a passive  sympathy  on  the  part  of  the  military,  urged  on  the 
Indians  in  every  conceivable  way.  The  longer  English 
occupation  was  deferred,  the  more  business  there  was  for 
the  French,  and  then  no  one  could  tell  what  would  happen 
in  the  future.  The  progress  of  the  natives  in  warfare  was 
shown  by  their  actually  investing  and  besieging  Detroit 
from  May  to  November,  1763,  and  during  that  period  they 
massacred  the  British  garrison  at  Michilimackinac,  and 


ACROSS  THE  ALLEGHANIES 


4II 

drove  those  of  Green  Bay  and  Fort  Joseph  toward  the 
Atlantic.  Open  warfare  would  have  been  bad  enough,  but 
an  Indian  conflict  meant  treachery,  assassination,  scalping 
of  men,  women,  and  children,  and  desolation  of  the  land  far 
and  wide.  The  colonists  were  driven  back  along  the  whole 
frontier.  First  and  last  there  were  said  to  have  been  two 
thousand  whites  killed  or  captured  and  as  many  families 
driven  eastwardly  from  their  homes,  and  this  by  the  Indians 
of  the  lake  regions,  numbering  in  all  not  exceeding  ten 
thousand  warriors.  The  ferocity  of  the  conflict  is  shown 
by  the  fact  that  a brave  officer  named  Campbell  was  tortured 
and  his  heart  cut  out  and  eaten  by  the  Indians  to  make 
them  as  brave  as  he, — reminding  us  of  the  old  Hindoo 
custom  of  eating  a tiger  for  the  same  purpose.  And  the 
ferocity  was  not  all  Indian.  The  British  commander-in- 
chief  wrote  that  he  wanted  to  hear  of  no  prisoners,  an  order 
which  the  soldiers  carried  out  more  than  once,  and  after- 
ward he  even  advocated  that  smallpox  be  spread  among  the 
savages  to  destroy  them.  Gladwyn,  from  Detroit,  suggested 
the  milder  treatment — practically  followed  out  from  that 
time  to  this — of  killing  them  off  by  the  sale  of  rum.  But 
the  conspiracy  had  to  be  conquered  into  peace. 

Henry  Bouquet  was  a Swiss  who  had  joined  the  Sixtieth 
Regiment,  organized  in  compliment  to  the  Duke  of  Cum- 
berland and  known  as  the  Royal  Americans.  While  colo- 
nel he  was  sent  by  Amherst  to  relieve  Fort  Pitt,  and  at 
Bushy  Run  in  August,  1763,  by  a feigned  retreat  and  actual 
advance  he  defeated  the  Indians  in  a pitched  battle.  Brad- 
street,  despatched  along  Lake  Erie  to  relieve  Detroit  and 
other  points,  exceeded  his  instructions  by  a foolish  treaty, 
promptly  repudiated  by  Amherst,  but  Bouquet  advanced 
steadily  into  the  heart  of  the  enemy’s  country.  On  Mus- 
kingum River,  in  October  of  the  next  year,  he  compelled 
the  Shawnees  and  others  to  deliver  up  all  prisoners  and 
send  delegates  to  meet  Sir  William  Johnson  at  Niagara  for 
a final  treaty.  There,  in  July,  1765,  was  made  the  submis- 
sion of  the  western  tribes,  the  old  land  route  up  Mohawk 


412 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


River  being  not  only  confirmed  but  a strip  four  miles  wide 
ceded  alongside  Niagara  River  to  make  sure  for  the  future 
the  communication  with  the  west.  This  was  a part  of 
Croghan’s  scheme  for  buying  land  on  the  frontier  for  colo- 
nizing, and  it  has  been  the  plan  followed  from  that  day. 

Treaties  were  made  with  each  tribe  separately,  following 
the  old  plan  of  divide  et  impera , and  even  Pontiac  made  a 
peace  after  his  ambassadors  to  New  Orleans  learned  from 
the  dying  D’Abbadie  that  their  French  father  had  indeed 
abandoned  his  red  children  in  America.  He  himself  lived 
some  years  longer,  but  was  finally  tomahawked  in  1769  at 
Cahokia,  and  avenged  at  once  by  such  a slaughter  of  the 
tribe  of  the  murderer  as  practically  to  blot  it  out. 

It  was  of  the  first  importance  for  the  British  to  take  pos- 
session of  the  Illinois  as  soon  as  practicable,  which  move- 
ment Pontiac’s  war  had  prevented.  This  could  be  done 
by  way  of  the  Mississippi,  by  the  Great  Lakes,  or  by  the 
Ohio,  the  two  latter  routes  starting  from  Fort  Pitt.  Bouquet 
thought  the  natural  way  was  up  the  Mississippi,  and  this 
was,  in  fact,  first  tried,  for  Major  Arthur  Loftus  and  the 
Twenty-second  ascended  that  river,  stopping  first  at  New 
Orleans  and  receiving  good  advice  from  D’Abbadie.  This 
in  true  British  fashion  he  did  not  observe,  with  the  result 
that  on  March  20,  1764,  they  were  fired  on  from  both 
banks  at  the  place  where  the  Tonikas  used  to  live  and 
Father  Davion  once  exercised  his  sacred  ministry.  There 
were  perhaps  five  or  six  killed  and  as  many  wounded,  and 
this  occurring  at  practically  the  outset  of  his  journey,  so  to 
speak,  in  British  territory,  discouraged  Loftus  so  much  that 
he  withdrew  down  the  river,  almost  seeking  the  protection  of 
the  French,  who  with  ironical  politeness  offered  to  give  him 
a guard  of  French  soldiers.  Nothing  more  was  attempted 
from  either  direction  until  next  winter,  when  Alexander 
Frazer  and  deputy  superintendent  George  Croghan  made 
preparations  at  Fort  Pitt  to  advance  from  there.  Frazer 
seems  to  have  been  over  zealous  or  anxious  to  have  the 
glory  himself,  and  so  left  Croghan  and  went,  insufficiently 


ACROSS  THE  ALLEGHANIES 


413 


guarded,  down  the  Ohio  to  Fort  Chartres.  He  was  all  but 
murdered, — in  fact,  it  was  reported  to  headquarters  that  he 
had  been  killed, — and  was  probably  indebted  to  Saint-Ange 
for  his  life.  He  was  not  in  condition  to  hold  the  post  even 
if  it  had  been  surrendered,  and  as  soon  as  he  could  he 
made  his  way  down  the  Mississippi  and  finally  reported  to 
Farmar  at  Mobile.  Croghan  had  hardly  better  success,  for 
he  was  captured  in  June,  1765,  in  the  Shawnee  country, 
although  soon  rescued  by  friendly  Indians,  and  after  meet- 
ing Pontiac  and  receiving  his  submission  he  returned  to 
Detroit,  thinking  it  unnecessary  to  go  further. 

The  actual  surrender  of  Fort  Chartres  was  not  until  the 
10th  of  October,  1765,  when  Lieutenant  Stirling  pushed 
forward  from  Fort  Pitt  with  one  hundred  Highlanders  of 
the  famous  Forty-second  Regiment  and  finally  relieved  Saint- 
Ange.  This  Frenchman,  with  grave  courtesy,  turned  over 
the  fort  and  its  appurtenances  and  retired  with  his  garrison 
across  the  Mississippi.  Croghan  while  on  his  expedition 
had  written  to  Farmar,  supposing  him  to  be  on  the  way,  but 
the  Major,  characteristically,  would  not  start  until  every- 
thing was  in  prime  military  condition.  On  December  4th, 
he  arrived  at  Fort  Chartres  with  soldiers  of  the  Thirty- 
fourth  and  relieved  Stirling,  who,  with  his  men,  went  down 
the  Mississippi  and  then  by  way  of  Pensacola  to  New 
York.  Stirling  lived  to  take  part  in  other  campaigns  and 
to  be  not  unknown  to  fame  in  different  walks  of  life. 

But  for  the  promise  of  the  future,  it  might  be  doubted 
if  the  Illinois  were  worth  the  trouble  and  expense  of 
occupation.  Fort  Chartres,  it  is  true,  was  a regular  and 
well-built  stone  fortification,  but  there  was  not  much  of  a 
settlement  tributary  to  it.  Not  far  off  was  a dependent 
Indian  village,  a windmill,  and  some  creole  inhabitants, 
while  lower  on  Kaskaskia  River,  not  far  from  where  it 
emptied  into  the  Mississippi,  was  an  old  fort  and  near  it  a 
grist  mill  and  the  homes  of  other  settlers.  Two  or  three 
times  as  far  above  Fort  Chartres  was  the  village  of  Cahokia, 
and  all  these  settlements  were  connected  by  a road.  The 


414 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


total  creole  population  of  these  villages  and  of  the  country 
tributary  was  hardly  two  thousand,  engaged  in  agriculture, 
trading,  and  furs.  They  could  hardly  be  said  to  be  an 
industrious  race,  and  the  Indians  were,  if  anything,  more 
worthless  still, — the  degenerate  descendants  of  the  tribes 
whom  La  Salle  had  first  met,  now  debauched  by  decades  of 
French  brandy  and  paternalism.  On  the  Wabash  the  post 
of  Vincennes,  sometimes  called  Post  Vincent,  was  in  better 
condition,  for  the  Indians  were  braver  and  more  warlike  there 
and  the  environment  made  the  white  man  more  self-reliant. 
A number  of  titles  still  survive  to  show  the  hold  which 
French  institutions  had  taken  upon  this  Illinois  country,  but 
the  principal  institution  was  the  French  military  commandant 
himself,  whose  sway  was  fatherly  enough  but  vigorous  after 
its  kind.  The  creoles  did  only  enough  work  to  keep  them 
in  food  and  clothes;  their  rulers  attended  to  all  public  busi- 
ness, and  the  people  were  everywhere  indifferent  to  all  save 
the  pleasures  of  the  day.  Further  east  the  country  now 
divided  between  the  States  of  Ohio  and  Indiana  was,  after 
the  Treaty  of  Paris  as  before,  really  occupied  by  the  Dela- 
wares, Miamis  or  Twightwees,  Shawnees,  and  other  brave 
tribes,  and  one  result  of  Pontiac’s  war  was  a mutual  respect, 
causing  a tacit  understanding  between  them  and  the  British 
that  this  was  to  be  exempt  from  white  colonization.  Ulti- 
mately, what  was  called  the  Quebec  Act  was  passed  in  1774, 
with  the  design  of  making  the  lake  region  tributary  to  Canada, 
for  the  province  of  Quebec  was  extended  to  the  Ohio,  and 
this  piece  of  legislation  was  to  have  great  results  in  American 
history.  At  a time  when  railroads  were  not  dreamed  of  and 
waterways  were  the  principal  means  of  communication,  it 
was  quite  natural  that  the  home  authorities  in  planning  for 
the  future  should  adopt  the  French  theory  that  all  unsettled 
districts  tributary  to  the  Great  Lakes  should  be  made  parts 
of  the  St.  Lawrence  country.  It  was  in  some  sense  a re- 
newal of  the  old  contest  between  Canada  and  Louisiana. 

The  territory  south  of  the  Ohio,  and  more  particularly 
the  mountain  country  which  had  so  long  bounded  the 


ACROSS  THE  ALLEGHANIES 


415 


Atlantic  colonies  on  the  west,  had  also  been  included  in 
the  proclamation  reserving  the  interior  for  the  natives;  but 
by  another  tacit  understanding  the  proclamation  was  quietly 
superseded  in  this  region  by  subsequent  treaties  with  the 
Indians,  and  we  thus  have  opened  up  one  of  the  most 
fascinating  chapters  of  American  history. 

Now  that  the  British  controlled  the  whole  country,  the 
policy  on  all  the  frontiers  became  somewhat  changed.  There 
was  no  longer  a contest  of  French  and  English  traders, 
no  longer  the  same  motive  for  conciliating  the  natives. 
The  traders,  licensed  now  and  under  bond,  were  fewer  in 
number,  and  their  calling  less  respected  in  proportion  as  the 
Indians  themselves  degenerated;  and  although  the  govern- 
ment strove  to  preserve  the  Indian  territory,  the  boundary 
line  was  shadowy  and  often  overstepped.  This  was  not 
always  by  bad  men,  although  it  was  necessarily  by  brave 
men.  There  was  not  an  immediate  general  need  for  more 
territory  to  settle,  although  this  was  true  in  individual  cases. 
The  real  frontiersman  now  was  the  hunter,  for  the  supply 
of  furs  and  skins  was  no  longer  bought  from  the  Indians, 
but  was  the  result  of  the  efforts  of  British  riflemen  and 
trappers,  who  themselves  killed  the  deer,  the  buffalo,  the 
beaver,  the  otter,  and  other  animals,  whose  skin  or  fur  was 
valuable  in  the  markets  of  the  world.  Englishmen  took  the 
place  of  the  old  coureurs  de  boh.  Singly  or  in  companies  the 
hunters  made  excursions  at  appropriate  times;  some  lived  in 
the  woods  almost  the  year  around,  while  others  loaded  trains 
of  pack-horses  in  the  fall  or  spring  and  drove  them  to  the 
markets,  towns,  or  trading  posts  where  the  furs  were  bought 
for  export.  As  the  game  was  exterminated  or  rendered 
scarce,  the  hunters  pressed  further  inland,  sometimes  causing 
Indian  wars  and  always  gradually  pushing  on  the  frontier. 
Behind  them  many  miles,  but  still  following,  and  far  away 
from  the  towns  and  centres  of  industry  and  exchange,  came 
the  true  pioneers,  accompanied  by  their  wives  and  families. 

The  Appalachian  range  is  rather  a system  than  a range, 
for  it  is  made  up  of  the  Blue  Ridge  toward  the  east,  the 


416 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


Cumberland  toward  the  west,  and  intermediate  chains  of 
the  Alleghanies  between,  with  numerous  subdivisions.  The 
development  which  has  heretofore  interested  us  was  all  east 
of  the  Blue  Ridge,  along  the  watercourses  rising  at  its  foot 
and  emptying  into  the  Atlantic  Ocean  on  one  side,  or  was 
west  along  the  Mississippi  and  the  tributaries  which  take 
their  origin  beyond  the  Cumberland  and  Alleghany  ranges. 
The  mountains  which  had  both  attracted  and  deterred  the 
Spaniards  of  Florida  reach  their  loftiest  summits  or  highest 
tableland  in  the  district  north  and  west  of  the  Georgia  and 
Carolina  settlements,  in  what  is  not  ill  named  the  “Land 
of  the  Sky.”  This  was  the  country  of  the  Cherokees,  who 
hemmed  the  advance  of  the  French  from  the  west  and  of 
the  British  from  the  east,  influenced  by  both,  and  after  the 
whole  country  had  become  nominally  British  commanded 
the  passes  from  the  Atlantic  coast  to  the  fair  valleys  drain- 
ing into  the  Ohio  and  the  Mississippi.  We  have  seen  how 
Fort  Prince  George  near  the  Savannah  and  Fort  Loudoun 
on  the  headwaters  of  the  Tennessee  were  built;  and  despite 
the  devastation  about  the  one  and  the  ruin  of  the  other,  they 
were  the  means  of  such  chastisement  of  the  Cherokees  as 
put  it  out  of  their  power  to  check  further  progress  by  the 
whites.  We  have  now  reached  the  time  when  even  a 
mountain  country  no  longer  offered  terrors,  for  it  was  the 
source  of  great  rivers,  and  it  was  by  river  valleys  that 
settlers  advanced.  There  were  no  roads  except  Indian 
trails,  and  these,  too,  followed  the  river  routes. 

The  colonies  have  heretofore  presented  each  a separate 
individuality,  varying  with  origin  and  location ; those  that 
we  are  now  to  trace  have  different  seats,  from  which  were 
built  gradually  their  several  commonwealths,  but  all  had  a 
common  point  of  beginning.  They  may  be  traced  to  the 
entrance  of  settlers  through  one  gateway  from  which  they 
spread  out  in  different  directions.  This  point  of  departure 
was  in  that  interesting  mountain  region  about  the  sources 
of  Tennessee  River, — if  not  a Garden  of  Eden,  in  some 
sense  an  Ararat  or  a Hindu  Kush;  for  it  was  the  second 


ACROSS  THE  ALLEGHAN1ES 


417 


starting  point  of  Americans.  There  we  find  the  Little  Ten- 
nessee coming  in  from  Chota  and  old  Fort  Loudoun;  the 
French  Broad  from  the  highlands  of  North  Carolina; 
the  Holston  and  the  Clinch  from  the  southwestern  part 
of  Virginia;  while  Powell’s  Valley  and  the  Watauga  are  not 
far  away. 

All  these  streams  are  the  headwaters  of  the  Tennessee, 
earlier  known  as  Cherokee  River,  or  of  the  Cumberland. 
Of  them  the  principal  was  the  Holston,  named  for  some 
early  immigrant,  but  called  Hogohegee  by  the  Cherokees, 
and  at  first  so  little  known  was  the  geography  of  the  country 
that  Croghan  thought  that  he  saw  where  the  Holston 
emptied  into  the  Ohio.  The  country  where  they  rose  had 
now  been  reached  by  the  immigration  turned  southwardly 
by  the  mountains  and  beckoned  on  by  the  valleys  of  Vir- 
ginia’s great  Augusta  County.  The  line  between  Virginia 
and  North  Carolina  was  run  to  the  Holston  in  1749,  and 
hardly  had  Fort  Dobbs  been  built  upon  the  upper  Yadkin 
than  other  forts,  such  as  Lewis  and  Chissel,  were  to  be 
found  on  the  sources  of  the  James  or  beyond. 

Byrd’s  endeavor  for  the  relief  of  Fort  Loudoun  was  unsuc- 
cessful in  its  immediate  object,  for  the  massacre  was  not  pre- 
vented, but  as  with  all  expeditions  against  the  Indians  it  was 
a revelation  to  the  tidewater  Virginians,  and  even  those  from 
the  valleys,  of  the  beauties  and  possibilities  of  the  mountain 
country  further  to  the  southwest.  While  Colonel  Mont- 
gomery and  Silouee  were  contending  in  the  upper  part  of 
South  Carolina,  Daniel  Boone  was  carving  on  a birch  tree 
near  Watauga  that  he  had  “cilled  a bar.”  Indeed,  Walker 
had  seen  something  of  the  Kentucky  region  even  a dozen 
years  earlier,  and  we  now  find  Cutbirth  and  others  exploring 
to  Mississippi  River. 

Heretofore  it  had  been  a question  mainly  of  such  adven- 
turers, for  there  could  be  no  definite  settlement  until  some 
arrangement  had  been  made  with  the  Indians.  The  “dark 
and  bloody  ground”  was  claimed  by  Shawnees,  Iroquois,  and 
Cherokees.  The  Shawnees  we  saw  subdued  by  Bouquet, 


418 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


and  in  1768,  at  the  great  treaty  of  Fort  Stanwix  in  New 
York,  the  Iroquois  ceded  all  their  rights  by  conquest  and 
otherwise  down  to  Holston  River,  while  the  same  year 
the  treaty  of  Hard  Labor  in  South  Carolina  divested  the 
claim  of  the  Cherokees  to  its  sources.  The  next  year 
settlements  began  on  the  Watauga,  and  the  expedition  of 
Dr.  Walker,  the  Virginia  commissioner  at  Fort  Stanwix, 
antedated  that  of  Boone  and  Finley  from  the  Yadkin  only 
a little  while.  Providentially,  at  this  time  came  such  a 
crushing  defeat  by  the  Chickasaws  of  the  Cherokees,  who 
boasted  that  they  could  not  live  without  war,  that  the 
whites,  almost  unnoticed,  gained  a foothold. 

These  Watauga  settlers  came  largely  from  Virginia  and 
imagined  that  they  were  locating  within  the  limits  of  that 
province.  They  present  an  interesting  instance  of  the  bent 
of  Anglo-Saxons  for  self-government.  Far  beyond  the  act- 
ual jurisdiction  even  of  Augusta  County  they  voluntarily 
formed  an  Association  in  1772,  adopting  the  old  laws  and 
constituting  a new  “court”  having  legislative,  judicial,  and 
executive  powers.  Among  the  members  of  this  body  were 
Robertson  and  Sevier,  both  able  men,  who  were  to  make 
their  imprint  upon  the  future  commonwealth  for  many 
years  to  come, — the  one  of  Scotch,  the  other  of  French 
extraction,  showing  how  the  new  country  assimilated  foreign 
blood  to  build  up  a State.  The  Association,  on  account  of 
the  jealousy  of  the  Indians,  at  first  only  leased  its  lands 
at  the  source  of  the  Holston,  but  in  1775  it  bought  the 
title,  and,  when  eventually  it  was  found  that  the  Watauga 
was  actually  within  the  bounds  of  North  Carolina  instead  of 
Virginia,  became  the  beginning  of  the  separate  community 
which  we  call  Tennessee. 

Almost  simultaneously  there  was  an  independent  coloni- 
zation to  the  northward.  The  river  route  down  the  Ohio 
to  Limestone,  now  Maysville,  was  to  play  a great  part  in 
the  development  of  what  has  since  been  called  Kentucky, 
and  the  Ohio  was  in  some  sense  the  first  road  for  incomers. 
Harrod  and  his  friends  came  by  this  route  from  the  older 


ACROSS  THE  ALLEGHANIES 


419 

colonies  to  the  falls  of  the  Ohio,  and  striking  across  into 
the  interior  in  1774  built  Harrodsburg.  This  was  all  but 
deserted  during  what  is  known  as  “Cresap’s”  or  “Dun- 
more’s”  war, — the  conflict  with  the  Shawnees  begun  by 
the  cruel  murder  of  chief  Logan’s  relatives,  which  was 
practically  terminated  by  the  expedition  under  Lewis  from 
southwestern  Virginia  down  the  valley  of  Kanawha  River. 
Then  it  was  that  Cornstalk  and  his  Indians  were  defeated 
in  the  great  pioneer  battle  at  Point  Pleasant  where  the 
Kanawha  empties  into  the  Ohio. 

This  made  the  frontiers  more  secure,  and  there  was  now 
to  begin  a considerable  immigration,  for  settlers  followed 
close  upon  the  heels  of  the  hunters.  Their  route  now 
was  not  down  Ohio  River,  but  through  a break  in  the  west- 
ern range  of  the  Alleghanies,  named  by  Thomas  Walker 
in  an  early  exploration  for  the  Duke  of  Cumberland,  and 
directed  toward  the  river  which  in  the  absence  of  Indian 
traditions  Walker  had  also  named  the  Cumberland.  There 
are  other  passes  through  the  Alleghanies,  some  of  which 
became  noted,  but,  after  all,  the  first  in  importance  histor- 
ically was  Cumberland  Gap.  It  was  this  that  the  early  ex- 
plorer Finley  pointed  out  to  the  greater  Boone;  it  was  this 
that  was  used  by  the  Long  Hunters;  and  it  was  from  here 
that  Boone  began  his  own  explorations  of  the  west.  The 
Wilderness  Road,  which  he  blazed  from  Cumberland  Gap, 
became  as  important  in  development  here  as  Braddock’s 
Road  and  Forbes’s  were  north  of  the  Potomac.  Indeed,  the 
Wilderness  Road  was  the  greatest  of  the  three,  for  the  other 
two  were  essentially  military  highways  across  the  mountains 
to  Fort  Pitt,  while  the  southern  was  from  the  first  the  route 
of  thousands  of  immigrants. 

In  the  year  after  the  battle  of  Point  Pleasant  Colonel 
Henderson,  of  east  Virginia,  put  in  effect  his  Transylvania 
Company,  and  for  £1 0,000  bought  from  the  Cherokees 
seventeen  million  acres  of  land  and  established  Boones- 
borough,  which  for  some  time  remained  a kind  of  capital.  As 
the  Watauga  people  had  adopted  articles  of  association,  these 


420 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


more  western  colonists  on  May  23,  1775,  held  a conven- 
tion there  under  a tree,  and,  after  addresses  from  Henderson 
and  the  chairman,  proceeded  to  pass  nine  laws,  interesting 
as  showing  the  needs  and  aspirations  of  the  people.  They 
established  courts  of  judicature  and  their  practice;  regulated 
the  militia;  declared  a criminal  code;  denounced  profane 
swearing  and  Sabbath  breaking;  provided  for  writs  of  attach- 
ment; fixed  clerk’s  and  sheriff’s  fees;  passed  an  act  to  pre- 
serve a public  range  or  pasture,  and,  even  before  providing 
a game  law,  characteristically  passed  one  to  preserve  the 
breed  of  horses.  And  yet,  almost  with  the  convention, 
the  colony  of  Transylvania  passed  into  history;  for  when 
in  the  same  year  eighty  of  the  settlement  prayed  the  pro- 
tection of  Virginia,  and  the  proprietors  on  the  other  hand 
sought  to  have  the  Continental  Congress  recognize  them 
as  an  independent  colony,  the  Congress  would  not  admit 
the  delegate,  and  Virginia  the  next  year  constituted  its  over- 
mountain country  into  the  County  of  Kentucky;  for  up  to 
that  time  the  district  had  been  only  a kind  of  fringe  of 
Fincastle,  the  westernmost  of  the  old  counties.  Although 
this  attempt  to  establish  a new  proprietary  government  failed 
as  completely  as  that  of  Carolina,  Virginia  at  least  recog- 
nized the  equities  of  the  case  and  compensated  the  would-be 
proprietors  with  two  hundred  thousand  acres  in  lieu  of  the 
principality  which  they  had  sought  to  buy  from  the  Chero- 
kees.  It  may  be  questioned  whether  the  Virginia  system 
of  land  title  was  much  superior  to  that  of  the  Company, 
for  all  that  the  State  required  was  the  location  and  survey 
of  a claim  by  someone  holding  military  or  other  scrip  and 
a return  made  to  a State  official.  Boone  made  many  of 
these  surveys.  Not  being  under  any  regulation  as  to  size, 
shape,  or  location,  the  surveys  frequently  overlapped  and 
as  frequently  left  odd  spaces  unoccupied,  defects  which  in 
some  sense  have  left  traces  until  this  day.  But  at  least  it 
was  an  easy  system,  and,  whatever  its  inconvenience  now, 
it  was  probably  the  best  fitted  for  the  early  circumstances 
of  the  country. 


ACROSS  THE  ALLEGHANIES 


421 


Such  were  the  beginnings  of  Tennessee  and  Kentucky, 
and  the  movement  once  begun  never  ceased.  In  the  moun- 
tain regions  even  south  of  Watauga  development  went  on 
apace,  although  the  Revolutionary  struggle  had  the  unfortu- 
nate result  of  somewhat  dividing  the  whites  and  almost 
totally  alienating  the  Cherokees  from  the  Americans.  The 
old  superintendent,  John  Stuart,  remained  loyal  to  the  crown, 
and  is  thought  to  have  stirred  up  the  Indians  to  murder  and 
rapine  by  assuring  them  that  a British  army  would  come 
through  West  Florida  and  a fleet  operate  off  the  Carolina 
coast  in  conjunction  with  the  Indians  and  conquer  the 
Americans  back  to  loyalty  to  good  King  George.  Though 
we  are  not  here  concerned  with  the  details  of  that  struggle, 
we  may  look  forward  far  enough  to  see  the  colonists  ac- 
cepting the  challenge  and  entering  on  their  side  upon  the 
conquest  of  the  Cherokee  country.  They  penetrated  even 
to  the  site  of  old  Fort  Loudoun,  whose  tragic  story  Stuart 
could  remember  only  too  well ; and  the  ultimate  result  was 
that  the  Cherokees  were  humbled,  and  the  way  was  opened 
for  a greater  influx  of  westward  immigrants  to  what  North 
Carolina  in  1777  named  Washington  County.  Thus  it 
was  that  Tennessee  was  one  of  the  earliest  monuments  to 
the  veneration  which  was  to  become  universal  for  George 
Washington. 

From  these  settlements  immigration  made  its  way  further, 
and  it  was  not  many  years  before  the  new  West  began  using 
the  Mississippi  to  carry  her  products  to  sea.  The  English 
were  pushing  over  the  mountains,  and  on  one  side  of  the 
Mississippi,  therefore,  British  territory  extended  or  would 
in  time  extend  from  the  Gulf  to  the  frozen  North,  and 
on  the  other  side  Spain’s  right  was  equally  undisputed  from 
the  sources  of  the  Mississippi  down  to  her  old  possessions 
in  Mexico.  As  the  British  extended  from  the  Atlantic  to 
the  Mississippi,  the  Spanish  extended  from  the  Mississippi 
to  the  Pacific  Ocean.  It  was  an  interesting  situation  and 
one  on  which  a historical  student  of  the  time  might  look 
and  wonder  as  to  the  result.  Heretofore  the  Spanish  empire 


422 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


had  been  to  all  appearance  wealthier  and  stronger  than  the 
little  island  kingdom  beyond  the  Channel.  Would  Latin 
ports  on  the  Pacific  advance  pari  passu  with  the  English 
ones  on  the  Atlantic?  Would  the  population  west  of  the 
great  river  grow  like  that  to  the  east?  Would  the  trade  of 
the  great  valley  be  divided  equally  between  the  rivals  ? And 
after  development,  what  would  be  the  political  and  commer- 
cial relations  of  the  two  halves  of  the  continent?  Would 
they  be  peaceful,  or  was  the  old  conflict  to  be  renewed 
between  Latin  and  Teuton? 


CHAPTER  XXII 


THE  LATIN  REMNANT 

Side  by  side  with  the  British  growth  was  a national 
development  of  a very  different  kind.  When  the  fortunes 
of  war  had  shown  the  French  minister,  the  Due  de  Choiseul, 
that  Canada  was  gone,  he  felt  that  Louisiana,  interposed 
between  the  expanding  British  and  the  unyielding  Spanish, 
could  not  be  retained  to  advantage.  Thus  before  peace 
was  concluded  the  French  monarch,  on  November  3,  1762, 
ceded  to  his  “beloved  cousin  of  Spain,  without  any  reserva- 
tion, from  the  pure  impulse  of  the  generous  heart  and  sense 
of  affection  and  friendship  between  the  two  sovereigns,”  all 
the  country  known  as  Louisiana.  This  was  without  con- 
sultation with  Madrid,  but  the  gift  was  accepted  ten  days 
later,  although  for  the  present  it  was  to  be  kept  secret. 
The  French  king  continued  to  act  as  sovereign,  appointing 
officers,  as,  for  instance,  Lafreniere  the  attorney-general  and 
promoting  Foucault  the  intendant.  By  the  Treaty  of  Paris 
France  ceded  the  east  half  of  this  territory  to  England,  and 
Spain  made  no  objection.  She  realized  well  enough  that 
Louisiana  had  of  late  been  only  an  expense  to  France,  but 
being  in  better  condition  to  stand  the  drain  Spain  embraced 
the  opportunity  to  secure  a fixed  boundary  like  Mississippi 
River  between  her  and  the  possessions  of  her  inveterate 
enemy.  Had  all  Louisiana  been  ceded  to  Great  Britain, 
it  is  probable  that  there  would  have  been  no  tacit  agreement 
as  to  a boundary  at  Sabine  River,  and  that  the  English,  as 

423 


424 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


did  the  United  States  afterward,  would  have  maintained  the 
extreme  French  claim  to  Matagorda  Bay,  if  not  to  the  Rio 
Grande.  It  was  therefore  no  doubt  with  a feeling  of  relief 
that  Spain  realized  the  result  of  the  Seven  Years’  War  to 
be  the  extension  of  her  Mexican  possessions  to  the  Missis- 
sippi, whose  navigation  was  now  open  to  her  and  whose 
mouth,  with  New  Orleans,  was  within  her  own  limits.  This 
was  the  inducement  to  the  Spaniards  to  accept  the  donation. 
They  indulged  in  no  illusions  as  to  profit  to  be  derived  from 
Louisiana  itself. 

The  cession  was  concealed  for  over  a year  and  the 
French  administration  remained  much  as  before,  except 
that  all  expenses  were  reduced.  Thus  in  March  the  king 
ordained  that  the  troops  should  be  disbanded  and  only  a 
factory  maintained,  protected  by  four  companies  of  infantry. 
D’Abbadie  was  appointed  director,  and  on  June  29th  arrived 
at  New  Orleans  and  succeeded  Kerlerec.  Upon  D’Abbadie 
fell  the  sad  duty  of  surrendering  the  country  east  of  the 
Mississippi,  although  troops  were  maintained  in  the  Illinois 
district  for  some  time  to  come  on  account  of  the  trouble 
the  English  had  with  the  Indians  in  consequence  of  Pontiac’s 
conspiracy.  The  population  of  Latin  Louisiana  was  in- 
creased by  the  accession  of  French  inhabitants  retiring  from 
across  the  river,  and  also  by  the  influx  of  a number  of  Indian 
tribes  who  followed  the  French  flag  rather  than  accept  new 
masters.  Two  years  later  there  came  also  over  six  hundred 
Acadians,  who  for  ten  years  previously  had  been  wandering 
about  the  British  provinces,  exiles  whose  pathetic  story  is 
told  in  Evangeline.  They  caused  additional  expenses  to 
the  government,  but  were  successfully  colonized  in  Atta- 
kapas  and  Opelousas,  and  others  who  followed  were  placed 
on  the  Mississippi  from  the  German  Coast  even  up  beyond 
Baton  Rouge,  so  that  in  course  of  time  parts  of  the  river 
were  known  as  the  Acadian  Coast.  D’Abbadie  found  the 
colony  in  a state  of  complete  destitution,  and  reported  that 
it  was  a chaos  of  iniquities  and  that  it  would  be  necessary 
to  resort  to  measures  of  an  extreme  character.  All  this 


THE  LATIN  REMNANT 


425 


made  the  French  court  the  more  willing  to  carry  out  the 
cession;  so  that  on  April  21,  1764,  the  French  king  finally 
notified  D’Abbadie  that  he  had  ceded  the  country  without 
reserve,  and  instructed  him  to  put  the  Spanish  governor  and 
troops  in  possession  as  soon  as  they  arrived.  After  the 
evacuation,  government  papers  should  be  withdrawn  except 
those  with  regard  to  boundaries,  Indians,  and  the  like,  which 
should  be  turned  over  with  all  necessary  information  to 
the  new  governor.  Louis  closed  with  the  expression  of  a 
hope  that  his  Catholic  majesty  would  respect  religious  privi- 
leges, that  judges  and  the  Superior  Council  would  be  per- 
mitted to  administer  justice  according  to  the  laws  of  the 
colony,  and  that  all  titles  would  be  confirmed  according  to 
concessions  previously  made.  This  letter  was  registered 
by  the  Superior  Council  in  October,  and  was  to  play  an 
important  part  in  the  future.  The  cession  had  been  sus- 
pected, but  its  confirmation  was  a hard  blow.  It  no  doubt 
hastened  the  death  of  D’Abbadie,  which  happened  in  the 
next  February.  He  was  succeeded  by  Aubry,  who  had 
been  in  command  of  the  four  French  companies. 

With  a feeling  perfectly  natural,  every  parish  of  Louisi- 
ana sent  delegates  to  a convention,  among  whom  were 
many  familiar  names.  Lafreniere,  Villere,  D’Arensbourg, 
the  Milhets,  Saint-Maxent,  and  Braud  were  there,  and  Lafre- 
niere, the  attorney-general,  eloquently  presented  a resolution 
supplicating  Louis  the  Well-beloved  not  to  cast  them  off. 
Jean  Milhet  was  selected  to  present  it  and  accordingly  sailed 
for  France,  and  on  reaching  Paris  called  on  Bienville,  then 
living  in  retirement  at  the  ripe  age  of  eighty-six.  Together 
they  secured  an  interview  with  the  Due  de  Choiseul  and 
earnestly  urged  that  the  cession  be  annulled.  Choiseul  was 
affected  and  expressed  himself  with  emotion,  but  replied  that 
reconsideration  was  impossible. 

Crowding  fast  upon  Milhet’s  mission  came  a letter  from 
Don  Antonio  de  Ulloa  to  the  Superior  Council  announcing 
that  he  would  soon  take  possession  of  New  Orleans,  where 
he  flattered  himself  that  he  would  have  opportunity  to  render 


426 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


all  the  services  that  they  might  desire,  which  would  be  his 
inclination  no  less  than  his  duty.  On  March  5,  1766,  he 
landed  there  with  two  companies  of  infantry  under  Pier- 
nas,  and  accompanied  by  Loyola,  Gayarre,  and  Navarro,  to 
act  as  intendant , contador , and  treasurer,  respectively.  His 
reception  was  not  reassuring,  and  it  is  said  that,  although  a 
cultivated  man,  his  manner  was  forbidding.  He  made  a tour 
of  the  colony,  spending  a considerable  time  at  Natchitoches 
in  particular  to  study  communications  with  Mexico.  King 
Charles  III.  instructed  him  that  Louisiana  was  to  remain  a 
separate  colony,  with  its  own  laws,  and  was  to  have  no 
commerce  with  his  other  American  dominions.  Louisiana 
affairs  were  to  be  managed  by  the  ministry  of  State,  and 
not  by  that  of  the  Indies,  which  administered  his  older 
possessions. 

The  new  officials  from  governor  down  were  men  of 
ability,  and  yet  the  natural  hauteur  of  the  Spaniards  and  the 
reluctance  of  the  colonists  resolved  not  to  be  satisfied  soon 
produced  an  unfortunate  state  of  affairs.  Had  Ulloa  brought 
with  him  sufficient  troops  this  would  have  made  little  differ- 
ence; but  the  agreement  was  that  to  save  time  of  trans- 
porting Spaniards  the  French  military  would  be  turned  over 
to  him.  Aubry  and  many  of  the  officers  acted  under  these 
orders,  but  a number  of  the  troops  already  behind  in  their 
pay  and  entitled  to  their  discharge  declined  to  continue. 
The  question  of  money  was  pressing,  and  Ulloa’s  plan  to 
buy  up  the  currency  in  coin  at  seventy-five  per  cent  of  its 
face  value,  although  really  an  improvement  on  the  past,  was 
opposed  by  the  French  and  proved  distasteful  even  to  the 
Spaniards  who  were  to  be  paid.  In  declining  to  recognize 
the  authority  of  the  Superior  Council,  Ulloa  also  made  ene- 
mies, and  on  account  of  the  tension  he  finally  determined 
for  the  present  not  to  take  possession.  A commercial 
decree  gave  further  dissatisfaction.  This  permitted  direct 
commerce  between  Louisiana  and  the  French  colonies  in 
Spanish  ships  provided  they  carried  back  lumber  and  other 
products  and  the  goods  imported  were  sold  at  a reasonable 


THE  LATIN  REMNANT 


427 

price.  This  countervailed  the  freedom  of  trade  which  the 
inhabitants  had  long  enjoyed,  and  was  an  act  of  paternal 
interference  in  favor  of  consumers  resented  by  the  mer- 
chants. Popular  agitation  began  and  even  the  suspension 
of  the  ordinance  was  insufficient.  The  people  clung  to  the 
hopes  expressed  in  the  letter  of  Louis  to  D’Abbadie,  as  if  it 
had  been  a treaty. 

Ulloa  left  for  the  Balize,  where  he  remained  some  time 
and  had  the  Spanish  flag  hoisted.  The  real  object  of  his 
visit  there  was  to  wait  for  his  bride,  a Peruvian  lady,  who 
finally  arrived  in  March,  1767,  when  they  were  married  at 
the  Balize  by  his  chaplain  and  thence  came  up  to  New 
Orleans.  The  latitude  of  Peru,  however,  was  not  that  of 
Louisiana,  and  the  lady  speedily  became,  if  anything,  less 
of  a favorite  than  her  husband.  A conqueror  has  never 
been  well  received  in  New  Orleans,  and  in  this  case  the 
people  seemed  utterly  unable  to  realize  that  the  cession  to 
Spain  was  final,  even  though  Milhet  shortly  afterward  re- 
turned with  his  distressing  confirmation.  Although  the 
French  flag  remained  at  the  capital,  the  Spanish  was  flying 
at  the  Balize,  on  the  Missouri,  on  the  Iberville,  and  opposite 
Natchez,  the  four  points  where  Ulloa  established  posts  and 
distributed  the  Spanish  troops  whom  he  brought  with  him. 

It  is  painful  in  history  as  in  common  life  to  notice  the 
estrangement  of  those  whom  interest  should  hold  together. 
People  on  the  lookout  for  slights  find  them  in  the  most 
innocent  acts.  Ulloa  had  nothing  in  mind  but  the  good  of 
the  province,  and  yet  seeking  this  good  in  a cold  way  not 
unnatural  in  a Spaniard  he  offended  at  every  turn  the  sus- 
ceptibilities of  the  French  subjects.  On  the  other  hand, 
they  were  unwilling  to  recognize  the  transfer  to  Spain  and 
interpreted  every  act  and  omission  in  the  light  of  that  un- 
willingness. If  Ulloa  did  not  hoist  the  Spanish  flag  at  New 
Orleans,  to  their  minds  it  was  not  because  he  had  so  few 
Spanish  troops,  but  because  he  was  not  commissioned  to 
take  possession.  If  he  had  a chapel  in  his  own  house,  it 
was  a distinct  violation  of  the  customs  of  the  province. 


428 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


which  put  all  ecclesiastical  matters  under  the  supervision  of 
the  vicar-general  of  the  Bishop  of  Canada.  Beginning  in 
this  manner,  it  was  no  difficult  thing  for  governor  and  people 
to  get  further  and  further  apart,  and  on  Ulloa’s  side  the 
feeling  was  intensified  by  a letter  of  ex-Governor  Kerlerec 
from  the  Bastille,  pitying  him  from  his  heart  for  having  been 
sent  to  such  a country.  There  could  be  no  doubt  of  the 
transfer.  Ulloa  assumed  on  account  of  Spain  the  adminis- 
trative expenses  from  his  arrival,  and  if  Aubry  still  issued 
proclamations  it  was  only  as  representing  the  governor. 

Under  the  circumstances,  it  was  no  subject  for  surprise 
that  an  insurrection  was  hatched  against  the  Spanish.  In- 
stead of  being  by  the  common  people,  however,  it  was  by 
such  men  as  Lafreniere  the  attorney-general,  Foucault  the 
intendant , the  Milhets,  and  Villere.  It  is  said  that  they  met 
at  the  house  of  Foucault’s  mistress,  which  was  surrounded 
by  a garden  and  trees  in  the  suburbs  of  New  Orleans.  At 
all  events,  on  the  28th  of  October,  1768,  residents  of  the 
country  parishes  and  many  in  New  Orleans  quietly  made 
themselves  masters  of  the  city,  and  the  Spanish  frigate  found 
it  expedient  to  move  from  the  shore  and  cast  anchor  in  the 
stream.  Aubry  took  such  steps  as  were  possible  with  only 
one  hundred  and  ten  men,  and  at  his  suggestion  Ulloa  and 
his  wife  retired  on  board  the  frigate.  The  Superior  Council 
met  and,  in  answer  to  a petition  signed  by  six  hundred 
people  asking  the  restoration  of  ancient  rights  and  the  expul- 
sion of  Ulloa,  considered  the  situation.  Lafreniere  the  next 
day  made  an  elaborate  address,  dwelling  upon  the  letter  of 
Louis  XV.  and  that  of  Ulloa  from  Havana  as  showing  that 
the  ancient  liberties  of  the  colony  were  to  be  respected;  and 
one  part  of  his  speech  deserves  to  be  remembered,  even 
though  the  character  of  its  author  be  not  above  reproach. 
“Without  population,”  he  said,  “there  can  be  no  commerce, 
and  without  commerce  no  population.  In  proportion  to 
the  extent  of  both  is  the  solidity  of  thrones ; both  are  fed 
by  liberty  and  competition,  which  are  the  nursing  mothers 
of  the  State,  of  which  the  spirit  of  monopoly  is  the  tyrant 


THE  LATIN  REMNANT 


429 

and  stepmother.  Without  liberty,  there  are  but  few  virtues. 
Despotism  breeds  pusillanimity  and  deepens  the  abyss  of 
vices.  Man  is  considered  as  sinning  before  God  only  be- 
cause he  retains  his  free  will.  Where  is  the  liberty  of  our 
planters,  our  merchants,  and  our  other  inhabitants  ? Pro- 
tection and  benevolence  have  given  way  to  despotism ; a 
single  authority  would  absorb  and  annihilate  everything.” 
The  foregone  conclusion  was  that  the  council  on  the  29th 
adopted  a decree  giving  Ulloa  three  days  to  quit  the  colony. 
Aubry  protested  in  vain,  and  the  decree  was  received  with 
great  enthusiasm  in  the  city. 

Ulloa  felt  that  it  was  useless  to  resist  with  his  present 
force  and  retired  to  Havana  without  delay,  and  finding  in- 
sufficient available  troops  there  to  take  possession  of  the 
colony  he  returned  to  Spain.  He  had  sent  full  reports,  and 
Aubry  on  his  side  wrote  similarly  to  the  French  ministry. 
The  revolutionists  organized  themselves  into  a kind  of 
government  and  flattered  themselves  that  they  would  be 
sustained  by  the  court  of  France,  although  they  had  even 
anterior  to  the  revolution  applied  to  the  British  for  assist- 
ance, but  had  not  received  encouragement.  While  glad 
enough  to  see  trouble  for  Spain,  England  was  not  prepared 
to  intervene.  This  would  mean  war,  and  what  was  left 
of  Louisiana  was  not  thought  worth  that  sacrifice.  The 
different  steps  taken  and  the  conduct  of  the  people  remind 
one  of  the  great  French  Revolution  which  followed  thirty 
years  later,  with  the  difference  that  the  Louisianians  soon 
realized  their  helplessness.  They  were  not  strong  enough 
to  form  an  independent  State,  and  great  was  the  disappoint- 
ment when  France  made  it  known  that  she  would  not 
sustain  them. 

The  effect  in  Spain  can  be  well  imagined.  In  a cabinet 
council  opinions  were  given  by  different  members  at  the 
request  of  the  Marquis  de  Grimaldi,  and  it  was  the  all  but 
unanimous  conclusion  that  possession  must  be  retaken  at 
once  with  an  adequate  force.  Grimaldi  notified  the  French 
court  and  requested  disavowal  of  what  had  been  done, 


43° 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


making  the  characteristically  Spanish  remark  that  “the  loss 
of  great  interests  is  looked  upon  in  Spain  with  indifference, 
but  that  it  is  not  so  as  to  insults.” 

Alexander  O’Reilly,  an  Irishman  of  ability,  in  the  Span- 
ish service,  was  appointed  to  proceed  to  take  possession, 
and  in  July,  I 769,  he  appeared  in  the  Mississippi  with  a fleet 
and  two  thousand  six  hundred  men,  which  made  all  resist- 
ance useless.  The  conspirators,  with  French  versatility, 
made  haste  to  placate  the  new  governor,  and  Lafreniere 
was  among  the  first  to  go  down  the  river.  O’Reilly  re- 
ceived all  graciously,  but  would  make  no  definite  promises. 
Soon  the  twenty-four  vessels  arrived  at  the  city  and  the 
troops  were  landed.  O’Reilly  took  possession  in  an  elaborate 
manner,  and  the  French  flag  made  way  for  the  Spanish  on 
the  staff  in  the  place  d’armes.  New  Orleans  was  completely 
overawed  and  all  traces  of  the  revolution  disappeared. 

O’Reilly’s  manner  was  pleasant,  but  he  lost  no  time  in 
having  Lafreniere  and  others  arrested  and  tried  before  a 
military  tribunal.  There  could  be  no  doubt  as  to  the  result, 
and  eleven,  Foucault  included,  were  found  guilty.  Braud, 
the  public  printer,  was  acquitted  because  his  duty  compelled 
him  to  print  all  that  was  sent  him  by  the  commissary;  but 
Lafreniere,  Joseph  Milhet,  and  three  others  were  condemned 
to  the  gallows,  and  several  to  imprisonment,  and  in  true 
Spanish  fashion  the  memorial  of  the  planters  and  other  pub- 
lications connected  with  the  conspiracy  were  burned  by  the 
common  hangman  in  a public  auto  da  fe.  There  was  diffi- 
culty in  securing  anyone  to  hang  the  distinguished  prisoners, 
as  it  was  not  deemed  proper  for  a negro,  who  ordinarily 
acted,  to  officiate.  The  method  of  punishment  was  therefore 
modified,  and  the  condemned  were  escorted  by  grenadiers  to 
the  place  of  execution;  and  after  hearing  their  sentence,  they 
fell  before  a volley  from  the  platoon,  meeting  death  bravely. 
Much  has  been  written  as  to  this  severity  of  O’Reilly,  but 
considering  the  attitude  of  Spain  toward  all  insurrections 
less  harshness  was  exercised  than  might  have  been,  expected. 
Nothing  further  followed  in  the  way  of  persecution,  and 


THE  LATIN  REMNANT 


431 


it  is  said  that  those  who  were  imprisoned  were  released, 
although  they  never  returned  to  Louisiana.  O’Reilly  seems 
to  have  devoted  himself  earnestly  to  studying  the  needs 
of  the  colony,  which  he  thought  it  his  duty  somewhat  to 
remodel  on  the  Spanish  plan. 

The  rule  of  Spain  in  Louisiana  was  destined  to  be  for  the 
advantage  of  the  colony.  To  what  extent  the  peninsular 
government  had  learned  experience  with  the  passage  of  cen- 
turies may  not  be  quite  clear,  but  the  monarch  then  occupy- 
ing the  throne  was  one  who  would  have  been  the  glory  of 
any  country.  Perhaps  it  was  the  flashing  up  of  an  expiring 
flame,  but,  at  all  events,  the  reign  of  Charles  III.  was  one 
of  the  brightest  in  Spanish  annals.  In  one  of  the  kaleido- 
scopic changes  in  Italy  during  the  eighteenth  century  in 
the  struggle  between  Spain,  France,  and  Austria,  he  ruled 
Tuscany  and  not  long  after  conquered  Naples.  His  father, 
Philip  V.,  was  proud  to  confirm  him  on  that  throne  and  he 
added  to  it  Sicily,  and,  insulted  by  an  English  fleet,  he  never 
forgot  it.  In  1759,  he  succeeded  to  the  throne  of  Spain, 
and  two  years  afterward  formed  the  Bourbon  Family  Com- 
pact with  Louis  XV.  The  energy  which  he  had  displayed 
in  Italy  was  transferred  to  the  peninsula,  where  at  first  it  was 
hardly  relished.  He  even  dared  attack  the  custom  of  wear- 
ing large  cloaks  and  broad  hats,  and  showed  himself  sen- 
sible of  the  intrigues  of  the  clergy.  Charles  remained  on 
the  throne  for  almost  thirty  years,  and,  as  far  as  one  man 
could,  he  arrested  the  decadence  of  his  kingdom. 

O’Reilly  was  worthy  to  serve  such  a master.  His  power 
was  unlimited,  his  acts  fully  known  and  approved,  and  there 
could  be  little  doubt  that  his  severity  saved  Louisiana  much 
subsequent  trouble.  She  learned  at  last  that  the  transfer  to 
Spain  was  final,  and  accommodated  herself  to  the  new  con- 
ditions. O’Reilly  was  soon  able  to  send  away  over  half 
of  the  troops  with  which  he  came,  and  in  substituting  the 
Cabildo  for  the  Superior  Council  he  not  only  took  away  a 
cause  of  disturbance  but  replaced  it  by  an  effective  means 
of  government.  The  Cabildo  was  made  up  of  regidores  who 


432 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


held  honorary  offices,  of  alcades , and  an  attorney-general 
syndic.  They  had  both  judicial  and  executive  powers.  The 
syndic  was  a kind  of  tribune  supposed  to  represent  the 
interest  of  the  people,  and  the  intendant  had  charge  of 
the  revenues,  navy,  and  commerce,  with  some  judicial  func- 
tions. Ordinary  judicial  acts  were  performed  by  alcades 
throughout  the  province,  and  in  each  parish  a commandant 
exercised  police  jurisdiction,  subject  to  control  from  the  capi- 
tal. The  colony  was  under  the  supervision  of  the  captain- 
general  in  Cuba,  to  whom  in  some  instances  appeals  lay 
and  from  him  to  the  royal  audiencia  in  Santo  Domingo. 
Ultimately  an  appeal  might  lie  to  the  Council  of  the  Indies 
in  Spain. 

It  was  ordered  that  the  Spanish  language  should  be  em- 
ployed by  public  officials,  although  French  was  still  per- 
mitted in  judicial  and  notarial  acts,  at  least  in  the  parishes. 
Spanish  jurisprudence  was  to  be  substituted  for  French, 
and,  as  an  introduction,  an  abstract  of  law  and  procedure 
was  made  public,  prescribing  the  duties  of  officials  and 
citizens.  This  was  something  of  a code  in  itself  and  just 
throughout, — the  only  criticism  that  could  be  made  was  that 
it  was  too  just  in  that  it  prescribed  everything,  leaving 
nothing  for  local  regulation.  Indian  slavery  was  no  longer 
permitted,  and  special  provisions  were  made  for  the  different 
posts.  Thus  an  end  was  put  to  the  trade  going  on  through 
Natchitoches  with  Mexico,  and  contraband  intercourse  with 
the  English  vessels  on  the  Mississippi  was  prohibited. 
Economy  was  introduced  and  expenses  cut  down  from 
$250,000  to  $130,000.  As  if  to  show  the  good  inten- 
tions of  the  government,  Frenchmen  were  appointed  to 
almost  all  offices  and  creole  troops  raised  under  the  name 
of  the  Regiment  of  Louisiana.  Regulations  as  to  grants  of 
land  and  commerce  were  especially  important.  At  first  lands 
were  granted  by  the  governor-general,  but  ultimately  this 
was  to  be  vested  in  the  intendant. 

According  to  our  modern  notions,  it  seems  strange  that 
offices  should  ever  pass  by  sale.  We  think  of  it  in  the 


Patrick  Henry.  After  the  original  painting  by  Thomas  Sully,  in  posses- 
sion of  William  Wirt  Henry,  Esq.,  op'  Richmond,  Virginia. 


THE  LATIN  REMNANT 


433 


British  army  as  destructive  of  all  discipline,  we  remember 
it  of  the  Roman  Empire  as  a striking  instance  of  both  greed 
and  anarchy;  and  yet,  we  find  the  same  thing  on  a smaller 
scale  in  the  Spanish  government  of  Louisiana,  for  the  places 
of  the  six  perpetual  regidores  who  were  members  of  the 
Cabildo  were  at  the  first  sold  at  auction  and  afterward 
transferred  by  the  holders  to  others.  This  was  no  secret 
abuse,  but  was  actually  regulated  by  law,  and  it  had  its  ad- 
vantages. Theories  of  government  have  varied  from  time  to 
time  from  that  of  an  absolute  monarchy  to  absolute  democ- 
racy, with  all  shades  of  variation  between,  but  the  most 
autocratic  government  is  modified  by  customs  which  cannot 
be  infringed  without  danger  to  the  State.  Wealth  often 
constitutes  an  important  element.  Commercial  States  have 
been  powerful  and  trade  has  been  the  foundation  of  many 
others.  A modified  form  of  property  influence  may  arise 
when  a part  of  the  legal  machinery  can  fall  to  people  of 
means  through  a system  of  purchase,  and  in  this  way  the 
men  of  property  in  a community  may  acquire  directly  or 
indirectly  an  important  voice  in  the  management  of  affairs. 
So  that  even  in  this  dependency  of  absolute  Spain  popular 
elements  were  not  wanting,  and  the  duties  of  the  attorney- 
general  syndic,  who  was  chosen  by  the  Cabildo,  had  a 
democratic  side.  This  officer  had  nothing  to  do  with  prose- 
cution or  with  legal  affairs  as  such,  but  was  a survival  or 
imitation  of  the  old  Roman  tribune.  His  duty  was  to  pro- 
pose to  the  Cabildo  what  he  thought  for  the  interest  of  the 
people,  and  on  their  behalf  to  oppose  measures  which  he 
deemed  contrary  to  their  welfare.  These  popular  elements 
might  be  almost  nil  under  a governor  determined  to  ignore 
them,  but  they  at  least  supplied  means  by  which  under 
ordinary  circumstances  the  general  good  could  be  protected. 

Another  popular  feature  in  the  actual  administration  was 
the  Santa  Hermandad.  At  the  time  when  the  central  gov- 
ernment was  weak  the  institution  grew  up  or,  at  all  events, 
was  developed  by  which  the  people  of  the  several  commu- 
nities undertook  the  police  of  their  own  districts.  It  was. 


434 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


of  course,  given  a religious  aspect,  for  the  government  prided 
itself  on  being  called  that  of  his  Catholic  majesty,  and  with 
a wisdom  which  is  not  always  shown  in  Spanish  history 
this  local  constabulary  was  recognized  and  adopted  into  the 
governmental  system.  In  this  way  we  find  it  introduced 
and  working  in  Louisiana. 

Regulations  as  to  commerce  caused  the  greatest  incon- 
venience. Spain  had  never  abandoned  the  idea  that  hers 
was  a world  empire,  producing  all  that  was  necessary,  so 
that  no  need  could  exist  for  trading  outside  its  limits.  As 
to  Louisiana,  there  was  the  difficulty  that  the  products,  such 
as  timber  and  peltries,  could  not  be  profitably  imported  into 
the  peninsula  and  furthermore  that  the  manufactured  goods 
to  which  the  colonists  were  accustomed  were  those  produced 
in  France  or  England  and  not  those  coming  from  Spain. 
The  Spanish  government  had  already  confined  the  trade  of 
the  province  to  Seville,  Alicante,  Carthagena,  Malaga,  Bar- 
celona, and  Corunna  and  provided  that  no  vessels  except 
Spanish  should  ply  even  to  these  ports,  and  ships  could  not 
call  at  other  Spanish-American  ports.  It  was  perhaps  too 
much  to  expect  even  of  the  enlightened  Charles  III.  to 
see  how  suicidal  was  such  a policy.  It  was  the  policy  of 
England  also,  and  she  only  outgrew  it  by  becoming  the 
carrying  nation  of  the  world,  so  that  such  restrictions  became 
meaningless.  Spain  was  too  conservative  to  change.  The 
practical  difficulty,  however,  was  that  Louisiana  had  be- 
come accustomed  to  free  trade  with  France  and  that  there 
.grew  up  an  illicit  trade  with  West  Florida.  The  English 
had  equal  right  with  the  Spaniards  to  the  navigation  of 
Mississippi  River,  and  under  the  mild  rule  of  the  Spanish 
governors  English  merchants  established  themselves  even  in 
New  Orleans  and  soon  absorbed  a large  part  of  the  busi- 
ness of  the  place.  The  English  in  passing  up  and  down 
the  Mississippi  found  ready  customers  along  the  banks,  and 
smuggling  was  winked  at  by  the  authorities.  The  English 
even  had  what  are  now  called  trade  boats,  fitted  up  with 
counters  and  shelves  of  goods,  to  which  the  planters  resorted 


THE  LATIN  REMNANT 


435 


for  their  wants.  It  was  not  only  impossible  to  prevent 
such  commerce  in  a river  equally  open  to  the  vessels  of 
both  nations,  but  restrictions  imposed  by  Spain  made  such 
a trade  essential  to  the  very  existence  of  the  colony.  Hence 
the  governors,  who  were  just  and  politic  men,  overlooked 
what  they  could  hardly  prevent.  Oliver  Pollock,  during  a 
season  of  distress,  turned  over  to  O’Reilly  a brig  loaded 
with  flour  and  permitted  him  to  pay  what  he  thought  best. 
The  price  was  then  twenty  dollars  a barrel,  and  Pollock’s 
generosity,  for  he  agreed  to  accept  only  fifteen  dollars,  was 
never  forgotten  and  he  was  permitted  to  have  free  trade  for 
his  brig.  Subsequently,  from  time  to  time,  concessions  were 
made  in  favor  of  French  shipping,  until  finally  there  was 
almost  free  trade  with  the  French  islands,  subject  only  to 
the  imports  being  paid  for  by  exports,  to  effect  which  local 
commissioners  were  appointed. 

O’Reilly  considered  that  the  changes  he  had  made  had 
finished  his  mission,  and  on  the  29th  of  October,  1770, 
turned  the  government  of  the  province  over  to  Don  Luis 
de  Unzaga.  O’Reilly  was  a young  man  of  thirty-four  or 
thirty-five;  his  successor  was  somewhat  older  and  proved  to 
be  an  even  more  acceptable  executive.  He  ruled  almost  as 
a father,  with  the  result  that  Louisiana  became  thoroughly 
attached  to  the  Spanish  crown.  In  no  way  was  his  wisdom 
more  manifest  than  in  the  attitude  he  assumed  toward  the 
quarrels  of  the  priests.  Louisiana  had  long  been  a Capuchin 
province,  and  the  abolition  of  the  Jesuits  had  removed  the 
influence  of  that  order.  Father  Dagobert  was  the  Superior 
of  the  Capuchins  and  vicar-general  of  the  Bishop  of  Quebec, 
and  on  the  transfer  of  the  province  to  Spain  the  question 
arose  as  to  the  ecclesiastical  jurisdiction.  Spanish  Capuchins 
came,  and  one  of  them,  Cirilo,  moved  heaven  and  earth  to 
drive  out  the  French  priests,  who  were  much  loved,  espe- 
cially Dagobert.  It  is  very  likely  that  in  easy-going  creole 
style  they  omitted  some  of  the  unessential  ceremonies  and 
indulged  their  flock  in  some  respects,  but  Cirilo  reported 
many  things  amiss,  and  that  Dagobert  actually  dispensed 


436 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


with  more  than  the  Pope  might  have  done.  Cirilo  more 
than  insinuates  that  the  priests  were  unduly  attached  to 
mulattresses  whom  they  had  to  take  care  of  their  house. 
Cirilo  wrote  all  about  it  to  the  Bishop  of  Havana,  and  the 
bishop  took  up  the  matter.  On  the  other  hand  Unzaga, 
after  investigation,  protected  the  French  Capuchins  to  the 
extent  of  his  ability,  defending  them  to  the  bishop  and  to 
the  Spanish  court.  He  said  it  seemed  to  him  that  the  com- 
mon lot  of  humanity  was  for  each  one  to  judge  for  himself 
and  act  for  the  best,  and  that  it  was  difficult  to  come  to  a 
correct  appreciation  of  the  true  merits  of  men  of  the  sacred 
calling  when  they  chose  to  quarrel  among  themselves.  At 
this  the  bishop  took  offence  and  the  matter  was  referred  to 
the  home  government.  The  final  result  was  that  while  the 
bishop  was  in  a way  sustained,  clear  intimation  was  given 
that  there  must  be  harmony  in  the  administration  of  affairs. 
After  this  some  compromise  was  effected  and  the  trouble 
largely  abated. 

The  Spanish  regime  began  in  blood,  but  through  the  tact 
as  well  as  the  energy  of  O’Reilly  and  perhaps  even  more 
so  of  Unzaga,  the  creoles  became  thoroughly  reconciled  to 
their  new  allegiance.  It  might  require  another  generation, 
it  might  require  a war  with  some  other  power,  to  make  the 
people  attached  to  Spain,  but  when  we  recollect  the  Revo- 
lution of  1768  and  the  excitable  character  of  the  popula- 
tion it  would  seem  that  nine  years  had  worked  wonders. 
Unzaga  thought  his  mission  also  accomplished  and  asked  to 
retire  to  spend  his  remaining  years  at  Malaga.  This  was 
at  first  refused,  from  the  high  appreciation  in  which  he 
was  held  in  both  Louisiana  and  Spain.  The  court  hardly 
knew  whom  to  appoint  in  his  stead.  Finally  his  wish  was 
granted  as  to  removing  him  from  Louisiana,  although  it 
was  not  to  private  life,  and  in  1776  he  was  promoted  to  be 
Captain-general  of  Caraccas.  He  departed  amid  universal 
regret,  and  the  government  was  provisionally  turned  over 
to  Don  Bernardo  de  Galvez,  a young  man  highly  con- 
nected, who  had  recently  come  as  colonel  of  the  Regiment 


THE  LATIN  REMNANT 


437 


of  Louisiana.  Unzaga  left  the  colony  peaceful  and  satis- 
fied ; only  the  future  could  tell  whether  this  boy  of  twenty- 
one  would  pursue  the  same  policy  or  strike  out  a new  one 
for  himself. 

Our  attention  has  heretofore  been  directed  mainly  to  that 
portion  of  Spanish  Louisiana  which  was  about  New  Orleans 
and  the  lower  reaches  of  Mississippi  River;  but  it  must 
not  be  forgotten  that  the  province  extended,  as  under  the 
French,  far  to  the  north  and  west,  to  the  sources  of  the  Mis- 
sissippi and  to  the  unknown  beginnings  of  the  Missouri, 
One  might  think  that  these  wilds  were  of  no  value  and 
would  be  neglected,  the  more  especially  as  the  Sioux  to  the 
north  and  the  Comanches  and  other  tribes  to  the  south  had 
never  been  brought  even  to  the  half-civilization  prevailing 
east  of  the  Mississippi.  And  yet  this  meant  only  that  there 
was  the  better  field  for  colonization,  and  when  the  French 
abandoned  the  older  Illinois  it  was  only  to  develop  the  more 
that  part  of  the  district  west  of  the  Mississippi,  and  seek  to 
make  it  greater  than  before.  It  was  a true  colonization. 
Much  of  the  later  life  of  the  settlements  which  we  have 
studied  has  been  an  expansion  from  the  centres  established 
by  European  immigrants,  so  that  it  is  perhaps  rather  colo- 
nial life  than  colonization  proper.  But  now  when,  after  the 
Peace  of  Paris,  we  cross  the  river  with  Saint-Ange  it  is  to 
take  up  again  the  burden  of  settling  a new  country. 

At  the  time  of  the  Peace  of  Paris  there  was  but  one 
settlement  to  the  west  of  the  upper  Mississippi,  for  those 
which  we  have  known  in  the  old  French  days  had  with  the 
exception  of  Ste.  Genevieve  died  out.  And  Saint-Ange  was 
not  the  first  pioneer  under  the  new  dispensation,  for  we  recall 
that  he  was  in  command  of  Vincennes  and  Fort  Chartres 
throughout  Pontiac’s  war,  and  that  far  earlier  Le  Sueur  and 
others  had  operated  west  of  the  Mississippi. 

We  again  come  face  to  face  with  that  interesting  industry 
which  opened  the  French  period  a century  before.  The 
fur  trade  is  a business  that  ministers  to  luxury  and  by  means 
of  romance  and  daring  creates  history.  As  relates  to  the 


438  THE  colonization  of  the  south 


beaver,  it  was  the  cause  of  the  foundation  of  Canada  and 
of  the  French  prise  de  possession  at  Michilimackinac  of  the 
upper  lake  region.  Du  Lhut  and  Le  Sueur  became  famous 
in  its  prosecution,  and  the  jealousy  which  Canada  felt  for 
Louisiana  was  due  to  a well-grounded  fear  that  skins  would 
go  down  the  Mississippi  rather  than  down  the  St.  Lawrence. 
The  zeal  of  religion  carried  the  Jesuits  far  into  the  North- 
west, and  voyageurs  early  explored  in  their  tracks.  We 
have  seen  how  in  other  regions  the  coureurs  de  bois  arose  and 
swarmed  in  the  woods.  The  love  of  freedom  from  all  civil- 
ized restraints  attracted  them,  and  hunting  supplied  them 
not  only  with  food  but  with  skins  and  furs  which  they  sold 
at  the  different  trading  posts.  They  were  accused  of  selling 
to  the  English  as  readily  as  to  the  French,  and  no  doubt  the 
freedom  of  the  woods  developed  a variety  of  freedom  of 
trade.  It  is  perhaps  significant  that  the  French  had  the 
same  word,  course , for  the  life  of  the  coureurs  in  the  woods 
and  the  life  of  the  buccaneers  on  the  ocean.  The  growth 
of  Fort  Chartres  and  the  power  of  its  commandant  brought 
something  of  order  into  the  fur  trade  of  the  Northwest,  and 
it  was  well  worth  taking  hold  of.  There  was  profit  in  it, 
and  the  future  only  could  tell  what  developments  might 
come  from  the  partially  explored  Missouri.  Beaver,  bear, 
fox,  and  other  fur-bearing  animals  abounded,  and  the  severe 
winters  had  their  redeeming  side  for  the  trapper  and  hunter. 
The  Mississippi  was  still  open  toward  the  south,  even  if  the 
British  now  controlled  the  route  down  the  Great  Lakes 
and  the  St.  Lawrence.  There  was  great  promise  for  the 
first  comers  in  the  new  Northwest,  particularly  if  they  could 
obtain  something  in  the  nature  of  a monopoly. 

In  the  interregnum  under  D’Abbadie  this  was  effected, 
and  indeed  there  may  be  some  question  as  to  whether  the 
arrangement  of  Maxent,  La  Clede  and  Company  was  not 
planned  and  even  carried  out  before  Kerlerec  left.  At  all 
events,  in  the  summer  of  1763  the  firm  sent  an  expedition  to 
the  north  under  its  junior  partner,  Pierre  La  Clede  Ligueste, 
generally  called  K Laclede.”  By  invitation  they  wintered  at 


THE  LATIN  REMNANT 


439 


Fort  Chartres,  and  there  prepared  for  the  future.  It  was  a 
disappointment  when  the  Peace  of  Paris  cut  off  half  their 
proposed  field,  but  it  was  necessary  in  any  event  to  have  a 
trading  post  on  the  west  side  of  the  river;  and  as  the  turbid 
Missouri  was  to  be  the  scene  of  most  of  their  operations,  it 
was  natural  that  the  bluffs  below  the  junction  should  be 
selected  by  Laclede.  There  in  the  early  spring  he  sent 
Auguste  Chouteau  to  clear  away  the  forests,  and  just  below 
the  great  Indian  mound  of  unknown  antiquity  he  built,  in 
February  and  March,  cabins  and  magasins  for  the  business, 
and  with  them  came  a stone  house  for  Laclede.  With  a 
mixture  of  religion  and  patriotism,  and  possibly  a recol- 
lection of  the  old  name  for  the  Mississippi,  they  called  the 
new  post  St.  Louis.  Indeed,  they  built  better  than  they 
knew.  As  soon  as  peace  came  between  the  Briton  and  the 
Indian,  Saint-Ange  bowed  himself  across  the  Mississippi  to 
the  new  post,  where  a fort  was  constructed,  mills  were  built, 
land  grants  made,  a church  erected,  and  common  fields  en- 
closed. It  became  a great  station  for  the  fur  trade  and  fully 
justified  the  choice.  Ulloa  appreciated  the  promise  of  the 
place,  confirmed  the  monopoly,  and  hoisted  the  Spanish  flag 
here  even  if  he  did  not  in  New  Orleans.  O’Reilly  sent 
Piernas  to  St.  Louis  and  instructed  the  commandants  of  the 
posts  of  St.  Louis  and  Ste.  Genevieve  to  make  it  their  special 
care  that  the  rule  of  the  king  should  be  loved  and  respected, 
justice  be  administered  promptly  and  impartially,  and  com- 
merce be  protected  and  extended ; although  he  added  some 
platitudes  about  monopolies.  They  were  told  that  the 
Indians  should  be  well  treated,  paid  just  prices  for  what 
they  brought,  and  charged  only  a fair  price  for  what  they 
needed.  In  the  time  of  O’Reilly  the  population  of  each 
of  these  two  posts  was  made  up  of  seventeen  men  and  six- 
teen women,  besides  twelve  male  and  six  female  negroes. 
His  shrewd  successors  did  all  in  their  power  to  develop  what 
began  to  be  called  Upper  Louisiana.  As  the  English  took 
possession  to  the  east,  much  of  the  French  population  mi- 
grated to  the  west,  settling  at  Ste.  Genevieve  and  especially 


44° 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


at  St.  Louis,  whose  inhabitants  were  almost  all  French  and 
so  remained  during  the  Spanish  period.  The  officials  held 
Spanish  commissions,  but  in  no  way  was  the  wisdom  of  the 
new  rulers  more  manifest  than  in  appointing  Frenchmen  to 
the  different  places  of  trust.  A surveyor  was  provided,  so 
that  all  grants  could  be  confirmed.  By  1769  the  popula- 
tion had  amounted  to  eight  hundred  and  ninety-one,  con- 
fined almost  exclusively  to  St.  Louis  and  Ste.  Genevieve. 
From  about  this  time  LTpper  Louisiana,  as  it  was  called, 
had  a lieutenant-governor  holding  directly  from  the  crown, 
although  subject  in  some  sense  to  the  governor-general  and 
intendant  at  New  Orleans.  He  was  also  sub-delegate  of 
the  Intendant  and  thus  superintended  finances,  Indians, 
commerce,  and  lands,  while  as  lieutenant-governor  he  com- 
manded the  military  at  the  different  posts.  Taxes  were 
unknown  except  a duty  of  six  per  cent  upon  imports  and 
exports  and  salaries  and  legacies,  and  there  were  license  fees 
for  the  sale  of  liquors. 

Saint-Ange  died  at  St.  Louis,  universally  regretted,  in  1 7 74. 
The  lives  of  his  friends  Laclede  and  Chouteau  have  been 
a favorite  theme,  for  these  fur  traders  did  much  to  develop 
the  upper  country  as  well  as  found  what  has  become  a great 
city.  Laclede  was  born  in  the  lower  Pyrenees  about  1724, 
and  went  to  Louisiana  at  thirty-one.  Chouteau  was  much 
younger,  being  born  in  1750  at  New  Orleans,  and  long 
survived  Laclede,  who  died  on  the  Mississippi  about  1778. 
Chouteau  is  not  thought  to  have  become  his  partner  until 
a short  time  before  this,  and  upon  the  death  of  Laclede 
succeeded  to  the  business  and  built  his  mansion  upon  some 
of  the  old  firm’s  lands.  Maxent  lived  in  New  Orleans  and 
seems  to  have  been  the  well-known  soldier  of  that  name. 
Chouteau  was  a good  business  man  and  preserved  his  papers, 
but  these  only  show  that  he  applied  himself  strictly  to  his 
occupation  of  merchant  and  trader  and  operated  the  only 
mill  in  the  country.  Under  the  Spaniards  he  was  never 
in  office,  but  this  was  to  be  changed  when  the  Americans 
came. 


THE  LATIN  REMNANT 


441 


The  foundation  of  a great  city  is  always  an  interesting 
subject,  although  the  event  will  generally  be  found  to  lack 
all  elements  of  the  spectacular.  Peter  the  Great  founded 
St.  Petersburg  of  his  own  initiative,  but  no  one  knows  who 
was  the  first  to  drive  a post  at  Paris  or  put  up  a house  at 
London.  When  Chouteau  examined  the  Mississippi  banks 
and  made  a clearing  in  the  primeval  forests  for  huts  he 
failed  to  inscribe  a date  on  any  stone,  but  it  is  supposed  to 
have  been  February  14,  1764.  And  yet  he  designed  a city 
of  some  size,  for  its  plan  shows  three  blocks  deep  from 
the  river  and  nine  in  each  direction  up  and  down  from  the 
church  which  soon  came.  In  succession  we  have  the  river 
bank,  Grande  Rue  or  Rue  Royale,  Rue  de  l’Eglise,  and  Rue 
des  Granges,  and  running  perpendicular  to  the  river  were, 
among  others,  Rue  de  La  Tour,  Rue  de  La  Place,  and  Rue 
Missouri,  while  around  the  whole  settlement  from  Chou- 
teau’s Pond  toward  the  great  mound  was  soon  a line  of 
primitive  fortifications,  through  which  a few  roads  led  toward 
the  country.  Gradually  these  blocks  received  houses  and  the 
population  in  Spanish  times  increased,  living  mainly  upon 
trade  with  the  Indians. 

The  fur  trade  was  ultimately  to  make  the  Missouri  known 
and  to  develop  the  whole  Northwest,  but  under  the  Span- 
iards this  result  came  slowly.  Trading  houses  were  of 
course  established,  but  few  of  them  were  important,  perhaps 
none  have  become  the  foundations  of  cities.  Even  New 
Madrid  was  of  a later  date.  To  the  last,  Ste.  Genevieve 
and  the  ever  increasing  St.  Louis  remained  the  chief  if  not 
the  only  settlements  of  Upper  Louisiana. 

Across  the  river,  George  Rogers  Clark  and  his  militia 
conquered  for  Virginia  the  old  Illinois  formerly  so  well 
known  to  us,  and  for  which  even  in  British  times  a civil 
government  had  been  proposed.  In  1778  both  Kaskaskia 
and  Vincennes  yielded  to  him,  and  in  the  same  year  Virginia 
established  the  County  of  Illinois  and  provided  for  its  more 
effectual  protection  and  defence.  Clark  had  attempted  to 
administer  both  the  military  and  the  civil  departments  of  the 


442 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


government  and  was  glad  enough  to  welcome  John  Todd, 
appointed  by  Patrick  Henry  as  the  first  governor.  The 
officers  were  to  be  chosen  by  the  people.  So  the  courts 
of  Kaskaskia,  Cahokia,  and  Vincennes  came  into  being, 
and  strange  enough  the  old  Frenchmen  thought  it  to  be 
electing  their  own  officials  instead  of  having  them  appointed 
from  abroad.  One  thus  elected  even  refused  to  serve. 

The  administration  of  Illinois  under  the  Americans  does 
not  at  present  concern  us  except  in  so  far  as  it  led  to  an 
effort  on  the  part  of  the  British  to  repossess  themselves  of 
the  territory.  For  after  Spain  also  declared  war  a compre- 
hensive plan  of  campaign  was  devised  against  her  Louisiana 
possessions  by  Lord  George  Germain,  Secretary  for  the 
Colonies.  Lieutenant-governor  Sinclair,  at  Michilimacki- 
nac,  was  to  be  the  principal  agent  in  executing  it,  and  Haldi- 
mand,  from  Quebec,  was  to  supervise  it  in  general.  The 
only  question  might  be  whether  the  plan  was  not  too  far- 
reaching  for  execution  in  the  wilds  of  the  Mississippi  valley. 
It  covered  a combined  series  of  operations  extending  from 
the  lakes  to  the  Gulf  and  designed  to  result  in  the  expulsion 
of  the  Spanish.  Campbell  and  a fleet  were  apparently  to  go  up 
the  Mississippi  to  Natchez,  and  Sinclair  was  to  descend  the 
Mississippi,  capturing  St.  Louis,  and  after  joining  Campbell 
the  two  should  drive  out  the  Spaniards  from  the  lower  posts, 
including  New  Orleans.  As  to  the  exact  order  of  these 
proceedings  there  might  be  some  doubt,  but  the  idea  seems 
to  have  been  that  Sinclair  could  operate  in  the  north  and 
Campbell  in  the  south,  unless  Campbell  preferred  to  wait 
until  Sinclair  joined  him  and  both  attack  New  Orleans. 
Before  this  George  Rogers  Clark  had  been  active  from  the 
new  settlements  in  Kentucky.  He  had,  in  1778,  founded 
Louisville  on  an  island  at  the  falls  of  the  Ohio,  and  had 
not  only  Americanized  Vincennes,  but  captured  Governor 
Hamilton.  He  was,  therefore,  a factor  to  be  dealt  with  in 
this  extensive  scheme,  and  so  the  Wabash  Indians  were  to 
be  despatched  to  keep  him  busy.  What  was  done  in  the 
way  of  driving  the  Spaniards  from  the  lower  Mississippi 


THE  LATIN  REMNANT 


443 

will  concern  us  in  another  chapter;  for  the  present,  we  are 
interested  in  the  attack  on  St.  Louis  from  the  north. 

It  would  seem  that  so  far  from  the  new  settlement  of 
St.  Louis  having  much  influence  up  Missouri  River,  the 
Sioux  were  much  relied  upon  to  act  against  it.  French 
traders  were  even  to  lead  in  this  expedition,  and  Calve  and 
Ducharme  were  afterward  much  blamed  in  the  matter. 
There  is  even  a suspicion  that  the  governor  had  sold  much 
of  the  powder  by  agreement  with  the  British.  In  point  of 
fact,  over  one  hundred  whites  and  several  hundred  Indians 
marched  southwardly  from  Michilimackinac  and  did  some 
damage  on  the  American  side  of  the  Mississippi.  They 
crossed  over  and  captured  some  whites  west  of  the  little 
town,  but  were  frightened  off  by  a cannon  discharged  by 
the  alarmed  garrison.  It  seems  probable  that  Clark  man- 
aged to  come  to  the  Mississippi  in  time  for  his  presence 
and  name  also  to  alarm  the  savages,  and  yet  return  to  the 
falls  and  “busy”  himself  with  the  Indians  sent.  The 
attack  on  St.  Louis  was  a complete  failure.  This  affair  of 
1780  is  sometimes  disguised  under  the  name  of  the  Indian 
attack  on  Pencour,  for  the  inhabitants  of  St.  Louis  obtained 
their  flour  from  Ste.  Genevieve  and  were  dubbed  by  'the 
people  of  that  settlement  “Short-bread”  [Pain-court].  A 
great  stir  this  small  event  made,  for  potentially  it  was  a 
great  event,  and  it  has  been  celebrated  in  local  annals  much 
as  the  unsuccessful  Escalade  at  Geneva.  If  it  had  suc- 
ceeded, the  Indians  would  probably  have  exterminated  the 
people,  and  the  British  gained  a hold  upon  Spanish  Upper 
Louisiana  which  they  would  have  turned  to  good  account 
when  the  treaty  of  peace  was  drawn. 

The  attempt  led  to  the  fortification  of  the  town  and  also 
to  unexpected  results.  In  the  first  place,  the  Americans  were 
strengthened  in  their  determination  and  in  their  ability  to 
hold  their  new  County  of  Illinois,  for  George  Rogers  Clark 
was  still  at  large  and  determined  to  keep  all  that  he  had  con- 
quered. Another  result  was  one  entirely  unexpected,  and 
which  was  to  militate  against  the  claims  of  the  Americans. 


444 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


The  nearest  post  held  by  the  British  was  that  of  St.  Joseph, 
near  present  South  Bend.  It  had  been  a garrison  in  earlier 
days  and  was  now  their  westernmost  post.  During  the  year 
1781,  Don  Francisco  Cruzat,  or  Cruvat,  who  succeeded  on 
the  death  of  Leyba,  determined  to  make  a return  visit  to  the 
enemy.  Accordingly,  in  January,  he  sent  Captain  Pourre 
and  sixty-five  militiamen,  French  and  Spanish,  together  with 
Indians,  on  an  expedition  of  four  hundred  miles  over  a 
country  covered  with  snow  and  ice.  They  had  to  carry  their 
own  subsistence  and  merchandise  to  secure  favor  with  the 
Indians  they  might  meet.  Louis  Chevalier  acted  as  inter- 
preter, and  managed  to  persuade  the  Indians  who  were  sup- 
posed to  be  allies  of  the  British  to  remain  neutral.  Finally, 
St.  Joseph  was  reached,  taken  by  assault,  and  plundered, 
for  it  was  a trading  post  also;  what  could  not  be  taken  away 
was  destroyed,  and  the  British  flag  was  carried  back  and 
delivered  to  Cruzat.  This  would  seem  to  be  a strange 
venture,  for  it  involved  a long  and  terrible  march  to  capture 
an  insignificant  post;  yet  it  was  possibly  not  without  object. 
By  a military  fiction  the  capture  of  a post  carries  with  it  the 
title  to  all  the  surrounding  or  dependent  country,  and  we 
find  the  Spaniards  not  slow  to  set  up  at  the  proper  time 
that  by  this  invasion  they  had  made  their  own  the  whole 
territory  from  St.  Louis  to  St.  Joseph,  if  not  beyond.  If  this 
was  Spanish  and  West  Florida  was  Spanish  and  there  were  no 
Americans  between,  it  would  seem  as  if  the  Spaniards  were 
securing  a hold  upon  the  greater  part  of  the  Mississippi 
valley.  It  is  quite  possible  that  this  was  the  object  of  the 
dash  at  Fort  St.  Joseph. 

However,  the  claim  was  never  admitted  by  the  Americans, 
for  the  old  conflict  of  Latin  and  Teuton  which  we  have  de- 
scribed had  not  closed  without  impressing  the  colonists  with 
a feeling  that  what  had  been  won  was  won  for  their  own  great 
future.  It  would  be  theirs  if  they  had  remained  British,  it 
must  be  theirs  all  the  more  if  they  were  to  become  inde- 
pendent. So  that  their  uniform  contention  was  that  the  con- 
quests of  George  Rogers  Clark  had  won  this  whole  country. 


THE  LATIN  REMNANT 


445 


The  public  history  of  Upper  Louisiana  was  as  uneventful 
as  the  private  life  of  its  inhabitants.  They  went  on  in  their 
easy-going  way,  content  with  what  they  had,  envying  no 
one,  and  rejoicing  in  the  paternal  government  which  saved 
them  the  trouble  of  doing  anything.  Cruzat  remained 
governor  until  1787,  and  our  study  of  Upper  Louisiana 
must  leave  him  in  charge.  There  were,  indeed,  only  Perez, 
Trudeau,  and  Dellassus  to  come  before  the  destiny  of  the 
country  was  entirely  changed  by  a Louisiana  Purchase  of 
which  the  Spaniards  did  not  dream. 


CHAPTER  XXIII 


WIDENING  THE  SPANISH  BOUNDARIES 

There  comes  a time  in  the  life  of  every  people  when 
the  formal  bands  which  have  helped  its  growth  become 
bonds  in  turn  to  retard  its  progress.  If  those  in  power  are 
not  able  to  accommodate  the  forms  to  new  circumstances,  if 
they  attempt  to  retain  the  old  bottles  for  the  new  wine,  there 
is  danger  that  everything  will  be  rent  asunder.  Bluntschli 
truly  says  that  every  successful  war  not  only  settles  the 
questions  which  gave  rise  to  it  but  brings  in  new  conditions 
and  is  a point  of  departure  for  future  development.  Such 
was  the  case  with  the  British  colonies  in  America.  French 
authority  had  been  extinguished  and  new  conditions  faced 
the  colonies.  The  French  conflicts  had  not  only  conquered 
the  enemy  but  developed  the  English  colonies  themselves. 
If  foreign  affairs  had  been  settled,  domestic  complications 
now  ensued,  and  there  resulted  the  American  Revolution. 
That  story  comes  later  than  the  story  of  their  colonization, 
but  the  colonial  period  of  Spanish  Louisiana  to  some  extent 
overlaps  the  time  of  its  neighbors’  civil  war,  and  so  we  must 
give  it  incidental  consideration  from  the  outside.  While 
the  thirteen  colonies  were  invading  the  Latin  province  of 
Canada  to  the  north  and  driving  their  own  loyal  inhabitants 
to  the  Floridas  in  the  south,  while  Washington,  with  the  help 
of  France,  was  seeking  from  Boston  to  Yorktown  to  make 
the  provinces  free  and  independent  States,  the  west  bank 
of  Mississippi  River  remained  tranquil. 


447 


44§ 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


Neither  France  nor  Spain  would  ordinarily  have  aided  a 
revolution  designed  to  increase  the  liberty  of  subjects;  but 
on  account  of  their  fixed  hostility  to  England,  France  was 
assisting  the  Atlantic  colonies  against  the  mother  country, 
and  Spain  in  endeavoring  to  mediate  soon  found  herself 
involved  in  the  struggle.  She  did  not,  however,  enter  into 
an  alliance  with  the  Americans  as  did  France,  although  she 
was  willing  to  aid  them  so  far  as  it  helped  herself,  and  there 
was  one  direction  in  which  she  had  already  been  aiding  them 
without  its  being  much  observed  by  the  British.  Fort  Pitt 
was,  of  course,  in  the  possession  of  the  insurgents  and  com- 
munication was  not  much  obstructed  from  there  down  the 
Ohio  and  Mississippi  to  New  Orleans,  where  Oliver  Pol- 
lock was  still  influential.  The  English  remained  from  the 
beginning  in  possession  of  Detroit,  Michilimackinac,  and  a 
few  other  lake  posts,  for,  as  the  water  route  was  the  prin- 
cipal mode  of  communication,  these  were  practically  then  as 
before  a part  of  Canada.  There  were  some  attempts  to  use 
these  as  bases  of  operations  against  the  Virginians  west 
of  the  Alleghanies,  but  practically  George  Rogers  Clark 
made  the  Americans  masters  of  the  Ohio  valley.  In  this 
way  supplies  could  be  brought  up  the  Mississippi  and  Ohio 
in  comparative  safety,  if  only  means  could  be  found  to  pay 
for  them.  Both  Patrick  Henry  and  Thomas  Jefferson  when 
governors  interested  themselves  in  this  subject  and  through 
Pollock  in  New  Orleans  much  was  effected.  The  details 
are  obscure,  but  certain  it  is  Pollock  bought  munitions  of 
war  and  shipped  them  up  to  Fort  Pitt  and  the  other  Ameri- 
can posts.  The  great  exploits  of  Clark  would  have  been 
impossible  without  the  supplies,  and  so  Oliver  Pollock  and 
his  work  were  among  the  causes  which  have  enabled  the 
United  States  to  claim  and  hold  the  great  Mississippi  valley. 
Virginia  in  this  way  became  indebted  to  Pollock  in  the 
amount  of  $65,814^3,  and  in  1779  Governor  Jefferson 
asked  Galvez  to  advance  this  for  Virginia.  It  would  seem 
this  was  not  done,  as  Galvez  needed  all  the  money  and 
means  he  could  command.  Virginia  paid  Pollock  in  bills 


John  Rutledge,  of  South  Carolina.  Charles  Cotesworth  Pinckney,  of  South  Carolina. 

After  the  painting  by  Trumbull , in  possession  of  Mrs.  After  the  painting  by  Rembrandt  Peale,  in  possession 

B.  H.  Rutledge , of  Charleston,  South  Carolina.  the  Samuel  Adams  Society. 


WIDENING  THE  SPANISH  BOUNDARIES 


449 


on  Pinet,  Da  Costa  and  Company,  of  Nantes,  drawn  against 
tobacco  shipped  abroad.  Unfortunately,  the  tobacco  was 
captured  by  the  British  and  the  bill  protested,  with  the  result 
that  Pollock  was  practically  bankrupted.  After  the  Revo- 
lution Virginia  appointed  commissioners,  who  upon  investi- 
gation found  that  the  State  owed  him  $92,321,  and  tardy 
justice  was  done  him. 

Nor  were  the  efforts  of  the  American  insurgents  confined 
to  securing  munitions  of  war  at  New  Orleans.  Captain 
Willing  came  down  the  river  from  Philadelphia,  made 
strenuous  efforts  to  secure  for  the  new  republic  adhesion  of 
the  inhabitants  upon  the  east  bank  of  the  Mississippi,  and 
sent  emissaries  over  to  Mobile  for  the  same  purpose.  This 
was  in  vain,  for  West  Florida  remained  loyal.  Colonel 
Morgan,  in  command  of  Fort  Pitt,  wrote  Galvez  that  he 
would  like  to  secure  transports  at  New  Orleans  so  as  to 
surprise  Mobile  and  Pensacola,  but  Galvez  had  designs  of 
his  own  in  that  direction  and  did  not  encourage  the  idea.  In 
view  of  possible  war  Galvez  placed  gunboats  upon  the  river, 
secured  plans  and  descriptions  of  the  forts  and  military  in 
West  Florida,  and  in  some  way  even  managed  to  secure 
the  neutrality  of  the  Choctaws  and  Chickasaws.  In  1778 
Willing  made  a descent  upon  the  Mississippi  posts  of  West 
Florida  and  captured  Manchac  and  its  vessels,  with  which 
he  laid  waste  the  country  up  to  Natchez.  Many  of  the 
inhabitants  passed  over  to  the  Spanish  side,  where  they 
received  aid,  and  Willing  helped  not  a little  to  alienate  the 
creoles  from  the  American  cause. 

War  was  finally  declared  by  Spain  against  Great  Britain 
in  1779,  and  Galvez  took  prompt  steps  to  follow  it  up.  He 
assembled  the  people  of  New  Orleans  in  the  public  square, 
and  in  a vigorous  address  induced  them  to  organize  for  the 
conflict.  He  left  Piernas  in  command  of  the  city,  and 
despite  a storm  went  up  the  river,  his  army  growing  as  he 
went.  In  September  he  attacked  Fort  Bute,  at  Manchac,  of 
which  the  British  had  repossessed  themselves  after  Willing’s 
raid,  and  took  it  by  assault,  there  being  but  twenty  privates 


450 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


in  the  fort.  Galvez  then  marched  to  attack  Baton  Rouge. 
With  a Spanish  force  behind  them,  the  British  garrison  were 
at  a disadvantage  despite  the  strength  of  their  fort,  which 
had  high  walls  protected  by  a moat  eighteen  feet  wide  and 
nine  feet  deep,  filled  from  the  Mississippi;  while  the  garri- 
son consisted  of  four  hundred  regulars  and  one  hundred 
militia,  supported  by  thirteen  pieces  of  heavy  artillery.  By 
a feint  Galvez  distracted  attention  from  the  position  where 
he  was  erecting  batteries  within  musket-shot  of  the  fort,  and 
on  September  2ist  he  compelled  the  British  to  surrender 
at  discretion.  This  capitulation  carried  with  it  also  Fort 
Panmure  at  Natchez. 

Spanish  vessels  captured  sundry  British  craft  on  the  lakes 
and  other  waters,  and  Galvez  was  inspired  to  even  greater 
exertion.  In  February  of  the  next  year  he  sailed  from  the 
Balize  to  invest  Mobile,  and  in  face  of  a disastrous  storm 
landed  at  the  mouth  of  the  river.  He  had  marched  up  the 
Mississippi  despite  storms,  and  the  elements  did  not  restrain 
him  now,  although  his  landing  was  made  in  such  disorder 
that  at  first  he  felt  inclined  to  retire  temporarily.  He  soon 
learned,  however,  that  there  was  even  greater  confusion  in 
Mobile,  and  so  pressed  forward  and  erected  six  batteries  to 
the  north  and  west  of  the  fort.  Fie  sent  a summons  to 
Durnford  to  surrender  to  his  superior  forces,  adding  that 
after  the  battle  he  might  not  be  able  to  grant  so  favorable 
terms;  and  the  amenities  of  war  were  shown  by  Durnford’s 
reception  to  the  bearer  thereof,  his  old  friend  Colonel 
Bolyny,  who  dined  and  drank  with  him  with  great  cordiality. 
Durnford’s  reply  was  memorable.  He  said:  “My  love  for 
king  and  country  and  my  own  honor  direct  my  heart  to  re- 
fuse to  surrender  this  fort  untibresistance  is  in  vain.  A heart 
full  of  generosity  and  valor  will  ever  consider  men  fighting 
for  their  country  as  objects  of  esteem  and  not  of  revenge.” 
The  battle  began,  and  although  Durnford  received  news  that 
Campbell  was  coming  with  reinforcements,  a breach  was 
made,  and  it  became  necessary  to  surrender  on  March  14th. 
The  total  garrison  was  under  three  hundred  men,  and  they 


V/IDENING  THE  SPANISH  BOUNDARIES 


451 


marched  out  with  flags  and  drums,  and  grounded  arms  out- 
side the  forts,  the  officers  retaining  their  swords.  It  is 
said  that  Galvez  was  mortified  when  he  saw  how  few  they 
were,  but  he  kept  his  word  to  take  them  to  a British  port 
upon  their  promise  not  to  serve  against  Spain  or  her  allies 
for  eighteen  months.  Campbell  arrived  too  late  and  could 
only  return  to  Pensacola  in  heavy  rains  and  over  swollen 
streams. 

Pensacola  yet  remained,  and  Galvez,  keeping  Mobile 
under  military  rule,  spent  a year  in  preparation.  He  went 
to  Havana  and  secured  aid  which  letters  could  not  bring. 
Meantime,  the  English  sent  Von  Hanxleden  with  Wal- 
deckers  to  drive  the  Spaniards  out  of  their  intrenchments 
on  the  east  side  of  Mobile  Bay,  and  they  charged  bravely 
with  the  bayonet,  but  in  vain.  Von  Hanxleden  was  killed 
and  buried  on  the  field  of  battle.  In  March,  1781,  Galvez 
was  ready  and  landed  his  one  thousand  four  hundred  sol- 
diers and  artillery  on  the  island  of  Santa  Rosa,  and  directed 
the  fleet  to  proceed  across  the  bar.  The  naval  officers 
replied  that  they  had  no  chart,  and  that  soundings  seemed 
to  show  the  channel  was  too  shallow,  whereupon  Galvez 
had  the  entrance  sounded  by  his  own  brig,  when  plenty  of 
water  was  found;  but  the  navy  still  refused  to  proceed, 
although  troops  had  already  arrived  by  land  from  Mobile, 
and  Galvez  was  anxious  to  attack.  Nothing  daunted,  he 
threw  himself  into  the  brig,  and,  with  the  flag  of  Castile  at 
the  masthead  and  his  Louisiana  vessels  following,  swept 
past  the  fort  into  the  bay.  Galvez’s  feat  was  admired  by 
friend  and  foe  alike,  and  Admiral  Irizibar  was  shamed  into 
action. 

It  will  be  recalled  that  the  principal  defence  of  Pensacola 
was  Fort  St.  George  upon  a hill  overlooking  the  town,  and 
this  was  now  regularly  invested,  although  to  silence  the 
fleet  the  British  built  a fort  on  the  shore  and  drove  them 
across  the  bay.  Galvez  actively  superintended  operations 
from  the  sand  hills  north  of  the  town,  but  without  the  aid 
of  the  fleet  he  was  at  a disadvantage.  In  the  first  days 


452 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


of  May,  however,  he  dropped  a shell  into  the  powder  maga- 
zine of  Fort  St.  George  and  after  the  explosion  the  Spaniards 
succeeded  in  getting  possession  of  a wrecked  redoubt,  whence 
they  turned  field  pieces  upon  the  interior  of  the  fort.  Even 
while  the  Spaniards  were  preparing  to  deliver  a final  assault 
the  white  flag  was  run  up.  The  terms  of  capitulation  were 
signed  on  May  9th,  and  by  them  eight  hundred  men  were 
made  prisoners  and  the  province  of  West  Florida  surren- 
dered. These  troops  also  were  to  be  transported  to  an 
English  port,  and  the  rule  of  the  Briton  in  Florida  came 
to  an  end.  Governor  Chester,  General  Campbell,  and  the 
legislature  at  last  found  something  in  common,  and  if  they 
still  quarrelled  it  was  without  arms  and  without  office,  aboard 
an  enemy’s  vessel  bearing  them  to  New  York. 

The  results  of  this  campaign  were  so  striking  as  to  be 
celebrated  by  Poydras  in  a poem,  the  earliest  in  Louisiana 
literature.  The  British  were  at  first  unable  to  realize  them. 
On  the  Mississippi  the  soldiers  had  surrendered,  but  the 
colonists  at  Natchez  were  so  satisfied  that  the  reverse  was 
temporary  that  in  April  they  undertook  to  recapture  Fort 
Panmure.  They  invested  it,  and  by  threat  of  mines  man- 
aged to  secure  its  surrender,  but  when  they  learned  that  all 
West  Florida  had  really  become  Spanish  they  remembered 
Lafreniere  and  fled  eastwardly  toward  Savannah,  which  was 
then  in  British  hands.  Their  sufferings  were  indescribable, 
and  all  the  fugitives  did  not  survive.  They  had  with  them 
their  wives  and  children,  and  those  who  did  not  die  or  were 
riot  captured  by  the  American  insurgents  finally  arrived  at 
Savannah  in  the  fall. 

In  coming  into  possession  of  West  Florida,  Spain  had  to 
determine  what  method  of  organization  was  to  be  pursued. 
Mobile  had  heretofore  never  been  Spanish.  It  had  been 
British  for  eighteen  years,  but  in  population  was  still  largely 
creole,  and  there  was  no  great  difficulty  in  reconciling  its 
inhabitants  to  accept  the  rule  which  the  other  parts  of  old 
Louisiana  had  found  acceptable.  Indeed,  the  Louisiana 
troops  that  had  come  to  Mobile  had  found  not  a few  friends, 


WIDENING  THE  SPANISH  BOUNDARIES 


453 


if  not  kindred.  At  Pensacola  the  case  was  different,  for 
even  if  the  place  was  Spanish  in  name,  the  Spanish  had 
migrated  and  the  British  had  practically  built  the  town  over 
again.  The  cases  were  now  reversed,  although  some  British 
still  remained  in  both  places.  The  treaty  of  peace  which 
followed  in  1782  allowed  them  to  remain  if  they  chose  to 
become  Spanish  subjects  or  within  a certain  length  of  time 
to  sell  their  goods  and  retire.  The  Spanish  government 
did  not  restore  the  old  French  boundaries  of  the  country. 
Not  even  the  Mobile  district  reverted  to  Louisiana,  and 
West  Florida  remained  under  the  Spaniards,  as  under  the 
British,  a separate  province,  and  Pensacola  was  still  a quasi- 
capital, although  the  governor-general  had  his  headquarters 
at  New  Orleans. 

Spanish  institutions  were  gradually  introduced  in  the  con- 
quered provinces,  Spanish  customs  superseded  the  English; 
and  as  many  of  the  English  had  fled  in  consequence  of  the 
war,  much  land  reverted  to  the  government  and  was  granted 
out  anew.  The  commandants  at  Mobile  and  Pensacola 
had  semi-independent  powers  and  performed  many  of  the 
functions  of  the  old  governors.  But  the  main  problem 
facing  the  new  conquerors,  as  it  did  the  earlier,  was  the 
Indian  question,  and  it  was  not  long  before  great  congresses 
at  Pensacola  and  Mobile  gave  the  Spaniards  as  complete 
an  influence  and  perhaps  as  great  a power  over  the  Creeks, 
Choctaws,  and  Chickasaws  as  had  been  enjoyed  by  the 
English  before  them. 

As  to  the  rest,  West  Florida  became  thoroughly  Spanish, 
and  yet  if  we  could  look  forward  into  the  future  we  should 
find  that  it  did  not  prosper  after  the  death  of  Charles  III. 
Louisiana  did,  for  it  was  fortunate  enough  finally  to  discover 
a way  of  utilizing  the  sugar  cane.  This  had  earlier  pro- 
duced only  tafia,  a cheap  alcoholic  drink  hardly  improving 
the  morals  of  the  country,  and  a coarse  sugar  which  deli- 
quesced too  easily  to  admit  of  export.  But  at  last  Etienne  de 
Bore  discovered  the  process  of  crystallization,  immortalizing 
himself  and  enriching  his  country. 


454 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


Thus  did  the  Latins  enlarge  their  bounds,  and  when  the 
Americans  sought  the  aid  of  the  court  of  Madrid  they  found 
that  it  could  be  purchased  only  at  the  cost  of  abandoning 
all  right  to  the  Mississippi.  So  far  as  Spain  was  concerned, 
the  new  republic  was  to  be  little  more  than  what  Iberville 
had  earlier  permitted;  for  West  Florida  had  been  conquered 
from  the  British,  and  the  Americans  had  nothing  to  do  with 
it  one  way  or  the  other.  The  dominion  of  Spain  once  again 
swept  around  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  and  when  Great  Britain 
in  1783  surrendered  East  Florida  also  St.  Augustine  and  the 
Atlantic  coast  up  to  the  St.  Mary’s  became  Spanish  once 
more.  Only  the  claim  to  the  Illinois  was  given  up  by 
Spain. 

It  looked  as  if  the  days  of  autocracy  had  returned.  A 
paternal  government  may  be  strong  in  that  it  protects  the 
rights  of  citizens  and  aids  the  development  of  the  country, 
and  this  was  the  aim  of  the  Spanish  system;  and  still,  like 
all  others  of  its  class,  it  was  bound  in  the  course  of  time  to 
decay  at  the  heart  or  give  way  to  the  rising  popular  tide. 
The  only  true  strong  government  is  that  which  rests  not 
merely  upon  the  consent  of  the  people,  but  is  really  through 
representative  forms  carrying  out  the  will  of  the  people 
themselves.  This  will  may  be  crude,  but  the  whole  people 
feel  that  it  is  their  own  will  and  in  course  of  time  they  rise 
equal  to  their  duties.  This  latter  was  the  case  with  the 
English  colonies  on  the  Atlantic,  the  former  that  of  Louisi- 
ana. The  popular  element  in  the  Spanish  colonial  system 
of  which  we  have  spoken  was  not  such  as  to  grow  into  a 
consciousness  of  participation  in  the  government  itself.  It 
did  not  ripen  into  political  rights,  but  left  the  people  with  a 
feeling  that  they  had  a way  of  addressing  their  sovereign, 
without  any  way  of  governing  themselves.  It  produced, 
as  was  intended,  a spirit  of  dependency.  The  French  rule 
has  been  thought  of  as  a bureaucracy,  a kind  of  official 
aristocracy,  in  which  absence  from  central  control,  aided  by 
a division  of  authority  in  the  province,  developed  a spirit 
of  peculation  and,  toward  the  last,  almost  of  anarchy;  the 


WIDENING  THE  SPANISH  BOUNDARIES 


455 


Spanish  in  its  outward  manifestations  was  much  more  of  a 
success.  The  people  were  content,  and  that  was  the  differ- 
ence between  them  and  their  Atlantic  contemporaries.  The 
British  colonists  were  not  content.  They  long  anticipated 
Tennyson  in  preferring  “fifty  years  of  Europe  to  a cycle  of 
Cathay.”  It  was  the  secret  of  their  progress. 

Thus  the  Latin  stood  facing  the  Teuton.  It  was  no  longer 
across  Mississippi  and  Iberville  Rivers,  for  the  Spanish  con- 
quest extended  in  an  indefinite  line  from  the  Mississippi  to 
the  Atlantic.  Great  Britain  in  recognizing  the  independence 
of  the  United  States  was  to  name  the  line  of  thirty-one 
degrees  as  bounding  them  on  the  south,  while  Spain  said 
that  her  conquest  of  West  Florida  carried  the  northern  line 
above  Natchez.  With  a Charles  III.  in  Europe  and  a Galvez 
in  Louisiana  the  claim  would  be  maintained.  On  the  other 
hand,  if  the  United  States  were  to  be  kept  off  Mississippi 
River  and  Georgia  denied  expansion  to  the  west  similar  to 
that  of  Carolina  and  Virginia,  the  future  was  less  promising. 
Much  was  to  depend  upon  the  growth  of  population.  The 
English  had  outgrown  England,  and  occupied  the  American 
coast.  They  seemed  now  about  to  outgrow  the  Atlan- 
tic coast,  and,  indeed,  the  interior  up  to  the  mountains,  and 
but  for  the  American  Revolution,  really  an  English  civil 
war,  there  would  have  been  no  question  as  to  the  result. 
But  again  the  map  was  changed.  At  the  beginning  Canada 
and  Florida  had  been  in  alien  hands,  and  after  they  had  been 
conquered  now  again  by  results  of  this  civil  war  they  had 
come  into  alien  hands,  and  the  United  States  were  bounded 
by  foreign  dominions  to  the  north  and  foreign  dominions  to 
the  south  just  as  when  they  were  colonies.  Independence 
was  a great  boon,  but  it  had  apparently  been  purchased  at 
great  cost.  The  friendship  which  had  arisen  with  Spain 
had  helped  the  United  States  to  attain  their  independence; 
but  the  claim  of  Spain  to  the  Mississippi  and  to  Florida 
contained  the  germs  of  future  conflict. 

Spain  went  even  further  at  first,  and  claimed  that  she  had 
conquered  the  east  half  of  the  Mississippi  valley  and  stood 


456 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


in  the  position  which  France  had  occupied  before  the  Treaty 
of  Paris.  Remembering  what  the  Board  of  Trade  had  de- 
clared to  be  the  policy  of  the  crown  under  the  proclamation 
of  1 763,  we  cannot  wonder  that  Spain  should  adopt  the  same 
view  and  consider  the  thirteen  Atlantic  colonies  as  bounded 
by  the  Alleghanies.  England  had  fixed  that  western  limit 
for  her  own  purposes,  and  in  capturing  the  leading  posts 
west  of  the  mountains  Spain  could  fairly  contend  that  she 
had  conquered  up  to  the  limits  recognized  by  Great  Britain 
herself  for  her  coast  provinces.  But  if  this  obtained,  the 
French  wars  had,  so  far  as  the  American  colonies  were 
concerned,  been  fought  in  vain.  This  was  to  some  extent 
adjusted  by  the  treaties  ending  the  American  Revolution, 
but  it  was  to  revive  under  new  forms.  First  was  to  come 
a dispute  over  the  limits  of  West  Florida,  and  then  a long 
drawn  out  attempt  by  smiles  and  favors  to  seduce  the  trans- 
Alleghany  settlements  from  their  loyalty  to  the  United  States. 
We  cannot  follow  these  and  can  only  notice  here  again  a 
chance,  if  not  a necessity,  for  future  misunderstanding.  In 
point  of  fact,  America  could  not  ultimately  be  half  Latin 
and  half  Teuton.  The  wars  with  France  must  be  carried 
to  a legitimate  conclusion.  America  must  be  either  wholly 
Latin  or  wholly  Anglo-Saxon. 


CHAPTER  XXIV 


AMERICAN  TENDENCIES 

Except  with  regard  to  the  help  given  to  the  Virginians, 
Louisiana  was  not  concerned  in  the  American  Revolution, 
and  in  considering  the  Latins  and  their  growth  we  had  to 
go  beyond  that  period  in  order  to  find  a proper  resting  place. 
We  must  leave  Latin  facing  Teuton,  for  the  question  of 
supremacy  was  not  settled  until  long  afterward.  Even 
taking  the  later  date,  the  French  and  Spanish  can  hardly 
be  said  to  have  become  American.  They  were  rather  Euro- 
peans in  America  than  strictly  Americans  themselves.  On 
the  other  hand,  among  the  Atlantic  colonies  we  find  a dif- 
ferent feeling  and  find  it  at  an  earlier  date.  At  the  end  of 
the  colonial  period  was  the  beginning  of  the  change,  for 
circumstances  were  then  making  for  a different  goal.  In 
beginning  to  realize  that  they  were  no  longer  colonists  of 
a European  power,  but  people  born  in  America  and  inter- 
ested only  there,  those  whom  we  have  heretofore  known  as 
colonists  were  taking  a great  step  forward.  It  might  lead 
to  a difference  in  their  relations  to  the  mother  country;  it 
might  lead  to  a difference  in  their  relations  to  the  colonists 
of  Louisiana  and  Florida,  who  still  kept  so  closely  in  touch 
with  European  traditions.  Let  us  see  how  this  came  about. 

The  colonies  of  America  as  now  portrayed  have  been  the 
resultant  of  settlements  by  Spain,  Great  Britain,  and  France. 
It  would  seem  that  for  three  countries  taking  up  not  half 
of  Europe  there  was  ample  room  to  expand  themselves  on 

457 


458 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


a new  continent  as  large  as  the  old;  but  this  was  not  the 
view  of  the  nations  concerned.  Instead  of  holding  an  inter- 
national congress  and  defining  their  spheres  of  influence, 
as  would  perhaps  be  done  nowadays,  all  three  selected  ter- 
ritory and  proceeded  to  settle  it,  despite  overlapping  boun- 
daries. Spain  early  occupied  the  West  Indies  and  Mexico 
and,  under  the  name  of  Indies,  much  of  North  America. 
The  mainland  to  the  north  she  had  called  Florida  from 
the  time  of  Ponce  de  Leon,  De  Ayllon,  and  De  Soto,  and 
through  her  explorations  and  settlements  claimed  up  to 
what  we  name  the  Chesapeake,  if  not  further.  The  Eng- 
lish under  Elizabeth  and  James  settled  Virginia,  fixing  tem- 
porarily the  south  line  at  thirty-four  degrees  and  running 
north  to  where  the  French  had  already  occupied  Canada, 
and  not  without  conflict  even  in  that  direction.  Lastly  the 
French,  under  La  Salle  and  Iberville,  discovered  and  occu- 
pied Louisiana,  including  under  that  name  everything  west 
of  the  Alleghanies.  The  powers  did  not  even  wait  for  their 
colonies  to  grow  to  a point  when  it  might  become  important 
to  define  limits,  but  began  with  conflicting  claims,  and  also 
because  of  wars  that  arose  from  European  questions  further 
mixed  up  American  boundaries.  The  key  to  the  inter- 
minable tangle  is  found  in  hanging  the  history  of  America  on 
the  three  names,  Florida,  Virginia,  and  Louisiana.  Gradu- 
ally the  respective  claims  are  reduced  until  the  north  line  of 
Florida  is  thirty-one  degrees,  practically  the  east  line  of  Loui- 
siana is  the  Alleghany  ridge,  and  Virginia  and  her  daughters 
Carolina  and  Georgia  occupy  the  Atlantic  coast.  It  was 
characteristic  of  colonies  of  the  more  successful  colonizing 
races  that  they  progressed  because  of  separation,  and  found 
their  strength  therein  and  not  in  union.  There  was  not 
even  a single  generic  word  under  which  the  British  colonies 
were  known.  Virginia  was  in  some  sense  the  mother  of 
them  all,  and  she  long  remained  the  most  important,  but 
Virginia  ceased  to  be  the  common  name,  and  no  other  took 
its  place.  At  the  close  of  the  colonial  period  we  use  the 
term  “America,”  but  that  embraces  Louisiana,  Canada,  and 


AMERICAN  TENDENCIES 


459 


Florida,  as  well  as  the  original  English  settlements  on  the 
Atlantic.  Spanish  Florida  was  also  subdivided,  for  Florida 
at  first  embraced  everything  west  to  Mexico ; but,  strictly, 
this  was  less  an  instance  of  subdivision  than  of  conquest  by 
other  nations.  Fouisiana  was,  so  to  speak,  carved  out  of 
Florida,  but  the  carving  was  done  by  the  French  against  the 
protest  of  the  Spanish.  To  the  Spaniards  Florida  was  at 
first  almost  synonymous  with  what  we  call  America,  and  to 
the  Englishmen  the  same  was  true  of  Virginia,  saving  an 
indefinite  recognition  of  the  peninsula  of  Florida  and  of 
Canada.  But  ultimately  matters  settled  down  so  that  Florida 
was  one  thing,  Fouisiana  another,  and  Virginia  was  sub- 
divided until  the  colony  of  that  name  was  but  one  of  several. 

It  is  not  quite  clear  that  colonization  covers  all  we  have 
studied,  and  yet  it  may  be  questioned  if  any  other  word  would 
be  suitable  if  we  take  the  process  as  meaning  the  transfer 
of  more  or  less  of  a country’s  population  to  a new  soil,  with 
the  result  of  bringing  the  territory  within  the  sphere  of  the 
mother  country’s  influence,  for  settlement  or  for  exploita- 
tion. A settlement  colony  would  be  where  the  population 
was  transferred  from  an  old  to  a new  country  for  purposes 
of  growth,  with  the  incidental  effect  of  driving  out  or  ab- 
sorbing the  aborigines.  This  was  essentially  the  case  with 
the  British  in  North  America.  An  exploitation  colony, 
on  the  other  hand,  is  where  the  newcomers  are  interested 
more  in  developing  the  resources  of  the  new  territory  than 
in  populating  it,  and  will  be  found  to  result,  as  a rule,  in 
their  dominating  rather  than  exterminating  the  natives. 
Such  was  the  case  with  most  of  the  Spanish  colonies,  and 
indeed  is  true  of  all  European  colonies  in  tropical  regions 
to  this  day,  and  results  from  the  fact  that  Aryans  attain 
their  mental  and  physical  vigor  in  cool  climates  and  do  not 
retain  it  in  hot  ones.  They  may  for  a season  live  in  the 
tropics  as  masters,  but  must,  as  a rule,  return  to  the  old 
country  for  recuperation.  From  causes  heretofore  studied, 
the  French  colonization,  even  in  Fouisiana,  assumed  some- 
what of  an  exploitation  form,  and  the  French  led  rather 


460 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


than  exterminated  the  Indians.  The  Latins  in  the  tropics 
have  shown  more  disposition  than  the  Teutons  to  assimilate 
with  the  natives,  although  French  experience  in  North  Africa 
is  now  tending  the  other  way;  for  the  most  diplomatic  of 
colonizers  are  becoming  the  most  exclusive,  if  not  oppressive, 
in  dealing  with  the  darker  races.  In  the  past,  however, 
with  the  growth  of  population  in  the  case  of  settlement 
colonies,  and  assimilation  with  the  natives  in  the  case  of 
exploitation  ones,  both  kinds  assume  a civilized  appearance, 
although  climatic  and  racial  conditions  never  wholly  lose 
their  strength.  The  mother  country,  if  she  pays  any  atten- 
tion to  the  matter  at  all,  thinks  of  either  kind  of  colony 
as  a place  from  which  is  to  be  drawn  raw  material,  such  as 
precious  metals,  timber,  or  agricultural  products,  and  then, 
as  the  people  develop  in  number,  she  thinks  of  them  as 
consumers  of  her  own  manufactures.  When,  in  course  of 
time,  the  dependencies  become  strong  enough  to  manufac- 
ture for  themselves  there  is  apt  to  be  friction,  especially  in 
the  more  homogeneous  settlements.  In  the  meantime  there 
might  arise  another  form  of  colonization,  that  of  emigration 
from  one  colony  to  another,  or  to  new  territories  adjacent 
to  the  older  provinces.  Thus  we  saw  the  Scotch-Irish 
emigrating  from  northern  regions  to  the  south,  and  in  Caro- 
lina, Georgia,  and  Florida  found  immigrants  even  from  the 
upper  Southern  colonies.  More  important  yet,  we  have 
studied  the  western  movement  down  the  Ohio  and  through 
Cumberland  Gap,  which  was  adding  two  new  common- 
wealths to  the  original  thirteen.  This  might  be  called  inter- 
nal colonization,  and  was  a process  which  was  to  continue 
with  ever  increasing  rapidity  as  the  means  of  transportation 
improved. 

The  real  beginnings  of  American  colonization  had  not 
been  governmental.  With  the  British  this  was  beyond 
doubt,  for  these  had  begun  with  individuals  or  companies, 
and  we  recall  that  only  Crozat  and  the  French  Compagnie 
had  given  life  to  Louisiana.  The  commercial  company  had 
in  America  proved  its  value  for  colonization  purposes,  as  it 


AMERICAN  TENDENCIES 


461 


has  in  our  own  day  in  Africa  and  Asia,  and  then  as  now 
when  the  government  interfered  to  sustain  the  venture,  it 
changed  a business  enterprise  into  a political  commonwealth. 
The  Seven  Years’  War  had  been  a struggle  for  existence 
between  the  two  exponents  of  this  method  of  colonization, 
and  the  Peace  of  Paris  declared  the  survival  of  the  fittest. 
Spain,  on  the  other  hand,  had  never  encouraged  individual 
initiative,  and  her  method  was  now  to  be  tested  over  against 
the  British.  The  result  had  been  with  Spaniard  and  French- 
man to  make  the  colonists  dependents  of  the  home  country, 
and  emasculate  such  mixed  population  as  arose,  while  the 
British  had  tended  more  and  more  toward  autonomy. 

The  British  colonies  were  sparsely  settled  and  were  sepa- 
rated from  each  other  by  great  distances.  In  the  far  North 
there  was  nothing  but  an  occasional  fort  to  protect  the  fur 
trade,  and  in  Canada  as  well  as  in  Florida  there  was  much 
alien  population.  In  the  great  Mississippi  valley,  over 
which  had  been  the  main  conflict,  the  Indians  were  still 
masters,  and  the  intruding  communities  of  white  men  had 
dangers  before  them.  And  yet,  it  was  plain  that  the  seed 
sown  through  two  hundred  years  had  taken  firm  root.  The 
east  half  of  North  America  was  on  the  way  toward  becom- 
ing British,  and  from  Hudson  Bay  to  the  Gulf  the  English 
language  and  institutions  were  supreme. 

We  have  seen  how  the  population  planted  originally  upon 
the  seacoast  spread  from  there  over  the  tidewater  of  the 
country,  how  even  during  the  French  wars,  and  more  par- 
ticularly after  the  Peace  of  Paris,  it  expanded  from  the 
tidewater  to  the  foot  of  the  mountains,  and  was  now  occu- 
pying the  Appalachian  valleys  and  pressing  through  Cum- 
berland Gap  over  into  the  beautiful  country  watered  by  the 
Ohio.  In  this  part  of  America  the  Anglo-Saxon  was 
supreme.  Trouble  there  doubtless  would  be  with  the  In- 
dians, but  it  would  be  trouble  which  could  be  overcome. 
The  future  would  be  one  of  development. 

And  yet,  we  are  looking  backward  at  the  movement  from 
a height  which  enables  us  to  understand  it  more  clearly 


462 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


than  did  the  men  who  themselves  were  making  the  history. 
To  them  it  was  the  growth  of  their  respective  colonies. 
The  increasing  population  west  of  the  Susquehanna  was  to 
them  the  growth  of  Pennsylvania.  The  settlement  of  the 
Shenandoah  and  Watauga  valleys  was  the  expansion  of 
Virginia  and  North  Carolina.  The  people  of  one  knew 
little  and  cared  less  about  the  people  of  even  an  adjacent 
province.  In  time  of  Indian  invasion  humanity  might  compel 
assistance  to  be  sent  outside  of  the  boundaries,  but  sometimes 
even  then  the  troops  were  hired  rather  than  loaned.  No 
money  would  be  given  to  help  to  build  forts  on  the  frontier 
of  New  York,  even  if  they  did  protect  against  the  French,  and 
when  Virginia  built  one  on  the  upper  Ohio  it  was  because 
the  junction  of  the  Alleghany  and  the  Monongahela  was 
thought  to  be  within  its  own  limits.  Devotion  to  the  little 
commonwealths  of  Greece  was  not  more  intense  than  that 
in  America  to  the  respective  colonies,  and  the  reason  was 
much  the  same.  Each  had  its  own  governor,  each  its  own 
legislature  chosen  by  its  citizens,  and  the  interests  of  the 
several  colonies  were  separate.  Even  the  home  govern- 
ment, which  sent  out  the  governors  and  superintended  the 
affairs  of  all,  saw  no  necessity  for  a governor-general,  and 
left  each  colony  to  its  own  particularistic  growth. 

There  was  also  unknown  to  the  people  themselves  a line 
of  cleavage  between  the  Northern  and  Southern  provinces. 
The  boundary  run  between  Pennsylvania  and  Maryland 
was  to  become  much  more  famous  than  Mason  and  Dixon 
imagined,  although  the  distinction  was  more  accentuated 
in  the  next  century  than  in  the  eighteenth.  Ultimately  the 
difference  was  one  of  temperament,  customs,  and  institu- 
tions, but  the  causes  were  simple.  These  were  originally 
probably  two  in  number, — the  climate  of  the  two  sections, 
and  the  difference  in  origin  of  their  immigrants.  Of  course, 
no  one  contends  now  that  the  Virginians  were  all  Cavaliers, 
or  that  the  New  Englanders  were  all  Roundheads;  still,  as  a 
generic  division  this  is  a more  convenient  form  of  expres- 
sion than  any  other.  And  yet,  the  Southern  colonies  were 


AMERICAN  TENDENCIES 


463 


not  founded  to  carry  out  any  theory,  for  although  Carolina 
was  an  apparent  exception  the  vision  of  Locke  soon  dis- 
appeared, leaving  the  colony  to  work  out  its  own  salvation 
along  the  same  lines  as  all  the  others.  Georgia,  it  is  true, 
was  intended  as  a home  for  the  distressed,  and  its  chief  city 
was  built  on  a peculiar  plan,  but  this  dream  also  faded  away ; 
and  the  three  or  four  Southern  colonies,  recruited  from 
among  the  same  class  of  people  and  having  almost  the 
same  products,  became  homogeneous,  and  this  all  unrealized 
by  themselves.  We  have  seen  that  even  the  form  assumed 
by  the  dwelling  house  showed  the  difference,  and  it  was  to 
be  more  and  more  marked  as  the  years  rolled  on.  Climate 
made  the  main  difference  in  that  toward  the  north  it  not 
only  necessitated  greater  exertion  on  the  part  of  the  people, 
but  induced  them  to  live  closer  together  in  villages,  and 
thus  ultimately  produced  communities  where  civic  life  was 
more  intense.  In  Virginia,  and  certainly  further  to  the 
south,  the  reverse  was  true,  for  a highly  individualistic  type 
was  produced,  and  the  introduction  of  African  slavery  had 
a far-reaching  effect. 

The  laborers  at  the  beginning  were  indentured  white 
servants  brought  over  from  England,  and  who  in  course 
of  time  would,  under  ordinary  circumstances,  have  devel- 
oped into  a peasant  class.  We  have  seen  how  this  growth 
was  arrested  and  finally  blotted  out  by  the  growth  of  African 
slavery,  induced  by  competition  with  the  adjacent  Spanish 
colonies,  and  assuming  such  a hold  on  the  colonial  civiliza- 
tion that  it  would  have  been  impossible  to  abandon  it  even 
if  the  people  had  so  wished.  There  was  every  disposition 
to  limit  the  institution.  Even  in  South  Carolina  the  provin- 
cial Assembly  imposed  a duty  on  every  slave  imported,  which 
would  have  been  prohibitory,  but  this  was  promptly  vetoed 
by  the  royal  government;  for  long  after  the  death  of  James 
and  Charles,  who  had  originated  the  Royal  African  Company 
to  supply  America  with  negroes,  this  corporation  remained 
in  favor  in  England,  and  the  governors  were  instructed  to 
see  that  its  operations  were  aided.  Negro  slavery  was  thus 


464 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


riveted  upon  the  Southern  colonies.  Slavery  was  recognized 
everywhere,  but  in  the  North  the  climate  was  unfavorable  to 
the  negro  and  economic  conditions  prevented  the  growth  of 
the  institution.  Slavery  existed  throughout  the  whole  country, 
but  ultimately  there  resulted  a gradual  drift  of  the  negroes 
through  sale  or  otherwise  to  the  South.  Negroes  could  work 
in  the  swamps  and  low  countries  where  the  white  man  would 
die  out,  and  the  institution  was  an  economic  blessing  in  the 
beginning.  More  land  was  reclaimed  and  more  crops  were 
raised  than  would  have  been  possible  otherwise.  Evils  con- 
nected with  slavery  were  in  a new  country  not  so  apparent. 
That  it  confined  the  people  principally  to  agricultural  pursuits 
was  not  appreciated  at  first,  and  when  this  was  recognized 
it  was  not  regarded  as  a disadvantage,  for  it  was  felt  also 
that  agriculture  is  the  foundation  of  everything  else.  Even 
Thomas  Jefferson  was  to  decry  manufactures,  and  we  must 
remember  that  it  was  not  until  late  during  the  Seven  Years’ 
War,  and  consequently  almost  the  time  of  the  Peace  of  Paris, 
that  the  great  economic  change  from  agriculture  to  manu- 
factures and  commerce  was  fully  established  in  England.  It 
often  happens  that  colonies  perpetuate  conditions  existing 
when  they  were  founded.  The  New  England  colonists  on 
account  of  the  sterility  of  their  soil  and  the  bleakness  of  their 
climate  turned  early  to  other  pursuits  than  agriculture,  while 
the  Southern  for  converse  reasons  remained  agriculturists, 
especially  after  African  slavery  was  introduced  and  had  ac- 
centuated the  situation.  The  Southern  colonies,  making 
allowance  for  difference  of  flora  and  labor,  continued  to  be 
largely  what  the  home  country  was  when  they  were  founded, 
while  those  to  the  north  met  with  different  conditions  and 
struck  out  new  paths.  These  considerations  come  to  us  as 
we  now  look  back  with  the  better  perspective  given  by  time, 
but  to  the  men  of  that  day  they  were  not  so  plain. 

The  differences  are  not  to  be  ignored.  They  were  real 
and  they  caused  differences  of  fact  and  of  feeling  to  prevail 
for  a long  time,  in  some  respects  to  exist  even  now.  And 
yet,  when  the  fear  of  the  Spaniards  on  the  south  and  the 


AMERICAN  TENDENCIES 


465 


Frenchmen  on  the  west  was  removed,  when  the  Indian  was 
felt  to  be  either  a ward  or  an  enemy  who  would  at  some 
future  time  be  displaced,  room  was  made  for  the  growth  of 
other  feelings  than  those  peculiar  to  a time  of  colonization. 
Generations  had  grown  up  loving  the  New  World.  Travel 
and  commercial  intercourse  between  the  settlements  were 
increasing,  and,  all  unobserved  as  it  was,  the  colonies  were 
gradually  drawing  closer  to  each  other. 

During  the  several  wars  with  France  the  common  interest 
was  better  appreciated.  We  have  noticed  a convention  of 
the  Southern  governors  with  Loudoun  at  Philadelphia.  Some- 
thing similar  occurred  at  Alexandria  when  Braddock  under- 
took his  fatal  campaign,  and  the  most  important  of  such 
congresses  was  that  held  at  Albany  in  1754.  It  was  famous 
more  especially  for  a plan  of  union  advocated  by  Benjamin 
Franklin,  which  did  not  suit  the  colonies  because  giving  too 
much  authority  to  the  crown,  and  was  rejected  by  the  crown 
because  it  gave  too  great  freedom  to  the  colonies.  In  one 
sense  it  indicated  that  the  colonies  were  not  yet  much  in- 
clined toward  union  which  involved  general  supervision  from 
without,  but  the  fact  that  there  was  a congress  at  all  was 
something.  The  stimulus  of  foreign  danger  was  removed 
by  the  complete  expulsion  of  the  French.  There  was  less 
need  for  united  action  when  the  borders  were  not  threat- 
ened, and  yet  the  fact  was  that  there  was  more  danger  to 
British  supremacy  than  to  the  idea  of  colonial  union.  The 
New  England  colonies  had  united  more  than  once,  even  had 
had  a common  governor,  and  had  been  able  to  capture  Louis- 
burg.  The  example  was  not  lost,  although  imitation  did  not 
come  for  some  time. 

Although  there  was  no  governor-general  of  the  American 
colonies,  they  were  under  one  supervision,  that  of  the  Board 
of  Trade,  so  that  corresponding  laws  were  suggested  in  all 
so  far  as  their  circumstances  admitted.  The  home  gov- 
ernment became  accustomed  to  considering  them  together, 
although  not  yet  by  any  means  as  a unity,  and  in  the  same 
way  the  colonies  became  used  to  looking  to  one  general 


466 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


head.  Governors  like  Andros  and  Nicholson  were  changed 
from  one  capital  to  another  at  will.  The  institution  of  a 
post  office  tended  no  little  also  toward  Americanization. 
Spotswood  as  postmaster-general  worked,  although  uncon- 
sciously, for  the  unification  of  all  the  colonies.  Intelligent 
men  could  not  but  feel  that  the  development  even  in  regard 
to  government  was  along  the  same  lines  in  all.  There  was 
no  longer  the  distinction  of  proprietary,  corporate,  and  royal 
colonies,  for  all  had  become  royal,  with  definite  charters  or 
something  equivalent,  governed  by  an  appointed  governor 
with  his  council  and  an  assembly  elected  by  freeholders  or 
other  electors.  There  was  not  one  in  which  there  had  not 
been  a dispute  between  the  executive  and  the  assembly, 
and  these  disputes,  taking  out  the  personal  elements,  were 
strikingly  alike.  The  governors,  often  instigated  from  Eng- 
land, desired  a larger  revenue  either  to  support  the  officials 
or  to  carry  into  effect  some  measure  nominally  for  the  public 
benefit.  Frequently  it  was  a proper  measure,  but  some- 
times it  was  not  suited  to  the  existing  conditions,  and  almost 
always  it  was  a measure  for  which  the  people  were  expected 
to  pay  and  which  the  people  thought  either  unimportant  or 
one  which  should  be  paid  for  by  the  imperial  government. 
And  these  quarrels  of  the  assemblies  with  the  governors 
tended  toward  a feeling  of  common  interests.  The  occa- 
sions were  different,  but  almost  everywhere  the  cause  was 
the  same,  and  that  was  jealousy  by  the  people  of  the  royal 
prerogative.  The  people  were  sometimes  ignorant  of  their 
own  good,  but  the  royal  executives  were  carrying  out  orders 
given  on  behalf  of  a government  thousands  of  miles  away 
which  often  could  not  appreciate  the  actual  conditions  in 
America.  The  newspapers  and  news  letters,  the  correspond- 
ence of  leading  citizens,  made  the  people  of  one  province 
acquainted  with  the  affairs  of  another,  and  these  were  seen 
to  become  increasingly  analogous.  Men  could  not  help 
feeling  that  it  was  the  battle  of  people  against  king  fought 
out  by  their  ancestors  at  Runnymede  and  in  the  Revo- 
lution of  1688, — an  old  foe  with  a new  face.  Centuries 


AMERICAN  TENDENCIES 


467 


of  conflict  had  worked  into  the  very  marrow  of  the  English 
race  the  conviction  that  eternal  vigilance  is  the  price  of 
political  safety. 

It  seems  to  us  now  monstrous  that  a country  should  seek 
to  exploit  colonies  for  its  own  good  and  not  for  that  of 
the  dependent  people,  and  yet  our  study  has  been  in  vain 
if  we  do  not  realize  that  this  was,  and  is,  the  object  of 
colonization  in  the  beginning  and  the  practice  of  all  coun- 
tries throughout  history.  Great  Britain  was  perhaps  the 
most  enlightened  nation,  because  its  people  were  the  freest, 
and  yet  the  same  spirit  there  prevailed.  Indeed,  it  was  not 
until  the  famous  Report  of  Lord  Durham  after  the  Canadian 
rebellion  in  the  nineteenth  century  that  the  idea  of  ruling 
colonies  for  the  benefit  of  the  colonies  themselves  was  made 
a basis  of  official  action.  The  proclamation  of  1763  has 
been  considered  in  regard  to  its  proposed  effect  upon  the 
Indians,  but  it  had  a deeper  meaning.  A report  by  Lord 
Hillsborough,  president  of  the  Lords  Commissioners  for 
Trade  and  Plantations,  made  in  1772,  throws  another  light 
upon  it,  for  he  “took  leave  to  remind  their  lordships  that 
the  principle  adopted  by  this  board  and  confirmed  by  his 
Majesty  immediately  after  the  Treaty  of  Paris  was  to  confine 
the  western  extent  of  settlements  to  such  limits  that  they 
would  lie  within  reach  of  the  trade  and  commerce  of  the 
kingdom  and  also  of  the  exercise  of  that  authority  which 
was  conceived  to  be  necessary  for  their  preservation  in  due 
subordination  to  the  mother  country.”  He  even  declared 
that  these  were  “ the  two  capital  objects  of  the  proclamation 
and  that  the  great  object  of  colonizing  North  America  had 
been  to  improve  and  extend  the  commerce,  navigation,  and 
manufactures  of  the  kingdom.”  The  protection  of  the 
Indians  was  only  so  that  they  would  remain  undisturbed 
and  contented  and  thus  extend  the  fur  trade,  and  only  on 
this  account  was  it  that  the  savages  were  to  enjoy  their 
deserts  in  quiet. 

The  first  settler  had  always  ties  in  the  home  country, 
and  it  was  several  generations  before  his  descendants  forgot 


468 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


them.  All  institutions  at  home  were  looked  up  to  with 
reverence,  and  even  the  rule  of  Parliament  was  disputed 
only  by  advanced  thinkers.  And  yet,  in  time  the  people 
caught  up  with  those  who  were  in  advance,  and  it  began  to 
be  felt  that  the  colonies  in  America  had  rights  of  their  own. 
There  was  some  selfishness  in  this,  for  it  cannot  be  denied 
that  the  mother  country  had  expended  far  more  in  its  wars 
for  the  colonies  than  it  ever  got  back.  It  was  not  an  unfair 
claim  that  the  colonists  should  help  to  pay  in  one  form  or 
other  some  portion  of  the  cost  of  their  defence  against  the 
Spaniards,  French,  and  Indians.  And  yet,  this  claim  for 
past  favors  was  resented  and  the  fitness  of  the  French  for  in- 
fluencing the  world  of  thought  and  of  letters  was  never 
more  apparent  than  in  the  feeling  soon  entertained  in  Amer- 
ica toward  former  foes.  The  fear  of  conquest  removed, 
the  tact  and  charm  of  the  French  and  of  French  institutions 
had  full  sway.  And  in  saying  “ French ” we  mean  “Latin,” 
for  it  must  not  be  forgotten  that  the  French  remained  pre- 
dominant in  Louisiana,  including  West  Florida,  even  after 
the  change  of  flag.  The  influence  which  the  Frenchman 
had  exercised  upon  the  Indians  was  measurably  transferred 
to  the  English  colonists,  and  there  gradually  grew  up  among 
these  a greater  friendliness  toward  their  Latin  neighbors, 
with  whom  now  there  was  no  dispute,  than  toward  the 
Englishmen  of  the  mother  country,  whose  representatives 
were  officials  representing  taxes  and  other  burdens. 

Such  was  the  general  feeling  in  the  Southern  provinces. 
It  is  true  the  importance  of  Charlestown  as  a port  tended 
to  unite  its  mercantile  classes  to  the  mother  country.  Those 
of  New  England  might  become  dissatisfied,  but  the  mer- 
chants of  Charlestown  were  prosperous,  despite  all  exactions, 
and  remained  loyal.  And  yet  there  was  another  side  to 
this.  Carolinians  not  only  frequently  went  to  England  on 
business,  but,  as  in  the  case  of  Henry  Laurens  and  the 
Pinckneys,  left  or  sent  their  sons  there  to  be  educated.  The 
bar  of  Carolina,  and,  to  some  extent,  of  Virginia,  was  made 
up  of  those  who  had  learned  or  practised  at  Westminster. 


AMERICAN  TENDENCIES 


469 


When  the  debates  on  the  American  questions  began  in 
Parliament,  not  a few  of  the  audience  were  Southerners, 
and  what  was  often  only  the  insincere  play  of  the  Opposition 
was  by  them  taken  literally.  When  these  young  men  re- 
turned home  and  found  even  judicial  offices  filled  by  such 
pimps  as  Shinner,  rewarded  in  the  colonies  for  services 
which  could  not  be  recognized  at  home,  or  saw  reform 
blocked  because  placemen  in  England  held  sinecures  in 
America  which  conflicted,  or  their  own  kindred  displaced 
from  office  to  make  room  for  foreigners,  it  was  felt  that 
something  was  wrong.  An  English  education  accustomed 
them  to  better  things,  and,  furthermore,  showed  how  to 
attain  these.  And  the  same  was  true  in  the  army.  Every- 
one could  see  that  Braddock  knew  less  about  colonial  fight- 
ing than  Washington.  It  might  be  questioned  whether 
Oglethorpe  was  as  well  posted  as  Palmer,  and  even  when 
the  army  officers  were  efficient  as  well  as  brave  they  were 
disposed  to  be  supercilious  to  provincials.  Men  who  had 
built  up  the  British  Empire  in  America  and  felt  equal  to 
greater  things  were  not  disposed  to  yield  to  inferiors,  even 
if  these  were  clothed  in  ermine  or  scarlet.  Quincy  heard 
Carolinians  lament  that  honors  were  not  for  them,  but  for 
sycophants.  The  feeling  of  injustice  rankled  deep,  and  if 
opportunity  came  for  righting  the  wrong  it  might  be  wel- 
comed. 

As  a result,  the  feeling  toward  Great  Britain  became 
somewhat  strained.  There  was  the  same  love  for  the  old 
traditions,  the  same  loyalty  to  the  common  sovereign,  but 
less  regard  for  England  as  the  home  country.  Virginia, 
Carolina,  and  Georgia  were  the  only  homes  they  knew  now, 
and  England  was  where  other  people  lived,  kindred,  but 
nothing  more.  The  sentiment  was  that  the  future  of  the 
colonists  was  bound  up  with  America ; nnd  now  that  the 
French  had  ceased  to  be  enemies,  even  the  creoles  were 
in  some  respects  nearer  than  the  people  over  in  England, 
for  at  least  all  colonists  lived  in  one  atmosphere,  all  were 
confronted  by  much  the  same  conditions.  Those  at  Natchez 


47° 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


felt  quite  at  home  across  the  river,  and  when  the  bitterness 
ot  war  died  out  the  word  “America”  was  claimed  by  colo- 
nists whose  ancestors  came  from  England  and  by  colonists 
whose  ancestors  came  from  France.  The  colonies  were 
separate,  patriotism  was  local ; but  it  was  gradually  realized 
that  there  were  colonial  interests,  a similar  past,  possibly  a 
common  future.  There  came  the  use  of  the  word  “ Conti- 
nental” as  well  as  the  word  “Colonial,” — the  growth,  in 
fact,  of  an  American  sentiment.  The  popular  impression 
is  that  the  colonies  had  flourished  under  a salutary  neglect 
by  the  home  government,  and  in  a sense  this  is  true,  for 
there  was  no  such  minute  supervision  as  in  Louisiana  and 
Florida.  But  in  a very  important  sense  the  British  gov- 
ernment took  a deep  interest  in  and  kept  a full  oversight 
over  them.  We  have  seen  how  the  Privy  Council  as  repre- 
senting the  king  had  charge  of  colonial  matters,  and  with 
the  close  of  the  French  war  the  system  was  made  even 
more  complete.  A colonial  secretary  was  appointed,  and  in 
many  respects  the  governmental  institutions  of  all  the  colo- 
nies were  moulded  alike.  In  1763  Charles  Townshend  be- 
came the  first  lord  of  trade,  and  inaugurated  the  great  change 
from  requisitions  upon  the  colonial  governments  to  taxation 
of  the  individual  colonists.  Officials  were  to  be  paid  by 
the  crown  and  supported  by  a standing  army,  and  all  this 
was  to  be  provided  from  taxation.  This  was  a most  im- 
portant step  toward  unification  of  the  colonies,  and  was  to 
be  copied  by  them  when  years  afterward  they  discarded 
the  system  of  requisition  upon  the  several  States  and  substi- 
tuted immediate  taxation  by  the  general  government,  directed 
to  individual  citizens  and  their  property.  In  this  shape  it 
was  to  cause  great  opposition  to  the  ratification  of  the 
present  constitution,  and  now,  years  in  advance,  it  was  to 
cause  the  storm  associated  with  the  name  of  the  Stamp  Act. 

Not  only  were  the  relations  of  colonies  to  the  mother 
country  imperfectly  understood  at  that  day,  but  the  whole 
nature  of  taxation  was  in  an  experimental  stage.  It  was  not 
appreciated  that  there  is  less  objection  to  indirect  duties  than 


AMERICAN  TENDENCIES 


4-71 


to  direct  taxes,  and  yet  since  1733  there  had  been  an  im- 
port duty  on  foreign  sugar,  coffee,  wine,  cloth,  and  the  like. 
The  fact  is,  however,  that  these  duties  were  prohibitory  and 
there  wras  little  collected  from  them.  Grenville  adopted 
Townshend’s  plan,  but  gave  time  for  the  colonial  agents  to 
devise  something  more  acceptable,  if  possible.  All  they  could 
do  was  to  present  remonstrances,  which  were  not  considered, 
and  the  act  passed  both  Houses  of  Parliament  almost  unani- 
mously and  received  the  royal  assent  March  22,  1765.  It 
imposed  a stamp  duty  on  every  skin  or  piece  of  vellum  or 
parchment  or  sheet  or  piece  of  paper  on  which  shall  be  en- 
grossed, written,  or  printed  legal  proceedings,  note,  bill  of 
lading,  franchise,  license  for  retailing  spirituous  liquors, 
bonds,  warrant  of  survey,  deed,  lease,  contract,  power  of 
attorney,  newspaper,  advertisement,  pamphlet,  almanac,  and 
other  things, — extending  through  sixty-two  sections.  As 
a supplement  there  was  passed  the  next  month  a Quar- 
tering Act,  providing  for  the  billeting  in  public  houses,  or, 
in  lack  of  these,  in  private  houses,  of  the  army  which  was 
to  be  needed  in  America,  with  other  incidental  rights  found 
only  in  martial  law.  The  effect  can  be  imagined  of  such 
measures,  which  were  not  only  direct  taxation  falling  upon 
every  business  man,  but  at  a high  rate  and  to  be  enforced 
with  a high  hand.  Public  meetings  and  private  disturbances 
swept  the  country  from  Boston  to  Savannah.  The  prin- 
ciple declared  in  Virginia’s  early  charters  and  enforced  in 
the  province  from  the  time  of  the  Great  Charter  down  was 
found  in  almost  every  subsequent  fundamental  law,  and 
was  now  claimed  as  a birthright  of  Englishmen.  There 
could  be  no  taxation  without  representation ; taxes  could 
only  be  imposed  by  the  provincial  assemblies. 

These  legislatures  took  up  the  matter.  In  the  Virginia 
Burgesses,  Patrick  Henry,  translating  the  argument  that 
won  in  the  Parsons  case  into  parliamentary  forms,  proposed 
five  resolutions.  The  last  declared  : “ The  General  Assem- 
bly of  this  colony  have  the  sole  right  and  power  to  lay  taxes 
and  impositions  upon  the  inhabitants  of  this  colony;  and 


472 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


that  every  attempt  to  vest  such  power  in  any  person  or 
persons  whatsoever  other  than  the  General  Assembly  afore- 
said has  a manifest  tendency  to  destroy  British  as  well  as 
American  freedom.”  There  was  no  real  difference  in  feeling 
between  the  tidewater  Virginian,  in  his  wig  and  powder,  and 
the  Scotch-Irishman  of  the  interior,  clothed  in  homespun ; 
but  the  former  was  the  more  conservative,  as  they  both 
sat  there  in  the  old  State  House  at  Williamsburg,  looking 
out  upon  the  college,  church,  and  palace  connecting  them 
through  so  long  a past  with  the  mother  country.  It  was 
then  that  Henry,  as  if  inspired,  delivered  the  magnificent 
address  in  which  he  referred  to  Caesar  as  having  his  Brutus, 
Charles  I.  his  Cromwell,  and,  despite  the  cries  of  “treason” 
from  the  speaker  in  the  high  crimson  chair,  added  that 
George  III.  might  profit  by  their  example.  The  resolu- 
tions were  carried,  the  last  one  by  a majority  of  only  one, 
and  the  Old  Dominion  swept  into  the  current  of  the  Con- 
tinental policy. 

The  feeling  of  loyalty  to  their  several  colonies  gave  way 
to  the  feeling  of  a common  danger  to  all  the  colonies. 
South  Carolina  adopted  Virginia’s  resolutions,  and  it  was 
not  three  months  after  the  passage  of  the  act  that  the 
Massachusetts  Assembly  proposed  the  appointment  of  repre- 
sentatives to  meet  in  New  York  to  consult  on  the  present 
circumstances.  The  congress  accordingly  met  in  October. 
Delegates  were  there  from  Delaware,  Maryland,  and  South 
Carolina  of  the  Southern  colonies,  as  well  as  those  from 
Massachusetts,  Rhode  Island,  Connecticut,  New  York,  New 
Jersey,  and  Pennsylvania;  Virginia,  Georgia,  and  North 
Carolina  were  not  represented  only  because  the  governors 
prevented  it.  Professing  the  warmest  sentiments  of  affec- 
tion and  duty  to  his  majesty’s  person  and  government, 
they,  nevertheless,  esteemed  it  their  “ indispensible  duty” 
to  declare  on  October  19th  that  liege  subjects  in  the  colo- 
nies “are  intitled  to  all  the  inherent  rights  and  liberties  of 
his  natural  born  subjects  within  the  kingdom  of  Great 
Britain,”  and  continued  through  thirteen  articles  to  make 


AMERICAN  TENDENCIES 


473 


clear  that  they  would  only  be  taxed  with  their  own  consent, 
given  personally  or  by  their  representatives  in  their  respec- 
tive legislatures,  and  denouncing  the  Stamp  Act  and  the 
extension  of  admiralty  jurisdiction  to  punish  infringements 
thereof. 

In  Virginia  Patrick  Henry  was  not  the  only  man  active 
in  resistance,  although  it  was  his  eloquence  that  carried  the 
day.  Peyton  Randolph,  George  Mason,  John  Page,  Cyrus 
Griffin,  Edmund  Pendleton,  and  others,  although  more  con- 
servative, were  prominent  in  those  trying  times.  In  South 
Carolina  Christopher  Gadsden  then  and  later  led  the  opposi- 
tion. He  was  radical  in  his  actions,  and  among  the  less 
extreme  leaders  of  the  people  were  John  Rutledge,  Charles 
Cotesworth  Pinckney,  and  David  Ramsey. 

Resistance  in  America  was  not  confined  to  resolutions. 
From  the  northernmost  to  the  southernmost  province  dif- 
ferent organizations  were  formed,  generally  called  Liberty 
Boys,  who,  by  threats  and  overt  acts,  compelled  stamp  dis- 
tributors to  resign  and  naval  officers  bringing  stamps  to  keep 
them  on  board.  Possibly  the  earliest  and  most  serious  of 
these  disturbances  was  that  at  Cape  Fear  River  in  North 
Carolina  on  November  16,  1765,  when  the  people,  under 
the  lead  of  Colonel  George  Ashe,  the  speaker  of  the  As- 
sembly, went  to  Governor  Tryon’s  house  and  compelled 
stamp  master  Houston  to  promise  not  to  receive  stamp 
paper  or  act  in  its  distribution.  A few  days  afterward  the 
Diligence  brought  the  stamps  to  Brunswick,  near  Wilming- 
ton, but,  despite  her  frowning  cannon,  could  not  unload 
them  on  account  of  armed  men  occupying  streets  and  shore. 
Not  long  after,  the  organized  citizens  compelled  the  release 
of  vessels  seized  by  the  government  for  violating  the  law. 
At  Savannah  in  December  the  stamps  were  taken  out  of 
the  ship  Speedwell  and  guarded,  but  Governor  Wright  re- 
ceived threatening  letters  and  Colonel  James  Habersham 
was  waylaid,  and  it  seemed  expedient  to  send  the  stamps 
to  a fort  and  afterward  to  a ship.  The  only  ones  used 
were  to  clear  vessels  in  the  harbor,  so  as  to  prevent  their 


474 


T HE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


arrest  upon  the  high  seas.  One  of  the  leaders  in  Georgia 
was  Noble  Wimberley  Jones,  who  was  so  obnoxious  to 
royalty  that  the  House  was  forbidden  to  choose  him  speaker. 
Similar  resistance  occurred  or  was  threatened  everywhere, 
and  the  law  was  practically  a dead  letter. 

Meantime,  in  England  had  come  a change.  Rockingham 
succeeded  Grenville,  and  Conway,  who  had  charge  of  colo- 
nial matters,  was  opposed  to  taxation  against  the  consent 
of  the  colonies.  Conway  directed  the  governors  to  pre- 
serve order,  and,  after  some  indecision,  on  May  18,  1766, 
the  Stamp  Act  was  repealed,  although  at  the  same  time  a 
Declaratory  Act  was  passed  affirming  that  the  colonies  are 
“ subordinate  to  the  crown  and  parliament,  who  have  full 
power  and  authority  to  make  laws  and  statutes  to  bind  them 
and  the  people  of  America  in  all  cases  whatsoever.”  Thus 
the  immediate  cause  of  dissatisfaction  was  removed,  for  the 
Declaratory  Act  carried  no  penalty  and  the  colonies  were 
still  as  free  as  the  Parliament  to  think  what  they  pleased. 

Universally  there  was  rejoicing,  and  people  could  once 
more  breathe  "freely.  The  royal  governors,  Botetourt  in 
Virginia,  Tryon  in  North  Carolina,  and  Wright  in  Georgia, 
were  all  good  and  able  men,  and  resumed  much  of  their  old 
influence.  Grateful  Virginia  could  erect  at  Williamsburg 
a monument  to  Botetourt  on  his  untimely  death,  and  North 
Carolina  a splendid  palace  for  Tryon. 

In  South  Carolina  feeling  had  run  as  high  as  anywhere, 
and  upon  the  repeal  of  the  Stamp  Act  the  Commons  House 
of  Assembly  voted  to  erect  a marble  statue  of  William  Pitt 
on  account  of  his  opposition  to  the  act.  Samuel  Wragg 
wished  it  to  be  a statue  of  the  king,  but  found  himself  alone. 
The  sculptor  Wilton  accordingly  set  to  work  in  England, 
and  in  1770  the  statue  arrived  in  Charlestown,  where  it 
was  received  with  processions,  salutes,  and  the  ringing  of 
St.  Michael’s  bells.  As  soon  as  the  pedestal  could  be  prepared, 
the  statue  was  erected  at  the  intersection  of  Broad  and  Meet- 
ing Streets,  probably  the  most  prominent  place  in  the  city, 
in  full  view  from  the  government  buildings,  the  Exchange, 


AMERICAN  TENDENCIES 


475 

St.  Michael’s,  and  the  western  fortifications,  and  was  there 
long  to  remain — the  guardian  angel  of  Charlestown. 

The  spectre  of  revolution  was  removed.  The  drift  of 
circumstances,  the  tendency  of  events,  the  acts  of  the  home 
government,  had  indeed  created  an  American  feeling;  but, 
after  all,  might  it  not  be  a feeling  which  would  lead  to  a 
closer  union  with  the  mother  country  ? Men  of  that  day 
could  not  look  upon  events  in  the  light  in  which  we  view 
them.  To  them  the  Seven  Years’  War  was  the  most  glo- 
rious in  the  history  of  the  world  in  that  it  had  changed  Great 
Britain  from  an  insular  kingdom  with  a few  outlying  de- 
pendencies into  the  greatest  empire  of  history.  Surely  the 
recent  mistake  as  to  taxing  America  would  not  be  repeated. 
A vast  dominion  had  been  acquired  in  the  Orient,  and 
through  the  old  East  India  Company  England  had  become 
an  Asiatic  power.  Perhaps  the  work  of  colonization,  which 
had  been  too  great  for  the  Virginia  Company,  which  had  been 
perfected  by  proprietors,  kings,  and  peoples,  reinforced  by 
accessions  from  France  and  Germany,  would  in  the  west 
build  up  a corresponding  dominion,  greater  as  its  foundations 
were  deeper  and  broader.  Perhaps  London  would  be  the 
capital  of  an  empire  greater  than  any  yet  imagined,  one  not 
only  world-wide  in  its  membership,  but  one  to  influence  and 
inspire  all  other  peoples  and  races  on  the  globe.  Granted 
that  in  America  the  Spaniard  was  to  the  west  and  south. 
Menendez,  Iberville,  and  Galvez  were  potent  names;  but 
their  scheme  of  civilization,  their  final  attempt  to  lead  the 
natives  rather  than  to  supersede  them  by  more  advanced 
races,  even  the  growth  of  the  Latins  who  had  come  over, — 
these  might  seem  to  a philosophical  observer  not  to  possess 
the  promise  and  potency  which  would  resist  the  Anglo- 
Saxon  advance.  Or  if  the  statesmen  of  that  day  could  not 
see  so  far  into  the  future,  at  least  the  Latin  was  separated 
from  the  Anglo-Saxon  by  vast  spaces  which  it  would  take 
long  to  fill.  The  battle  had  been  won  as  to  the  east  half 
of  the  Mississippi  valley,  and  the  question  of  the  remainder 
might  well  be  left  to  the  future. 


476 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


And  yet,  might  not  the  danger  of  disruption  come  again  ? 
Was  this  time  of  rejoicing  the  lull  before  the  storm?  Pos- 
sibly the  American  feeling  was  something  which  was  not  to 
advance  the  British  Empire;  perhaps  the  foreign  observer 
was  right  who  said  that  colonial  growth  was  like  that  of 
fruit,  that  the  colonies  must  eventually  fall  ripe  from  the 
parent  stem.  But,  even  if  this  proved  true,  in  dropping 
the  seed  might  take  root  and  an  offshoot  grow  up  as  great 
as  the  older  tree.  And  come  what  might,  the  Southern 
colonies  would  do  their  part.  In  the  South  had  been  the 
earliest  English  settlements;  and  should  independence  be 
necessary,  not  only  would  a Southerner  be  ready  to  move 
its  declaration  in  a Continental  Congress,  but  a Scotch-Irish 
county  like  Mecklenburg  in  North  Carolina  would  be  the 
first  community  in  the  New  World  to  renounce  allegiance 
to  the  British  crown ! 


CHRONOLOGICAL  TABLE 

DATE  PAGE 

1521.  De  Ayllon  said  to  have  planted  a colony  north 

of  Port  Royal 17 

1526.  Narvaez  planned  the  colonization  of  Florida 

by  Spain 8 

1527.  De  Soto  undertook  the  colonization  of  Florida  8 

1 543.  Francis  I.  declared  the  western  sea  open  to 

his  subjects 29 

1 5 5 9.  Tristan  de  Luna  appointed  captain-general  of 

Florida  . 10 

1562.  Ribault  settled  his  Huguenot  colony  at  Port 

Royal  31 

1564.  Laudonniere  established  a Huguenot  colony 

at  Fort  Caroline,  Florida 33 

1565.  Menendez  landed  in  Florida  and  founded 

St.  Augustine 14 

Spanish  attacked  French  at  Fort  Caroline  and 

slaughtered  the  colonists 36 

1566.  First  Spanish  mission  established  in  Florida  . 22 

1567.  De  Gourges  avenged  the  slaughter  of  the 

Huguenots  by  Menendez 40 

1584.  Raleigh’s  expedition  reached  Roanoke  . . 48 

1586.  St.  Augustine  destroyed  by  Drake  ....  19 

1605.  Weymouth  arrived  in  New  England  ...  58 

1606.  Charter  granted  to  Gates  and  others  for 

American  colonization  ......  60 

Expedition  under  Challons  to  the  North  Plan- 
tation of  Virginia,  sent  by  the  Plymouth 
Adventurers  .........  62 

477 


478  THE  colonization  of  the  south 

DATE  PAGE 

1607.  The  London  Adventurers’  expedition  under 

Newport  reached  Chesapeake  Bay  . . 63 

Spain  endeavored  to  check  the  colonization 

of  Virginia  by  England 94 

1609.  Newport  arrived  at  Jamestown  with  reinforce- 

ments for  the  colony 68 

The  Virginia  colony  dispersed 70 

New  charter  for  Virginia  granted  by  King 

James 71 

Lord  De  la  Warr  arrived  at  Jamestown  as 

the  governor  of  the  colony  ....  75 

Rights  of  English  colonists  in  Virginia  . . 158 

1610.  Expedition  under  Gates  and  Somers  sailed  for 

Virginia 74 

1612.  New  charter  granted  to  the  Virginia  Company  77 

First  shipment  of  tobacco  from  Virginia  sent 

to  England 78 

Captain  John  Smith’s  Oxford  Tract  published  IOI 

1615.  Last  of  the  “ancient  planters”  arrived  in  Vir- 
ginia in  the  Treasurer 8 1 

1617.  Samuel  Argali  arrived  at  Jamestown  as  gov- 

ernor   81 

Pocahontas  died  in  England 98 

1618.  Guinea  slave  trade  privilege  granted  to  the 

Earl  of  Warwick  and  others  . . . . 113 

1619.  Slavery  introduced  in  Virginia  ....  82,  112 
The  first  legislative  body  of  Virginia  met  at 

Jamestown 85 

Indented  servants  sent  to  Virginia  . . . . 1 1 1 

1620.  Friction  manifested  between  the  colonizing 

Company  and  the  king 96 

1621.  Lotteries  in  aid  of  Virginia  colonies  abolished  90 

1622.  The  Indians  of  Virginia  perpetrated  a general 

massacre  of  the  settlers 99 

Royal  African  Company  chartered  to  import 

slaves  into  the  colonies 113 


CHRONOLOGICAL  TABLE 


479 


DATE  PAGE 

1623.  The  Privy  Council  investigated  the  Virginia 

Company’s  affairs 10 1 

Captain  John  Smith’s  True  Historie  appeared  101 

1624.  The  Virginia  Company’s  charter  annulled  . 102 

Tobacco  exports  from  Virginia  restricted  to 

England 115 

1625.  Census  of  white  servants  and  negroes  in  Vir- 

ginia   112 

1628.  Children  sent  as  colonists  to  Virginia  . . . in 

1629.  Annual  expeditions  against  the  Indians  or- 

dained by  law  in  Virginia 123 

1630.  First  general  inspection  law  enacted  as  to 

Virginia  tobacco 1 16 

Charter  of  Carolina  granted  to  Sir  Robert 

Heath 135 

1631.  Legislation  enacted  requiring  Virginia  lands 

to  be  enclosed  against  cattle  . . . . 1 1 7 

1632.  System  of  road  building  established  in  Virginia  1 1 7 

Charter  of  Maryland  granted  to  Lord  Balti- 
more   135 

1633.  Virginia  Dissenters  made  first  settlement  in 

Carolina 137 

1634.  Shires  named  in  Virginia 120 

Privy  Council  empowered  to  govern  the  Eng- 
lish colonies  in  America 163 

1637.  Office  of  treasurer  instituted  in  Virginia  . . no 

Custom  house  established  in  Virginia  . . . 116 

1639.  Patent  of  Maine  granted  to  Sir  Ferdinando 

Gorges  135 

1640.  Ferries  in  Virginia  first  mentioned  . . . . 118 

Virginia  colonists  massacred  by  Indians  . . 123 

1642.  Restrictions  enacted  in  Virginia  against  law- 
yers   120 

1644.  Opechancanough  attacked  the  Virginians  on 

the  upper  York  and  Pamunkey  Rivers  . 123 

1649.  Declaration  of  Virginia  in  favor  of  Charles  II.  119 


480  the  colonization  of  the  south 

date  page 

1652.  “Articles  of  Surrender”  of  Virginia  to  Crom- 
well   109, 1 19 

1656.  Lawyers  in  Virginia  prohibited  from  receiving 

fees 120 

The  settlers  at  James  River  Falls  attacked  by 

the  Richahecrians  .......  123 

1658.  Law  enacted  denying  the  governor  a seat  in 

the  Assembly  of  Virginia 121 

1660.  Massachusetts  settlers  located  on  Cape  Fear 

River 137 

1663.  Charter  of  Carolina  granted  to  the  Earl  of 

Clarendon  and  others  ......  138 

War  between  the  Iroquois  and  Canada  . . 333 

1664.  Manhattan  seized  on  behalf  of  the  Duke  of 

York 138 

Sir  John  Yeamans  settled  colonists  at  Cape 

Fear 140 

1665.  Sir  Robert  Heath’s  Carolina  patent  extin- 

guished   141 

1667.  Law  passed  concerning  legal  status  of  slaves  113 
Dutch  fleet  entered  James  River  . . . . 122 

Dissolution  of  the  Barbadian  colony  on  Cape 

Fear  River  . . . . . . . . . 141 

First  council  elected  in  Carolina  by  freemen  . 142 

1670.  Mississippi  said  to  have  been  explored  by 

English  187 

Agreement  entered  into  between  Spain  and 

England  as  to  their  American  possessions  291 

1671.  Census  made  of  the  white  servants  and  negro 

slaves  112 

1673.  Fort  Frontenac  built,  on  Lake  Erie  . . . 187 

1676.  Bacon’s  expeditions  in  Virginia  against  the 

Indians  . 125 

1677.  Death  of  Bacon 126 

1679.  New  Charles  Town  became  the  centre  of 

colonization  in  Carolina  .....  143 


CHRONOLOGICAL  TABLE 


481 


DATE  PAGE 

1679.  La  Salle  ascended  the  Great  Lakes  . . . 188 

1680.  Carolina’s  population 143 

1682.  Tobacco  riots  in  Virginia  . . . . . . 128 

La  Salle  reached  the  mouth  of  the  Mississippi 

and  claimed  Louisiana  ......  190 

1683.  Presbyterianism  introduced  in  eastern  Virginia  353 

1684.  Stuarttown  founded  by  Lord  Cardross  . . 145 

1685.  La  Salle  landed  at  Matagorda  Bay.  . . . 194 

1 686.  Spanish  attack  on  Port  Royal  .....  145 

Spaniards  attacked  the  Scotch  settlement  at 

Port  Royal 292 

1687.  Huguenot  church  erected  in  Carolina  . . . 144 

La  Salle  assassinated  near  Trinity  River, Texas  195 

1690.  Williamsburg,  Virginia,  founded  . . . . 130 

1691.  College  of  William  and  Mary  founded  at 

Williamsburg,  Virginia 130 

North  Carolina  so  designated  . . . . . 359 

1693.  Pensacola  settled  by  Spaniards  .....  284 

1696.  Board  of  Trade  instituted  to  control  colonial 

affairs 163 

Santa  Maria  (Pensacola)  Bay  occupied  by  Spain  204 

1698.  Post  office  established  at  Charlestown  . . . 149 

The  first  Chief  Justice  of  Carolina  appointed  149 
First  free  public  library  in  America  established 

at  Charlestown  .......  149,  370 

1699.  African  freedmen  legally  banished  from  Vir- 

ginia   1 14 

Hennepin’s  map  of  America  published  . . , 200 

1700.  Census  of  African  slaves  in  Virginia  . . . 113 

Iberville  explored  Mobile  Bay 204 

Le  Sueur  explored  the  Mississippi  to  the  Sioux 

country 249 

Spanish  mission  established  near  the  Rio 

Grande 281 

The  Shawnees  located  on  the  lower  Ten- 
nessee and  the  Cumberland  . . . . 325 


482  the  colonization  of  the  south 

date  page 

1701.  British  acquired  Iroquois  territory  contiguous 

to  French  settlements 333 

1702.  Fort  Louis  erected 209 

Mobile  laid  out  by  Iberville 210 

Peace  conference  at  Fort  Louis  between  Iber- 
ville and  the  Chickasaws  and  Choctaws  210 

St.  Augustine  seized  by  the  forces  of  Caro- 
lina   294 

Titular  governorships  instituted  in  Virginia  . 349 

1703.  The  French  established  on  the  Wabash  . . 251 

1704.  Members  of  Carolina’s  Assembly  requested  to 

conform  to  Church  of  England  rites  . 150 

Mobile  scourged  by  yellow  fever  . . . . 215 

The  French  on  the  banks  of  the  Missouri 

and  the  Ohio 256 

1705.  First  and  last  “witch”  execution  in  Virginia  132 

Bienville  settled  the  Apalaches  on  Mobile 

River 214 

1706.  Parochial  divisions  instituted  in  Carolina  . . 150 

Charlestown  attacked  by  a combined  French 

and  Spanish  fleet 295 

Bath  constituted  a town 360 

1707.  Limits  of  France  in  Louisiana 283 

1708.  Mobile  threatened  by  allied  Indians  . . . 218 

1710.  Site  of  Mobile  transferred  to  mouth  of  Mobile 

River 220 

First  free  school  inaugurated  in  South  Carolina  368 

1 71 1.  Massacre  of  Albemarle  settlers  by  the  Tus- 

carora  Indians 1 5 1 

1712.  Louisiana  leased  to  Crozat 221 

Edenton  incorporated 360 

1713.  The  close  of  the  Indian  power  in  Virginia 

and  North  Carolina 323 

1714.  A French  outpost  built  on  the  Alabama  . . 321 

A French  post  established  near  the  site  of 

Nashville 324 


CHRONOLOGICAL  TABLE 


483 


DATE  PAGE 

1715.  Massacre  of  Carolina  colonists  by  allied  In- 

dians   152 

Edenton  the  recognized  capital  of  North 

Carolina 152 

Natchez  founded 243 

1716.  Governor  Spotswood  discovered  the  Shenan- 

doah valley 320 

1717.  Carolina  suppressed  piracy 154 

Louisiana  granted  to  Law’s  Compagnie  d’Oc- 

cident 228 

1718.  Fort  Chartres,  in  the  Illinois,  established  by 

Boisbriant 252 

1719.  Traffic  in  negro  slaves  established  in  Loui- 

siana   231 

Pensacola  surrendered  to  the  French  and  re- 
stored to  the  Spaniards 232 

New  Orleans  pictured  .......  238 

The  Missouri  explored  by  Du  Tisne  . . . 257 

English  traders  on  the  Wabash  and  in  the 

Illinois  territory 324 

The  proprietary  rule  overthrown  in  South 

Carolina 361 

1721.  The  population  of  Louisiana  enumerated  . . 235 

Treaty  made  between  the  colonists  of  Caro- 
lina and  the  Creeks 325 

1722.  La  Harpe  explored  the  Arkansas  ....  242 

Navigation  of  the  Mississippi  effected  . . . 267 

1 723.  Right  of  suffrage  legally  denied  to  black  freed- 

men  of  Virginia 114 

1724.  Charlevoix  attempted  the  discovery  of  the 

Pacific  by  way  of  the  Missouri  . . . 257 

1725.  English  post  established  at  Oswego  . . . 338 

1726.  The  French  erected  Fort  Niagara  ....  338 

1727.  Arrival  in  Louisiana  of  the  Ursulines  and  the 

Jesuits 240 

1728.  Norfolk  noted  as  a place  of  prominence  . . 357 


484  THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 

date  page 

I 728—1729.  Boundaries  of  Virginia  and  North  Caro- 
lina revised 358 

1729.  Proprietary  rule  ended  in  North  Carolina  . . 360 

Population  of  North  Carolina 360 

1730.  Cherokee  chiefs  visited  England  ....  325 

The  Shenandoah  valley  claimed  by  Lord  Fair- 
fax ..  . 353 

Alliance  entered  into  between  the  British  and 

the  Cherokee  nation 362 

1731.  First  newspaper  established  in  South  Carolina  369 

1732.  Free  trade  established  between  France  and 

Louisiana 270 

Oglethorpe  received  charter  for  colony  of 

Georgia 303 

1733.  Savannah  founded 304 

Richmond  laid  out 357 

Swiss  colony  settled  in  Carolina  ....  363 

Independence  of  judiciary  asserted  in  Carolina  367 

1734.  Lutheran  colony  established  at  Ebenezer, 

Georgia 306 

The  Carolina  colonists  menaced  by  the  grow- 
ing influence  of  the  French  ....  325 

1735.  Mobile  and  Dauphine  Island  devastated  by  a 

hurricane ...  263 

English  influence,  through  Adair,  acquired 

over  the  Cherokees  and  the  Chickasaws  323 

Charlestown’s  theatre 371 

Fire  insurance  organization  established  in 

Charlestown 371 

1736.  Louisiana  harassed  by  the  Chickasaws  . . 262 

John  and  Charles  Wesley  arrived  in  Georgia  307 
A Moravian  colony  established  in  Georgia  . 307 

The  French  defeated  by  the  Chickasaws  and 

their  British  allies  at  the  battle  of  Ackia  329 
Virginia  Gazette  founded 369 

1738.  Augusta  County  constituted 353 


CHRONOLOGICAL  TABLE 


485 


DATE  PAGE 

1738.  Negro  insurrection  in  Carolina 363 

1740.  Cotton  grown  in  Louisiana 269 

Oglethorpe  invaded  Florida 309 

Whitefield  visited  Georgia 314 


French  expedition  made  against  the  Chicka- 

saws  and  a truce  agreed  upon  ....  330 

1742.  Spanish  attack  on  Frederica  repulsed  . . . 312 

1744.  La  Verendrye  reached  the  Rocky  Mountain 

district 258 

The  Six  Nations  recognized  at  Lancaster  the 
sweeping  territorial  claims  of  the  British 
within  Virginia  colony 333 

1745.  Census  of  the  population  of  Louisiana  taken  265 

Census  of  the  population  of  Mobile  taken  . 331 

Judiciary  system  established  in  Virginia  . . 354 

1 746.  Sir  William  Johnson  appointed  superintendent 

of  Indian  affairs  in  the  colonies  . . . 322 

1747.  Value  of  peltries  exported  from  South  Carolina  373 

1748.  Louisburg  restored  to  France  by  the  Peace 

of  Aix-la-Chapelle 337 

1749.  Celoron  took  formal  possession  of  the  Ohio 

valley  for  France 340 

North  Carolina  Gazette  first  published  . . . 369 

Boundary  line  established  between  Virginia 

and  North  Carolina 417 

1750.  The  Choctaws  brought  into  friendship  with 

the  French 265 

1750— 1751.  Gist  explored  the  Ohio  and  the  Roa- 
noke . . . . . ...  • • • 333 

1751.  Sugar  cane  first  planted  in  Louisiana  . . . 269  : 

Georgia’s  first  Assembly  met  at  Savannah  . 315 

French  fort  erected  at  Sandusky  ....  340 

1752.  The  charter  of  Georgia  surrendered  to  the 

crown 315 

Third  French  expedition  against  the  Chicka- 

saws  ended  in  failure 331 


486 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


date  page 

1752.  Charlestown’s  public  buildings  and  dwellings 

enumerated 373 

Congregationalists  settled  in  Georgia  . . . 374 

1754.  Virginia’s  stronghold  at  junction  of  the  Alle- 

ghany and  the  Monongahela  seized  by 
the  French  and  completed  as  Fort  Du 

Quesne 340 

Franklin’s  “Plan  of  Union”  advocated  at 

Albany 465 

1755.  Acadian  exiles  arrived  in  South  Carolina  . . 364 

1757.  Conference  of  Southern  governors  held  at 

Philadelphia  for  defence  against  French 
attack 340 

1758.  Fort  Loudoun  built  in  the  Cherokee  country  343 

Fort  Du  Quesne  taken  by  the  British  . . 343 

South  Carolina’s  first  newspaper  appeared  . 369 

The  parish  system  established  in  Georgia  . . 375 

1759.  Forts  Ticonderoga  and  Niagara  taken  by  the 

British 345 

1760.  Fort  Loudoun  surrendered  to  Indian  besiegers  347 

1761.  British  under  Grant  devastated  the  Cherokee 

country 347 

1762.  “King’s  roads”  constructed  in  East  Florida  . 406 

Louisiana  ceded  by  France  to  Spain  . . . 423 

1763.  French  power  in  Canada  and  eastern  Loui- 

siana ended 348 

Treaty  of  peace  made  with  the  Creeks  at 

Fort  Augusta 376 

Georgia’s  southern  boundary  fixed  at  St. 

Mary’s  River 376 

England  took  formal  possession  of  the  Flori- 

das  and  eastern  Louisiana  .....  385 

Townshend’s  change  of  colonial  taxation 

methods  inaugurated 4-70 

1764.  The  British  endeavored  to  secure  the  terri- 

tory of  the  Illinois 41-2 


CHRONOLOGICAL  TABLE 


487 


DATE  PAGE 

i 764.  Government  of  Louisiana  transferred  to  Spain  425 
St.  Louis  established  as  a fur-trading  station 

by  the  French 439 

1765.  South  Carolina’s  exported  rice  and  indigo  . . 372 

Treaties  entered  into  between  the  British  and 

the  Choctaws,  Chickasaws,  and  Creeks  395 

Trade  between  North  Carolina  and  New 

Orleans  opened 400 

Western  Indians  submitted  to  the  British  and 

treaty  made  at  Niagara 41 1 

Fort  Chartres  surrendered  to  the  British  . . 413 

Stamp  Act  passed 471 

The  Virginia  burgesses  adopted  Patrick 

Flenry’s  resolutions 471 

North  Carolina  forcibly  resisted  the  execution 

of  the  provisions  of  the  Stamp  Act  . . 473 

The  Stamp  Act  denounced  in  the  congress 

of  State  delegates  at  New  York  . . . 473 

'Georgia  opposed  the  distribution  of  the  stamps  473 

1766.  General  Assembly  of  West  Florida  consti- 

tuted   403 

Barbadians  settled  at  Mosquito  Inlet  to  en- 
gage in  shipbuilding 406 

The  Stamp  Act  repealed 474 

1767.  The  state  of  Pensacola  described  by  Haldi- 

mand 390 

1768.  Circuits  instituted  in  Carolina  . ...  365 

Treaties  of  Fort  Stanwix  and  Hard  Labor 

settled  rights  of  Iroquois  and  Chero- 

kees 418 

Insurrection  at  New  Orleans  against  Spanish 

rule 428 

1769.  The  Watauga  settled  by  Virginians  (the  nu- 

cleus of  Tennessee) 418 

Spain  under  O’Reilly  recovered  possession 

of  New  Orleans 430 


488  THE  colonization-  of  the  south 

DATE  PAGE 

1770.  British  settlement  on  the  Mississippi  began  . 402 

South  Carolina  erected  a statue  to  Pitt  in 
recognition  of  his  opposition  to  the 
Stamp  Act 474 

1774.  A Chamber  of  Commerce  established  in 

Charlestown 372 

Province  of  Quebec  extended  to  the  Ohio  . 414 

Harrodsburg  built 419 

1 7 7 5 . New  England  colonists  settled  at  Natchez  . 402 

The  Transylvania  Company  founded  Boones- 

borough  (the  beginning  of  Kentucky)  . 419 

1777.  Washington  County,  North  Carolina,  con- 

stituted   421 

1778.  Clark  conquered  for  Virginia  the  old  Illinois  441 

Louisville  founded 442 

The  Americans  under  Willing  captured  Man- 

chac 449 

1780.  St.  Louis  attacked  by  the  Sioux 443 

1781.  Lirst  East  Llorida  Assembly  met  ....  408 

St.  Joseph  captured  by  the  Spaniards  . . . 444 
West  Llorida  surrendered  to  Spain  . . . 452 

1783.  East  Llorida  surrendered  to  Spain  ....  454 


LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS 


VOLUME  III 

FACING  PAGE 

Sir  Thomas  West,  third  Lord  De  la  Warr,  founder  of  the  first 
permanent  English  settlement  in  America.  First  Governor 
and  Captain-general  of  Virginia,  April  15,  1609.  After  the 
painting  in  the  State  Library,  Richmond,  Virginia  . . . title 

Joliet’s  map  of  the  Mississippi,  dated  1674.  From  the  original 

in  the  Ministere  des  Affaires  Etrang'eres,  Paris  ....  3 

The  boyhood  of  Raleigh.  From  the  painting  by  Sir  John  E. 

Millais,  P.  R.  A 49 

Ancient  mace  of  the  borough  of  Norfolk,  and  seals  of  Sir  Walter 
Raleigh  as  Governor,  Warden  of  the  Stanneries,  and  per- 
sonal. From  the  originals  in  possession  of  the  Virginia 
Historical  Society 64 

Captain  John  Smith.  From  the  copperplate  by  John  Davies,  in 

possession  of  the  Historical  Society  of  Pennsylvania  . . . 1 1 3 

Copperplate  title  of  John  Smith’s  Generali  Historie  of  Virginia, 
Nevu-England  and  the  Summer  Isles.  From  the  original 
in  possession  of  the  Historical  Society  of  Pennsylvania  . . 128 

Thomas,  Lord  Culpepper.  Patentee  of  Virginia  and  governor 
for  life.  From  the  painting  in  possession  of  the  Virginia 
Historical  Society 177 

Robert  Cavelier,  Sieur  de  la  Salle.  From  the  engraving  by  Henri 

Waltner 192 


489 


490 


THE  COLONIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 


FACING  PAGE 

Map  of  part  of  the  Province  of  Texas,  sent  by  the  Viceroy  of 
New  Spain  on  April  18,  1757.  Traced  from  the  original, 
especially  for  this  work,  by  D.  Pedro  Torres  Lanzas,  Chief 
of  the  Archives,  from  the  hitherto  unpublished  original  in  the 
Archives  of  the  Indies,  Seville 241 

Title-page  showing  the  English,  Spanish,  and  French  names  of 
the  southern  territory,  printed  in  London  in  1741.  From  the 
original  in  the  Howard  Memorial  Library,  New  Orleans  . 256 

Jean  Baptiste  Le  Moyne  de  Bienville,  Governor  of  Louisiana. 

From  the  engraving  by  Laguillermie,  in  Margy' s “ D'ecou - 
vertes  et  Etablissements  des  Franfais ,”  in  the  New  York 
Public  Library,  Lenox  Branch 273 

Pierre  Le  Moyne  d’Iberville,  Founder  of  Louisiana.  From  the 
engraving  by  Laguillermie,  in  Margy' s “ Decouvertes  et 
Etablissements  des  Franfais,"  in  the  New  York  Public 
Library,  Lenox  Branch 273 

James  Edward  Oglethorpe.  From  the  engraving  by  IV.  Great- 
back,  after  an  original  in  possession  of  George  Wymberly 
Jones  . 288 

Robert  Dinwiddie,  Governor  of  Virginia.  From  a painting  in 

possession  of  a member  of  the  family 305 

Alexander  Spotswood,  Lieutenant-governor  of  Virginia.  From 
the  photograph,  of  the  original  painting,  published  by  the 
Virginia  Historical  Society 320 

Henry  Bouquet,  1719—1765.  Brigadier-general  in  the  French 
and  Indian  War.  After  the  original  painting  in  Independ- 
ence Hall,  Philadelphia 337 

Thomas  Broughton,  Lieutenant-governor  of  South  Carolina. 

From  the  original  pastel  made  by  Henrietta  Johnson,  circa 
Ip  12,  now  in  possession  of  Miss  Marion  Bryan  . . . . 352 

The  earliest  portraits  of  Washington.  Showing  an  alleged  pre- 
liminary study  of  head  on  the  left  and  the  corresponding  portion 
from  the  finished  painting  made  by  C.  IV.  Peale  in  ipj2  . 369 

Joseph  Habersham,  of  Georgia.  After  the  painting  by  Charles 

Willson  Peale,  in  Independence  Hall,  Philadelphia  . . . 384 

Noble  Wimberly  Jones,  of  Georgia.  After  the  painting  by  John 

Wesley  Jarvis,  in  Independence  Hall,  Philadelphia  . . . 384 


LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS  491 

FACING  PAGE 

Patrick  Henry.  After  the  original  painting  by  Thomas  Sully,  in 
possession  of  William  Wirt  Henry,  Esq. , of  Richmond,  Vir- 
ginia   43  3 

John  Rutledge,  of  South  Carolina.  After  the  painting  by  Trum- 
bull, in  possession  of  Mrs.  B.  H.  Rutledge,  of  Charleston, 

South  Carolina 448 

Charles  Cotesworth  Pinckney,  of  South  Carolina.  After  the 
painting  by  Rembrandt  Peale,  in  possession  of  the  Samuel 
Adams  Society 448 


